The Crusades were expeditions undertaken, in fulfilment of a solemnvow, to deliver the Holy Places fromMohammedan tyranny.
The origin of the word may be traced to thecross made of cloth and worn as a badge on the outer garment of those who took part in these enterprises.Medieval writers use the termscrux (pro cruce transmarina, Charter of 1284, cited byDu Cange s.v.crux),croisement (Joinville),croiserie (Monstrelet), etc. Since theMiddle Ages the meaning of the wordcrusade has been extended to include allwars undertaken in pursuance of avow, and directed againstinfidels, i.e. againstMohammedans,pagans,heretics, or those under the ban ofexcommunication. Thewars waged by theSpaniards against theMoors constituted a continual crusade from the eleventh to the sixteenth century; in the north ofEurope crusades were organized against thePrussians andLithuanians; the extermination of theAlbigensian heresy was due to a crusade, and, in the thirteenth century thepopes preached crusades against John Lackland andFrederick II. But modern literature has abused the word by applying it to allwars of areligious character, as, for instance, the expedition of Heraclius against thePersians in the seventh century and the conquest ofSaxony byCharlemagne.
Theidea of the crusade corresponds to a political conception which was realized inChristendom only from the eleventh to the fifteenth century; this supposes a union of all peoples and sovereigns under the direction of thepopes. All crusades were announced by preaching. After pronouncing a solemnvow, each warrior received across from the hands of thepope or hislegates, and was thenceforth considered a soldier of theChurch. Crusaders were also grantedindulgences and temporal privileges, such as exemption from civil jurisdiction, inviolability of persons or lands, etc. Of all thesewars undertaken in the name ofChristendom, the most important were the Eastern Crusades, which are the only ones treated in this article.
It has been customary to describe the Crusades as eight in number:
This division is arbitrary and excludes many important expeditions, among them those of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In reality the Crusades continued until the end of the seventeenth century, the crusade ofLepanto occurring in 1571, that ofHungary in 1664, and the crusade of the Duke ofBurgundy toCandia, in 1669. A more scientific division is based on the history of theChristian settlements in the East; therefore the subject will be considered in the following order:
I. Origin of the Crusades;
II. Foundation of Christian states in the East;
III. First destruction of the Christian states (1144-87);
IV. Attempts to restore the Christian states and the crusade against Saint-Jean d'Acre (1192-98);
V. The crusade against Constantinople (1204);
VI. The thirteenth-century crusades (1217-52);
VII. Final loss of the Christian colonies of the East (1254-91);
VIII. The fourteenth-century crusade and the Ottoman invasion;
IX. The crusade in the fifteenth century;
X. Modifications and survival of the idea of the crusade.
The origin of the Crusades is directly traceable to the moral and political condition ofWestern Christendom in the eleventh century. At that timeEurope was divided into numerous states whose sovereigns were absorbed in tedious and petty territorial disputes while the emperor, in theory the temporal head ofChristendom, was wasting his strength in the quarrel overInvestitures. Thepopes alone had maintained a just estimate ofChristianunity; they realized to what extent the interests ofEurope were threatened by theByzantine Empire and theMohammedan tribes, and they alone had a foreign policy whose traditions were formed underLeo IX andGregory VII. The reform effected in theChurch and thepapacy through the influence of themonks of Cluny had increased the prestige of theRoman pontiff in the eyes of allChristian nations; hence none but thepope could inaugurate the international movement that culminated in the Crusades. But despite his eminent authority thepope could never have persuaded the Western peoples to arm themselves for the conquest of the Holy Land had not the immemorial relations betweenSyria and the West favoured his design.Europeans listened to the voice ofUrban II because their own inclination and historic traditions impelled them towards theHoly Sepulchre.
From the end of the fifth century there had been no break in their intercourse with the Orient. In the earlyChristian period colonies ofSyrians had introduced the religiousideas, art, and culture of the East into the large cities ofGaul andItaly. TheWestern Christians in turn journeyed in large numbers toSyria, Palestine, andEgypt, either to visit the Holy Places or to follow theascetic life among themonks of theThebaid orSinai. There is still extant theitinerary of apilgrimage fromBordeaux toJerusalem, dated 333; in 385St. Jerome andSt. Paula founded the firstLatin monasteries atBethlehem. Even the Barbarian invasion did not seem to dampen the ardour forpilgrimages to the East. TheItinerary of St. Silvia (Etheria) shows the organization of these expeditions, which were directed byclerics and escorted by armed troops. In the year 600,St. Gregory the Great had ahospice erected inJerusalem for the accommodation of pilgrims, sentalms to themonks ofMount Sinai ("Vita Gregorii" in "Acta SS.", March 11, 132), and, although the deplorable condition ofEastern Christendom after theArab invasion rendered this intercourse more difficult, it did not by any means cease.
As early as the eighth centuryAnglo-Saxons underwent the greatest hardships to visitJerusalem. The journey ofSt. Willibald,Bishop ofEichstädt, took seven years (722-29) and furnishes anidea of the varied and severe trials to which pilgrims were subject (Itiner. Latina, 1, 241-283). After their conquest of the West, the Carolingians endeavoured to improve the condition of the Latins settled in the East; in 762Pepin the Short entered into negotiations with the Caliph of Bagdad. InRome, on 30 November, 800, the very day on whichLeo III invoked the arbitration ofCharlemagne, ambassadors from Haroun al-Raschid delivered to theKing of the Franks the keys of theHoly Sepulchre, the banner ofJersualem, and some preciousrelics (Einhard, "Annales",ad an. 800, in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.", I, 187); this was an acknowledgment of theFrankish protectorate over theChristians ofJerusalem. That churches and monasteries were built atCharlemagne's expense is attested by a sort of a census of the monasteries ofJerusalem dated 808 ("Commemoratio de Casis Dei" in "Itiner. Hieros.", I, 209). In 870, at the time of thepilgrimage of Bernard the Monk (Itiner. Hierosol., I, 314), these institutions were still very prosperous, and it has been abundantly proved thatalms were sent regularly from the West to the Holy Land. In the tenth century, just when the political and social order ofEurope was most troubled,knights,bishops, andabbots, actuated by devotion and a taste for adventure, were wont to visitJerusalem andpray at theHoly Sepulchre without being molested by theMohammedans. Suddenly, in 1009, Hakem, the Fatimite Caliph ofEgypt, in a fit of madness ordered the destruction of theHoly Sepulchre and all theChristian establishments inJerusalem. For years thereafterChristians were cruellypersecuted. (See the recital of an eyewitness, Iahja of Antioch, in Schlumberger's "Epopée byzantine", II, 442.) In 1027 theFrankish protectorate was overthrown and replaced by that of theByzantine emperors, to whose diplomacy was due the reconstruction of theHoly Sepulchre. TheChristian quarter was even surrounded by a wall, and someAmalfi merchants, vassals of theGreek emperors, builthospices inJerusalem for pilgrims, e.g. the Hospital of St. John, cradle of theOrder of Hospitallers.
Instead of diminishing, the enthusiasm ofWestern Christians for thepilgrimage toJerusalem seemed rather to increase during the eleventh century. Not only princes,bishops, andknights, but even men andwomen of the humbler classes undertook the holy journey (Radulphus Glaber, IV, vi). Whole armies of pilgrims traversedEurope, and in the valley of the Danubehospices were established where they could replenish their provisions. In 1026 Richard,Abbot of Saint-Vannes, led 700 pilgrims into Palestine at the expense of Richard II, Duke ofNormandy. In 1065 over 12,000Germans who had crossedEurope under the command of Günther,Bishop ofBamberg, while on their way through Palestine had to seek shelter in a ruined fortress, where they defended themselves against a troop of Bedouins (Lambert of Hersfeld, in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.", V, 168). Thus it is evident that at the close of the eleventh century the route to Palestine was familiar enough toWestern Christians who looked upon theHoly Sepulchre as the most venerable ofrelics and were ready to brave any peril in order to visit it. The memory ofCharlemagne's protectorate still lived, and a trace of it is to be found in themedieval legend of this emperor's journey to Palestine (Gaston Paris in "Romania", 1880, p. 23).
The rise of the Seljukian Turks, however, compromised the safety of pilgrims and even threatened the independence of theByzantine Empire and of allChristendom. In 1070Jerusalem was taken, and in 1071 Diogenes, theGreek emperor, was defeated and made captive at Mantzikert.Asia Minor and all ofSyria became the prey of the Turks.Antioch succumbed in 1084, and by 1092 not one of the greatmetropolitan sees ofAsia remained in the possession of theChristians. Although separated from the communion ofRome since theschism of Michael Cærularius (1054), the emperors ofConstantinople implored the assistance of thepopes; in 1073 letters were exchanged on the subject between Michael VII andGregory VII. Thepope seriously contemplated leading a force of 50,000 men to the East in order to re-establishChristian unity, repulse the Turks, and rescue theHoly Sepulchre. But theidea of the crusade constituted only a part of this magnificent plan. (The letters ofGregory VII are in P.L., CXLVIII, 300, 325, 329, 386; cf. Riant's critical discussion in Archives de l'Orient Latin, I, 56.) The conflict over theInvestitures in 1076 compelled thepope to abandon his projects; the Emperors Nicephorus Botaniates and Alexius Comnenus were unfavourable to areligious union withRome; finallywar broke out between theByzantine Empire and the Normans of the Two Sicilies.
It wasPope Urban II who took up the plans ofGregory VII and gave them more definite shape. A letter from Alexius Comnenus to Robert, Count of Flanders, recorded by the chroniclers, Guibert de Nogent ("Historiens Occidentaux des Croisades", ed. by the Académie des Inscriptions, IV, 131) andHugues de Fleury (in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.", IX, 392), seems to imply that the crusade was instigated by theByzantine emperor, but this has been proved false (Chalandon, Essai sur le règne d'Alexis Comnène, appendix), Alexius having merely sought to enroll five hundredFlemishknights in the imperial army (Anna Comnena, Alexiad., VII, iv). The honour of initiating the crusade has also been attributed toPeter the Hermit, arecluse of Picardy, who, after apilgrimage toJerusalem and avision in the church of theHoly Sepulchre, went toUrban II and was commissioned by him to preach the crusade. However, though eyewitnesses of the crusade mention his preaching, they do not ascribe to him the all-important rôle assigned him later by various chroniclers, e.g.Albert of Aix and especiallyWilliam of Tyre. (See Hagenmeyer, Peter der Eremite Leipzig, 1879.) Theidea of the crusade is chiefly attributed toPope Urban II (1095), and the motives that actuated him are clearly set forth by his contemporaries: "On beholding the enormous injury that all,clergy orpeople, brought upon theChristian Faith . . . at the news that theRumanian provinces had been taken from theChristians by the Turks, moved with compassion and impelled by thelove ofGod, he crossed the mountains and descended intoGaul" (Foucher de Chartres, I, in "Histoire des Crois.", III, 321). Of course it is possible that in order to swell his forces, Alexius Comnenus solicited assistance in the West; however, it was not he but thepope who agitated the great movement which filled theGreeks with anxiety and terror.
After travelling throughBurgundy and the south ofFrance,Urban II convoked acouncil atClermont-Ferrand, in Auvergne. It was attended by fourteenarchbishops, 250bishops, and 400abbots; moreover a great number ofknights and men of all conditions came and encamped on the plain of Chantoin, to the east ofClermont, 18-28 November, 1095. On 27 November, thepope himself addressed the assembled multitudes, exhorting them to go forth and rescue theHoly Sepulchre. Amid wonderful enthusiasm and cries of "God wills it!" all rushed towards thepontiff to pledge themselves byvow to depart for the Holy Land and receive thecross of red material to be worn on the shoulder. At the same time thepope sent letters to allChristian nations, and the movement made rapid headway throughoutEurope. Preachers of the crusade appeared everywhere, and on all sides sprang up disorganized, undisciplined, penniless hordes, almost destitute of equipment, who, surging eastward through the valley of the Danube, plundered as they went along andmurdered theJews in the German cities. One of these bands, headed by Folkmar, a Germancleric, was slaughtered by theHungarians.Peter the Hermit, however, and the Germanknight, Walter the Pennyless (Gautier Sans Avoir), finally reachedConstantinople with their disorganized troops. To save the city from plunder Alexius Comnenus ordered them to be conveyed across the Bosporus (August, 1096); inAsia Minor they turned to pillage and were nearly all slain by the Turks. Meanwhile the regular crusade was being organized in the West and, according to a well-conceived plan, the four principal armies were to meet atConstantinople.
The appearance of the crusading armies atConstantinople raised the greatest trouble, and helped to bring about in the future irremediable misunderstandings between theGreeks and theLatin Christians. The unsolicited invasion of the latter alarmed Alexius, who tried to prevent the concentration of all these forces atConstantinople by transporting toAsia Minor each Western army in the order of its arrival; moreover, he endeavoured to extort from the leaders of the crusade a promise that they would restore to theGreek Empire the lands they were about to conquer. After resisting the imperial entreaties throughout the winter,Godfrey of Bouillon, hemmed in at Pera, at length consented to take theoath of fealty. Bohemond, Robert Courte-Heuse, Stephen of Blois, and the other crusading chiefs unhesitatingly assumed the sameobligation;Raymond of St-Gilles, however, remained obdurate.
Transported intoAsia Minor, the crusaders laid siege to the city ofNicæa, but Alexius negotiated with the Turks, had the city delivered to him, and prohibited the crusaders from entering it (1 June, 1097). After their victory over the Turks at the battle ofDorylæum on 1 July, 1097, theChristians entered upon the high plateaux ofAsia Minor. Constantly harrassed by a relentless enemy, overcome by the excessive heat, and sinking under the weight of their leathern armour covered with iron scales, their sufferings were wellnigh intolerable. In September, 1097,Tancred and Baldwin, brothers ofGodfrey of Bouillon, left the bulk of the army and enteredArmenian territory. AtTarsus a feud almost broke out between them, but fortunately they became reconciled.Tancred took possession of the towns of Cilicia, whilst Baldwin, summoned by theArmenians, crossed the Euphrates in October, 1097, and, after marrying anArmenian princess, was proclaimed Lord ofEdessa. Meanwhile the crusaders, revictualled by theArmenians of the Taurus region, made their way intoSyria and on 20 October, 1097, reached the fortified city ofAntioch, which was protected by a wall flanked with 450 towers, stocked by the Ameer Jagi-Sian with immense quantities of provisions. Thanks to the assistance of carpenters and engineers who belonged to aGenoese fleet that had arrived at the mouth of the Orontes, the crusaders were enabled to construct battering-machines and to begin the siege of the city. Eventually Bohemond negotiated with a Turkish chief who surrendered one of the towers, and on the night of 2 June, 1098, the crusaders tookAntioch by storm. The very next day they were in turn besieged within the city by the army of Kerbûga, Ameer of Mosul. Plague and famine cruelly decimated their ranks, and many of them, among others Stephen of Blois, escaped under cover of night. The army was on the verge of giving way to discouragement when its spirits were suddenly revived by the discovery of theHoly Lance, resulting from thedream of a Provençalpriest named Pierre Barthélemy. On 28 June, 1098, Kerbûga's army was effectually repulsed, but, instead of marching onJerusalem without delay, the chiefs spent several months in a quarrel due to the rivalry ofRaymond of Saint-Gilles and Bohemond, both of whom claimed theright toAntioch. It was not until April, 1099, that the march towardsJerusalem was begun, Bohemond remaining in possession ofAntioch whileRaymond seized on Tripoli. On 7 June the crusaders began the siege ofJerusalem. Their predicament would have been serious, indeed, had not anotherGenoese fleet arrived atJaffa and, as atAntioch, furnished the engineers necessary for a siege. After a general procession which the crusaders made barefooted around the city walls amid the insults and incantations ofMohammedan sorcerers, the attack began 14 July, 1099. Next day theChristians enteredJerusalem from all sides and slew its inhabitants regardless of age or sex. Having accomplished theirpilgrimage to theHoly Sepulchre, theknights chose as lord of the new conquestGodfrey of Bouillon, who called himself "Defender of theHoly Sepulchre". They had then to repulse anEgyptian army, which was defeated atAscalon, 12 August, 1099. Their position was nevertheless very insecure. Alexius Comnenus threatened the principality ofAntioch, and in 1100 Bohemond himself was made prisoner by the Turks, while most of the cities on the coast were still underMohammedan control. Before his death, 29 July, 1099,Urban II once more proclaimed the crusade. In 1101 three expeditions crossedEurope under the leadership of Count Stephen of Blois, Duke William IX of Aquitaine, and Welf IV, Duke of Bavaria. All three managed to reachAsia Minor, but were massacred by the Turks. On his release from prison Bohemond attacked theByzantine Empire, but was surrounded by the imperial army and forced to acknowledge himself the vassal of Alexius. On Bohemond's death, however, in 1111,Tancred refused to live up to the treaty and retainedAntioch.Godfrey of Bouillon died atJerusalem 18 July, 1100. His brother and successor, Baldwin of Edessa, wascrowned King ofJerusalem in theBasilica ofBethlehem, 25 December, 1100. In 1112, with the aid ofNorwegians under Sigurd Jorsalafari and the support ofGenoese,Pisan, andVenetian fleets, Baldwin I began the conquest of the ports ofSyria, which was completed in 1124 by the capture ofTyre.Ascalon alone kept anEgyptian garrison until 1153.
At this period theChristian states formed an extensive and unbroken territory between the Euphrates and theEgyptian frontier, and included four almost independent principalities: theKingdom of Jerusalem, the Countship of Tripoli, the Principality ofAntioch, and the Countship of Rohez (Edessa). These small states were, so to speak, the common property of allChristendom and, as such, were subordinate to the authority of thepope. Moreover, theFrenchknights andItalian merchants established in the newly conquered cities soon gained the upper hand. The authority of the sovereigns of these different principalities was restricted by the fief-holders, vassals, and under-vassals who constituted the Court of Lieges, or Supreme Court. This assembly had entire control in legislative matters; no statute orlaw could be established without its consent; no baron could be deprived of his fief without its decision; its jurisdiction extended over all, even the king, and it controlled also the succession to the throne. A "Court of the Burgesses" had similar jurisdiction over the citizens. Each fief had a like tribunal composed ofknights and citizens, and in the ports there were police and mercantile courts (seeASSIZES OF JERUSALEM). The authority of theChurch also helped to limit the power of the king; the fourmetropolitan sees ofTyre,Cæsarea,Bessan, andPetra were subject to thePatriarch ofJerusalem, similarly seven suffragansees and a great manyabbeys, among them Mount Sion,Mount Olivet, theTemple,Josaphat, and theHoly Sepulchre. Through rich and frequent donations theclergy became the largest property-holders in the kingdom; they also received from the crusaders important estates situated inEurope. In spite of the aforesaid restrictions, in the twelfth century the King ofJerusalem had a large income. The customsduties established in the ports and administered by natives, the tolls exacted from caravans, and the monopoly of certain industries were a fruitful source of revenue. From a military point of view all vassals owed the king unlimited service as to time, though he was obliged to compensate them, but to fill the ranks of the army it was necessary to enroll natives who received a life annuity (fief de soudée). In this way was recruited the light cavalry of the "Turcoples", armed inSaracenic style. Altogether these forces barely exceeded 20,000 men, and yet the powerful vassals who commanded them were almost independent of the king. So it was that the great need of regular troops for the defence of theChristian dominions brought about the creation of a unique institution, thereligious orders of knighthood, viz.: theHospitallers, who at first didduty in the Hospital of St. John founded by the aforesaid merchants ofAmalfi, and were then organized into a militia by Gérard du Puy that they might fight theSaracens (1113); and theTemplars, nine of whom in 1118 gathered around Hugues de Payens and received the Rule of St. Bernard. These members, whetherknights drawn from the nobility, bailiffs, clerks, orchaplains, pronounced the three monasticvows but it was chiefly to thewar against theSaracens that they pledged themselves. Being favoured with many spiritual and temporal privileges, they easily gained recruits from among the younger sons offeudal houses and acquired both in Palestine and inEurope considerable property. Their castles, built at the principal strategic points, Margat, Le Crac, andTortosa, were strong citadels protected by several concentric enclosures. In theKingdom of Jerusalem thesemilitary orders virtually formed two independent commonwealths. Finally, in the cities, the public power was divided between the native citizens and theItalian colonists,Genoese,Venetians,Pisans, and also theMarseillais who, in exchange for their services, were given supreme power in certain districts wherein small self-governing communities had their consuls, their churches, and on the outskirts their farm-land, used for the cultivation of cotton and sugar-cane. TheSyrian ports were regularly visited byItalian fleets which obtained there the spices and silks brought by caravans from the Far East. Thus, during the first half of the twelfth century theChristian states of the East were completely organized, and even eclipsed in wealth and prosperity most of the Western states.
Many dangers, unfortunately, threatened this prosperity. On the south were the Caliphs ofEgypt, on the east the Seljuk Ameers ofDamascus, Hamah andAleppo, and on the north theByzantine emperors, eager to realize the project of Alexius Comnenus and bring the Latin states under their power. Moreover, in the presence of so many enemies theChristian states lacked cohesion and discipline. The help they received from the West was too scattered and intermittent. Nevertheless these Westernknights, isolated amidMohammedans and forced, because of the torrid climate, to lead a life far different from that to which they had been accustomed at home, displayed admirable bravery and energy in their efforts to save theChristian colonies. In 1137 John Comnenus, Emperor ofConstantinople, appeared beforeAntioch with an army, and compelled Prince Raymond to do him homage. On the death of this potentate (1143), Raymond endeavoured to shake off the irksome yoke and invadedByzantine territory, but was hemmed in by the imperial army and compelled (1144) to humble himself atConstantinople before the Emperor Manuel. ThePrincipality of Edessa, completely isolated from the otherChristian states, could not withstand the attacks of Imad-ed-Din, the prince, oratabek, of Mosul, who forced its garrison to capitulate 25 December, 1144. After the assassination of Imad-ed-Din, his son Nour-ed-Din continued hostilities against theChristian states. At news of this, Louis VII ofFrance, Queen Eleanor of Aquitaine, and a great number ofknights, moved by the exhortations ofSt. Bernard, enlisted under thecross (Assembly of Vézelay, 31 March, 1146). TheAbbot of Clairvaux became the apostle of the crusade and conceived theidea of urging allEurope to attack theinfidels simultaneously inSyria, inSpain, and beyond the Elbe. At first he met with strong opposition inGermany. Eventually Emperor Conrad III acceded to his wish and adopted the standard of thecross at the Diet of Spires, 25 December, 1146. However, there was no such enthusiasm as had prevailed in 1095. Just as the crusaders started on their march, King Roger of Sicily attacked theByzantine Empire, but his expedition merely checked the progress of Nour-ed-Din's invasion. The sufferings endured by the crusaders while crossingAsia Minor prevented them from advancing onEdessa. They contented themselves with besiegingDamascus, but were obliged to retreat at the end of a few weeks (July, 1148). This defeat caused great dissatisfaction in the West; moreover, the conflicts between theGreeks and the crusaders only confirmed the general opinion that theByzantine Empire was the chief obstacle to the success of the Crusades. Nevertheless, Manuel Comnenus endeavoured to strengthen the bonds that united theByzantine Empire to theItalian principalities. In 1161 hemarried Mary of Antioch, and in 1167 gave the hand of one of his nieces to Amalric, King ofJerusalem. This alliance resulted in thwarting the progress of Nour-ed-Din, who, having become master ofDamascus in 1154, refrained thenceforth from attacking theChristian dominions.
King Amalric profited by this respite to interpose in the affairs ofEgypt, as the only remaining representatives of the Fatimite dynasty were children, and two rival viziers were disputing the supreme power amid conditions of absoluteanarchy. One of these disputants, Shawer, being exiled fromEgypt, took refuge with Nour-ed-Din, who sent his best general, Shírkúh, to reinstate him. After his conquest of Cairo, Shírkúh endeavoured to bring Shawer into disfavour with the caliph; Amalric, taking advantage of this, allied himself with Shawer. On two occasions, in 1164 and 1167, he forced Shírkúh to evacuateEgypt; a body ofFrankishknights was stationed at one of the gates of Cairo, andEgypt paid a tribute of 100,000 dinárs to theKingdom of Jerusalem. In 1168 Amalric made another attempt to conquerEgypt, but failed. After ordering the assassination of Shawer, Shírkúh had himself proclaimed Grand Vizier. At his death on 3 March, 1169, he was succeeded by his nephew, Salah-ed-Dîn (Saladin). During that year Amalric, aided by aByzantine fleet, invadedEgypt once more, but was defeated atDamietta. Saladin retained full sway inEgypt and appointed no successor to the last Fatimite caliph, who died in 1171. Moreover, Nour-ed-Din died in 1174, and, while his sons and nephews disputed the inheritance, Saladin took possession ofDamascus and conquered all Mesopotamia except Mosul. Thus, when Amalric died in 1173, leaving the royal power to Baldwin IV, "the Leprous", a child of thirteen, theKingdom of Jerusalem was threatened on all sides. At the same time two factions, led respectively by Guy de Lusignan, brother-in-law of the king, andRaymond, Count of Tripoli, contended for the supremacy. Baldwin IV died in 1184, and was soon followed to the grave by his nephew Baldwin V. Despite lively opposition, Guy de Lusignan wascrowned king, 20 July, 1186. Though the struggle against Saladin was already under way, it was unfortunately conducted without order or discipline. Notwithstanding the truce concluded with Saladin, Renaud de Châtillon, a powerful feudatory and lord of the trans-Jordanic region, which included the fief of Montréal, the great castle of Karak, and Aïlet, a port on theRed Sea, sought to divert the enemy's attention by attacking the holy cities of theMohammedans. Oarless vessels were brought to Aïlet on the backs of camels in 1182, and a fleet of five galleys traversed theRed Sea for a whole year, ravaging the coasts as far asAden; a body ofknights even attempted to seize Medina. In the end this fleet was destroyed by Saladin's, and, to the great joy of theMohammedans, theFrankish prisoners were put to death atMecca. Attacked in his castle at Karak, Renaud twice repulsed Saladin's forces (1184-86). A truce was then signed, but Renaud broke it again and carried off a caravan in which was the sultan's own sister. In his exasperation Saladin invaded theKingdom of Jerusalem and, although Guy de Lusignan gathered all his forces to repel the attack, on 4 July, 1187, Saladin's army annihilated that of theChristians on the shores ofLake Tiberias. The king, the grand master of theTemple, Renaud de Châtillon, and the most powerful men in the realm were made prisoners. After slaying Renaud with his own hand, Saladin marched onJerusalem. The city capitulated 17 September, andTyre,Antioch, and Tripoli were the only places inSyria that remained to theChristians.
The news of these events caused great consternation inChristendom, andPope Gregory VIII strove to put a stop to all dissensions among theChristian princes. On 21 January, 1188,Philip Augustus, King ofFrance, andHenry II, Plantagenet, became reconciled at Gisors and took thecross. On 27 March, at the Diet ofMainz,Frederick Barbarossa and a great number of Germanknights made avow to defend theChristian cause in Palestine. InItaly,Pisa made peace withGenoa,Venice with the King ofHungary, and William of Sicily with theByzantine Empire. Moreover, a Scandinavian fleet consisting of 12,000 warriors sailed around the shores ofEurope, when passingPortugal, it helped to capture Alvor from theMohammedans. Enthusiasm for the crusade was again wrought up to a high pitch; but, on the other hand, diplomacy and royal and princely schemes became increasingly important in its organization.Frederick Barbarossa entered into negotiations with Isaac Angelus, Emperor ofConstantinople, with the Sultan ofIconium, and even with Saladin himself. It was, moreover, the first time that all theMohammedan forces were united under a single leader; Saladin, while the holywar was being preached, organized against theChristians something like a counter-crusade.Frederick Barbarossa, who was first ready for the enterprise, and to whom chroniclers attribute an army of 100,000 men, leftRatisbon, 11 May, 1189. After crossingHungary he took the Balkan passes by assault and tried to outflank the hostile movements of Isaac Angelus by attackingConstantinople. Finally, after the sack ofAdrianople, Isaac Angelus surrendered, and between 21 and 30 March, 1190, theGermans succeeded in crossing the Strait of Gallipoli. As usual, the march acrossAsia Minor was most arduous. With a view to replenishing provisions, the army tookIconium by assault. On their arrival in the Taurus region,Frederick Barbarossa tried to cross the Selef (Kalykadnos) on horseback and was drowned. Thereupon many German princes returned toEurope; the others, under the emperor's son, Frederick of Swabia, reachedAntioch and proceeded thence toSaint-Jean d'Acre. It was before this city that finally all the crusading troops assembled. In June, 1189, King Guy de Lusignan, who had been released from captivity, appeared there with the remnant of theChristian army, and, in September of the same year, the Scandinavian fleet arrived, followed by theEnglish andFlemish fleets, commanded respectively by theArchbishop ofCanterbury and Jacques d'Avesnes. This heroic siege lasted two years. In the spring of each year reinforcements arrived from the West, and a veritableChristian city sprang up outside the walls ofAcre. But the winters were disastrous to the crusaders, whose ranks were decimated by disease brought on by the inclemency of the rainy season and lack of food. Saladin came to the assistance of the city, and communicated with it by means of carrier pigeons. Missile-hurtling machines (pierrières), worked by powerful machinery, were used by the crusaders to demolish the walls ofAcre, but theMohammedans also had strong artillery. This famous siege had already lasted two years whenPhilip Augustus, King ofFrance, andRichard Coeur de Lion, King ofEngland, arrived on the scene. After long deliberation they had left Vézelay together, 4 July, 1190.Richard embarked atMarseilles,Philip atGenoa, and they met at Messina. During a sojourn in this place, lasting until March, 1191, they almost quarrelled, but finally concluded a treaty of peace. WhilePhilip was landing atAcre,Richard was shipwrecked on the coast ofCyprus, then independent under Isaac Comnenus. With the aid of Guy de Lusignan,Richard conquered this island. The arrival of the Kings ofFrance andEngland beforeAcre brought about the capitulation of the city, 13 July 1191. Soon, however, the quarrel of theFrench andEnglish kings broke out again, andPhilip Augustus left Palestine, 28 July.Richard was now leader of the crusade, and, to punish Saladin for the non-fulfilment of the treaty conditions within the time specified, had theMohammedan hostages put to death. Next, an attack onJerusalem was meditated, but, after beguiling theChristians by negotiations, Saladin brought numerous troops fromEgypt. The enterprise failed, andRichard compensated himself for these reverses by brilliant but useless exploits which made his name legendary among theMohammedans. Before his departure he sold theIsland of Cyprus, first to theTemplars, who were unable to settle there, and then to Guy de Lusignan, who renounced theKingdom of Jerusalem in favour of Conrad of Montferrat (1192). After a last expedition to defendJaffa against Saladin,Richard declared a truce and embarked forEurope, 9 October, 1192, but did not reach hisEnglish realm until he had undergone a humiliating captivity at the hands of the Duke of Austria, who avenged in this way the insults offered him beforeSaint-Jean d'Acre.
While Capetians and Plantagenets, oblivious of the Holy War, were settling at home their territorial disputes,Emperor Henry VI, son ofBarbarossa, took in hand the supreme direction ofChristian politics in the East. Crowned King of the Two Sicilies, 25 December, 1194, he took thecross atBari, 31 May, 1195, and made ready an expedition which, he thought, would recoverJerusalem and wrestConstantinople from the usurper Alexius III. Eager to exercise his imperial authority he made Amaury de Lusignan King ofCyprus and Leo II King ofArmenia. In September, 1197, the German crusaders started for the East. They landed atSaint-Jean d'Acre and marched onJerusalem, but were detained before the little town of Tibnin from November, 1197, to February 1198. On raising the siege, they learned thatHenry VI had died, 28 September, atMessina, where he had gathered the fleet that was to convey him toConstantinople. TheGermans signed a truce with theSaracens, but their future influence in Palestine was assured by the creation of theOrder of the Teutonic Knights. In 1143, a German pilgrim had founded ahospital for his fellow-countrymen; thereligious who served it moved toAcre and, in 1198, were organized in imitation of the plan of theHospitallers, their rule being approved byInnocent III in 1199.
In the many attempts made to establish theChristian states the efforts of the crusaders had been directed solely toward the object for which the Holy War had been instituted; the crusade againstConstantinople shows the first deviation from the original purpose. For those who strove to gain their ends by taking the direction of the crusades out of thepope's hands, this new movement was, of course, a triumph, but forChristendom it was a source of perplexity. Scarcely hadInnocent III been electedpope, in January, 1198, when he inaugurated a policy in the East which he was to follow throughout his pontificate. He subordinated all else to the recapture ofJerusalem and the reconquest of the Holy Land. In his firstEncyclicals he summoned allChristians to join the crusade and even negotiated with Alexius III, theByzantine emperor, trying to persuade him to re-enter the Roman communion and use his troops for the liberation of Palestine. Peter of Capua, thepapal legate, brought about a truce betweenPhilip Augustus andRichard Coeur de Lion, January, 1199, and popular preachers, among others theparishpriestFoulques of Neuilly, attracted large crowds. During a tournament at Ecry-sur-Aisne, 28 November, 1199,Count Thibaud de Champagne and a great manyknights took thecross; in southernGermany, Martin,Abbot of Pairis, near Colmar, won many to the crusade. It would seem, however, that, from the outset, thepope lost control of this enterprise. Without even consultingInnocent III, theFrenchknights, who had electedThibaud de Champagne as their leader, decided to attack theMohammedans inEgypt and in March, 1201, concluded with theRepublic of Venice a contract for the transportation of troops on the Mediterranean. On the death of Thibaud the crusaders chose as his successor Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, and cousin of Philip of Swabia, then in open conflict with thepope. Just at this time the son of Isaac Angelus, the dethroned Emperor ofConstantinople, sought refuge in the West and askedInnocent III and his own brother-in-law, Philip of Swabia, to reinstate him on the imperial throne. The question has been raised whether it was pre-arranged between Philip and Boniface of Montferrat to turn the crusade towardsConstantinople, and a passage in the "Gesta Innocentii" (83, in P.L., CCXIV, CXXXII) indicates that theidea was not new to Boniface of Montferrat when, in the spring of 1202, he made itknown to thepope. Meanwhile the crusaders assembled atVenice could not pay the amount called for by their contract, so, by way of exchange, theVenetians suggested that they help recover the city ofZara inDalmatia. Theknights accepted the proposal, and, after a few days' siege, the city capitulated, November, 1202. But it was in vain thatInnocent III urged the crusaders to set out for Palestine. Having obtainedabsolution for the capture ofZara, and despite the opposition of Simon of Montfort and a part of the army, on 24 May, 1203, the leaders ordered a march onConstantinople. They had concluded with Alexius, theByzantine pretender, a treaty whereby he promised to have theGreeks return to the Roman communion, give the crusaders 200,000 marks, and participate in the Holy War. On 23 June the crusaders' fleet appeared beforeConstantinople; on 7 July they took possession of a suburb of Galata and forced their way into the Golden Horn; on 17 July they simultaneously attacked the sea walls and land walls of the Blachernæ. The troops of Alexius III made an unsuccessful sally, and the usurper fled, whereupon Isaac Angelus was released from prison and permitted to share the imperial dignity with his son, Alexius IV. But even had the latter been sincere he would have been powerless to keep the promises made to the crusaders. After some months of tedious waiting, those of their number cantoned at Galata lost patience with theGreeks, who not only refused to live up to their agreement, but likewise treated them with open hostility. On 5 February, 1204, Alexius IV and Isaac Angelus were deposed by a revolution, and Alexius Murzuphla, a usurper, undertook the defence ofConstantinople against the Latin crusaders who were preparing to besiegeConstantinople a second time. By a treaty concluded in March, 1204, between theVenetians and the crusading chiefs, it was pre-arranged to share the spoils of theGreek Empire. On 12 April, 1204,Constantinople was carried by storm, and the next day the ruthless plundering of itschurches and palaces was begun. The masterpieces of antiquity, piled up in public places and in the Hippodrome, were utterly destroyed.Clerics andknights, in their eagerness to acquire famous and pricelessrelics, took part in the sack of the churches. TheVenetians received half the booty; the portion of each crusader was determined according to his rank of baron,knight, or bailiff, and most of the churches of theWest were enriched with ornaments stripped from those ofConstantinople. On 9 May, 1204, an electoral college, formed of prominent crusaders andVenetians, assembled to elect an emperor.Dandolo, Doge ofVenice, refused the honour, and Boniface of Montferrat was not considered. In the end, Baldwin, Count of Flanders, was elected and solemnlycrowned in St. Sophia.Constantinople and theempire were divided among the emperor, theVenetians, and the chief crusaders; the Marquis of Montferrat receivedThessalonica and Macedonia, with the title of king; Henry of Flanders became Lord of Adramyttion; Louis of Blois was made Duke ofNicæa, and fiefs were bestowed upon six hundredknights. Meanwhile, theVenetians reserved to themselves the ports of Thrace, the Peloponnesus, and the islands. Thomas Morosini, aVenetianpriest, was electedpatriarch.
At the news of these most extraordinary events, in which he had had no hand,Innocent III bowed as in submission to the designs ofProvidence and, in the interests ofChristendom, determined to make the best of the new conquest. His chief aim was to suppress theGreek schism and to place the forces of the new Latin Empire at the service of the crusade. Unfortunately, the Latin Empire of Constantinople was in too precarious a condition to furnish any material support to the papal policy. The emperor was unable to impose his authority upon the barons. AtNicæa, not far fromConstantinople, the formerByzantine Government gathered the remnant of its authority and its followers. Theodore Lascaris was proclaimed emperor. InEurope, Joannitsa, Tsar of the Wallachians andBulgarians, invaded Thrace and destroyed the army of the crusaders beforeAdrianople, 14 April, 1205. During the battle the Emperor Baldwin fell. His brother and successor, Henry of Flanders, devoted his reign (1206-16) to interminable conflicts with theBulgarians, the Lombards ofThessalonica, and theGreeks ofAsia Minor. Nevertheless, he succeeded in strengthening the Latin conquest, forming an alliance with theBulgarians, and establishing his authority even over the feudatories of Morea (Parliament of Ravennika, 1209); however, far from leading a crusade into Palestine, he had to solicit Western help, and was obliged to sign treaties with Theodore Lascaris and even with the Sultan ofIconium. TheGreeks were not reconciled to theChurch of Rome; most of theirbishops abandoned theirsees and took refuge atNicæa, leaving their churches to theLatinbishops named to replace them.Greekconvents were replaced byCistercian monasteries, commanderies ofTemplars andHospitallers, andchapters of canons. With a few exceptions, however, the native population remained hostile and looked upon the Latin conquerors as foreigners. Having failed in all his attempts to induce the barons of the Latin Empire to undertake an expedition against Palestine, and understanding at last the cause of failure of the crusade in 1204,Innocent III resolved (1207) to organize a new crusade and to take no further notice ofConstantinople. Circumstances, however, were unfavourable. Instead of concentrating the forces ofChristendom against theMohammedans, thepope himself disbanded them by proclaiming (1209) a crusade against theAlbigenses in the south ofFrance, and against the Almohades ofSpain (1213), thepagans ofPrussia, and John Lackland ofEngland. At the same time there occurred outbursts ofmystical emotion similar to those which had preceded the first crusade. In 1212 a young shepherd of Vendôme and a youth fromCologne gathered thousands of children whom they proposed to lead to the conquest of Palestine. The movement spread throughFrance andItaly. This "Children's Crusade" at length reachedBrindisi, where merchants sold a number of the children as slaves to theMoors, while nearly all the rest died of hunger and exhaustion. In 1213Innocent III had a crusade preached throughoutEurope and sent Cardinal Pelagius to the East to effect, if possible, the return of theGreeks to the fold ofRoman unity. On 25 July, 1215,Frederick II, after his victory over Otto of Brunswick, took thecross at the tomb ofCharlemagne atAachen. On 11 November, 1215,Innocent III opened theFourth Lateran Council with an exhortation to all the faithful to join the crusade, the departure being set for 1217. At the time of his death (1216)Pope Innocent felt that a great movement had been started.
InEurope, however, the preaching of the crusade met with great opposition. Temporal princes were strongly averse to losing jurisdiction over their subjects who took part in the crusades. Absorbed in political schemes, they were unwilling to send so far away the military forces on which they depended. As early as December, 1216,Frederick II was granted a first delay in the fulfilment of hisvow. The crusade as preached in the thirteenth century was no longer the great enthusiastic movement of 1095, but rather a series of irregular and desultory enterprises. Andrew II, King ofHungary, and Casimir, Duke ofPomerania, set sail fromVenice andSpalato, while an army of Scandinavians made a tour ofEurope. The crusaders landed atSaint-Jean d'Acre in 1217, but confined themselves to incursions onMussulman territory, whereupon Andrew of Hungary returned toEurope. Receiving reinforcements in the spring of 1218, John of Brienne, King ofJerusalem, resolved to make an attack on the Holy Land by way ofEgypt. The crusaders accordingly landed atDamietta in May, 1218, and, after a siege marked by many deeds of heroism, took the city by storm, 5 November, 1219. Instead of profiting by this victory, they spent over a year in idle quarrels, and it was not until May 1221, that they set out for Cairo. Surrounded by theSaracens at Mansurah, 24 July, theChristian army was routed. John of Brienne was compelled to purchase a retreat by the surrender ofDamietta to theSaracens. MeanwhileEmperor Frederick II, who was to be the leader of the crusade, had remained inEurope and continued to importune thepope for new postponements of his departure. On 9 November, 1225, he married Isabelle of Brienne, heiress to theKingdom of Jerusalem, the ceremony taking place atBrindisi. Completely ignoring his father-in-law, he assumed the title of King ofJerusalem. In 1227, however, he had not yet left for Palestine.Gregory IX, electedpope 19 March, 1227, summonedFrederick to fulfil hisvow. Finally, 8 September, the emperor embarked but soon turned back; therefore, on 29 September, thepopeexcommunicated him. Nevertheless,Frederick set sail again 18 June, 1228, but instead of leading a crusade he played a game of diplomacy. He won over Malek-el-Khamil, the Sultan ofEgypt, who was atwar with the Prince ofDamascus, and concluded a treaty with him atJaffa, February, 1229, according to the terms of whichJerusalem,Bethlehem, andNazareth were restored to theChristians. On 18 March, 1229, without any religiousceremony,Frederick assumed the royal crown ofJerusalem in the church of theHoly Sepulchre. Returning toEurope, he became reconciled toGregory IX, August, 1230. Thepontiff ratified the Treaty ofJaffa, andFrederick sentknights intoSyria to take possession of the cities and compel all feudatories to do him homage. A struggle occurred between Richard Filangieri, the emperor's marshal, and the barons of Palestine, whose leader was Jean d'Ibelin, Lord ofBeirut. Filangieri vainly attempted to obtain possession of theIsland of Cyprus. and, when Conrad, son ofFrederick II and Isabelle of Brienne, came of age in 1243, the High Court, described above, named as regent Alix of Champagne, Queen ofCyprus. In this way German power was abolished in Palestine.
In the meantime Count Thibaud IV of Champagne had been leading a fruitless crusade inSyria (1239). Similarly the Duke ofBurgundy andRichard of Cornwall, brother of the King ofEngland, who had undertaken to recoverAscalon, concluded a truce withEgypt (1241).Europe was now threatened with a most grievous disaster. After conqueringRussia, theMongols under Jenghiz Khan appeared in 1241 on the frontiers ofPoland, routed the army of the Duke ofSilesia at Liegnitz, annihilated that of Bela, King ofHungary, and reached the Adriatic. Palestine felt the consequences of this invasion. TheMongols had destroyed theMussulman Empire of Kharizm in CentralAsia. Fleeing before their conquerors, 10,000 Kharizmians offered their services to the Sultan ofEgypt, meanwhile seizingJerusalem as they passed by, in September, 1244. The news of this catastrophe created a great stir inEurope, and at theCouncil of Lyons (June-July, 1245)Pope Innocent IV proclaimed a crusade, but the lack of harmony between him and theEmperor Frederick II foredoomed thepontiff to disappointment. Save forLouis IX, King ofFrance, who took thecross in December, 1244, no one showed any willingness to lead an expedition to Palestine. On being informed that theMongols were well-disposed towardsChristianity,Innocent IV sent them Giovanni di Pianocarpini, aFranciscan, andNicolas Ascelin, aDominican, as ambassadors. Pianocarpini was in Karakorum 8 April, 1246, the day of the election of the great khan, but nothing came of this first attempt at an alliance with theMongols against theMohammedans. However, whenSt. Louis, who leftParis 12 June, 1248, had reached theIsland of Cyprus, he received there a friendly embassy from the great khan and, in return, sent him twoDominicans. Encouraged, perhaps, by this alliance, the King ofFrance decided to attackEgypt. On 7 June, 1249, he tookDamietta, but it was only six months later that he marched on Cairo. On 19 December, his advance-guard, commanded by his brother, Robert of Artois, began imprudently to fight in the streets of Mansurah and were destroyed. The king himself was cut off from communication withDamietta and made prisoner 5 April, 1250. At the same time, the Ajoubite dynasty founded by Saladin was overthrown by the Mameluke militia, whose ameers took possession ofEgypt.St. Louis negotiated with the latter and was set at liberty on condition of surrenderingDamietta and paying a ransom of a million gold bezants. He remained in Palestine until 1254; bargained with theEgyptian ameers for the deliverance of prisoners; improved the equipment of the strongholds of the kingdom,Saint-Jean d'Acre,Cæsarea,Jaffa, andSidon; and sentFriar William of Rubruquis as ambassador to the great khan. Then, at the news of the death of his mother, Blanche of Castile, who had been acting as regent, he returned toFrance. Since the crusade againstSaint-Jean d'Acre, a newFrankish state, theKingdom of Cyprus, had been formed in the Mediterranean oppositeSyria and became a valuable point of support for the crusades. By lavish distribution of lands and franchises, Guy de Lusignan succeeded in attracting to the island colonists,knights, men-at-arms, and civilians; his successors established a government modelled after that of theKingdom of Jerusalem. The king's power was restricted by that of the High Court, composed of all theknights, vassals, or under-vassals, with its seat atNicosia. However, the fiefs were less extensive than in Palestine, and the feudatories could inherit only in a direct line. TheIsland of Cyprus was soon populated withFrench colonists who succeeded in winning over theGreeks, upon whom they even imposed their language. Churches built in theFrench style and fortified castles appeared on all sides. The Cathedral of St. Sophia inNicosia, erected between 1217 and 1251, was almost a copy of a church in Champagne. Finally, commercial activity became a pronounced characteristic of the cities ofCyprus, andFamagusta developed into one of the busiest of Mediterranean ports.
No longer aided by funds from the West, and rent by internal disorders, theChristian colonies owed their temporarysalvation to the changes inMussulman policy and the intervention of theMongols. TheVenetians drove theGenoese fromSaint-Jean d'Acre and treated the city as conquered territory; in a battle whereChristians fought againstChristians, and in whichHospitallers were pitted againstTemplars, 20,000 men perished. In revenge theGenoese allied themselves with Michael Palæologus, Emperor ofNicæa, whose general, Alexius Strategopulos, had now no trouble in enteringConstantinople and overthrowing the Latin Emperor, Baldwin II, 25 July, 1261. The conquest of the Caliphate ofBagdad by theMongols (1258) and their invasion ofSyria, where they seizedAleppo andDamascus, terrified bothChristians andMohammedans; but the Mameluke ameer, Bibars the Arbelester, defeated theMongols and wrestedSyria from them in September, 1260. Proclaimed sultan in consequence of a conspiracy, in 1260, Bibars began a mercilesswar on the remainingChristian states. In 1263 he destroyed the church atNazareth; in 1265 tookCæsarea andJaffa, and finally capturedAntioch (May, 1268). The question of a crusade was always being agitated in the West, but except among men of a religious turn of mind, likeSt. Louis, there was no longer any earnestness in the matter amongEuropean princes. They looked upon a crusade as a political instrument, to be used only when it served their own interests. To prevent the preaching of a crusade againstConstantinople, Michael Palæologus promised thepope to work for theunion of the Churches; but Charles of Anjou, brother ofSt. Louis, whom the conquest of the Two Sicilies had rendered one of the most powerful princes ofChristendom, undertook to carry out for his own benefit the Eastern designs hitherto cherished by the Hohenstaufen. While Mary of Antioch, granddaughter of Amaury II, bequeathed him therights she claimed to have to the crown ofJerusalem, he signed the treaty of Viterbo with Baldwin II (27 May, 1267), which assured him eventually the inheritance ofConstantinople. In no wise troubled by these diplomatic combinations,St. Louis thought only of the crusade. In a parliament held atParis, 24 March, 1267, he and his three sons took thecross, but, despite his example, manyknights resisted the exhortations of the preacherHumbert de Romans. On hearing the reports of the missionaries,Louis resolved to land atTunis, whose prince he hoped toconvert toChristianity. It has been asserted thatSt. Louis was led toTunis by Charles of Anjou, but instead of encouraging his brother's ambition the saint endeavoured to thwart it. Charles had tried to take advantage of thevacancy of theHoly See between 1268 and 1271 in order to attackConstantinople, the negotiations of thepopes with Michael Palæologus forreligious union having heretofore prevented him.St. Louis received the embassy of theGreek emperor very graciously and ordered Charles of Anjou to join him atTunis. The crusaders, among whom was Prince Edward ofEngland, landed atCarthage 17 July, 1270, but the plague broke out in their camp, and on 25 August,St. Louis himself was carried off by the scourge. Charles of Anjou then concluded a treaty with theMohammedans, and the crusaders reimbarked. Prince Edward alone, determined to fulfil hisvow, and set out forSaint-Jean d'Acre; however, after a few razzias onSaracenic territory, he concluded a truce with Bibars.
The field was now clear for Charles of Anjou, but the election ofGregory X, who was favourable to the crusade, again frustrated his plans. While the emissaries of the King of the Two Sicilies traversed the Balkan peninsula, the newpope was awaiting theunion of theWestern andEastern Churches, which event was solemnly proclaimed at theCouncil of Lyons, 6 July, 1274; Michael Palæologus himself promised to take thecross. On 1 May, 1275,Gregory X effected a truce between this sovereign and Charles of Anjou. In the meantime Philip III, King ofFrance, the King ofEngland, and the King ofAragon made avow to go to the Holy Land. Unfortunately the death ofGregory X brought these plans to nought, and Charles of Anjou resumed his scheming. In 1277 he sent intoSyria Roger of San Severino, who succeeded in planting his banner on the castle ofAcre and in 1278 took possession of the principality ofAchaia in the name of his daughter-in-law Isabelle de Villehardouin. Michael Palæologus had not been able to effect theunion of theGreek clergy withRome, and in 1281Pope Martin IVexcommunicated him. Having signed an alliance withVenice, Charles of Anjou prepared to attackConstantinople, and his expedition was set for April, 1283. On 30 March, 1282, however, the revolt known as theSicilian Vespers occurred, and once more his projects were defeated. In order to subdue his own rebellious subjects and to wagewar against the King ofAragon, Charles was at last compelled to abandon his designs on the East. Meanwhile Michael Palæologus remained master ofConstantinople, and the Holy Land was left defenceless. In 1280 theMongols attempted once more to invadeSyria, but were repulsed by theEgyptians at the battle of Hims; in 1286 the inhabitants ofSaint-Jean d'Acre expelled Charles of Anjou's seneschal and called to their aid Henry II, King ofCyprus. Kelaoun, the successor of Bibars, now broke the truce which he had concluded with theChristians, and seized Margat, the stronghold of theHospitallers. Tripoli surrendered in 1289, and on 5 April, 1291, Malek-Aschraf, son and successor of Kelaoun, appeared beforeSaint-Jean d'Acre with 120,000 men. The 25,000Christians who defended the city were not even under one supreme commander; nevertheless they resisted with heroic valour, filled breaches in the wall with stakes and bags of cotton and wool, and communicated by sea with King Henry II, who brought them help fromCyprus. However, 28 May, theMohammedans made a general attack and penetrated into the town, and its defenders fled in their ships. The strongest opposition was offered by theTemplars, the garrison of whose fortress held out ten days longer, only to be completely annihilated. In July, 1291, the lastChristian towns inSyria capitulated, and theKingdom of Jerusalem ceased to exist.
The loss ofSaint-Jean d'Acre did not lead the princes ofEurope to organize a new crusade. Men's minds were indeed, as usual, directed towards the East, but in the first years of the fourteenth century theidea of a crusade inspired principally the works of theorists who saw in it the best means of reformingChristendom. The treatise by Pierre Dubois, law-officer of the crown atCoutances, "De Recuperatione Terræ Sanctæ" (Langlois, ed., Paris, 1891), seems like the work of a dreamer, yet some of its views are truly modern. The establishment of peace betweenChristian princes by means of a tribunal of arbitration, theidea of making aFrench prince hereditary emperor, the secularization of thePatrimony of St. Peter, the consolidation of the Orders of theHospitallers andTemplars, the creation of a disciplined army the different corps of which were to have a special uniform, the creation of schools for the study ofOriental languages, and the intermarriage ofChristian maidens withSaracens were the principalideas it propounded (1307). On the other hand the writings of men of greater activity and wider experience suggested more practical methods for effecting the conquest of the East. Persuaded thatChristian defeat in the Orient was largely due to the mercantile relations which theItalian citiesVenice andGenoa continued to hold with theMohammedans, these authors sought the establishment of a commercial blockade which, within a few years, would prove the ruin ofEgypt and cause it to fall underChristian control. For this purpose it was recommended that a large fleet be fitted out at the expense ofChristian princes and made to do policeduty on the Mediterranean so as to prevent smuggling. These were the projects set forth in the memoirs of Fidentius of Padua, aFranciscan (about 1291, Bibliothèque Nationale, Latinmanuscripts, 7247); in those of King Charles II ofNaples (1293, Bib. Nat.,Frankishmanuscripts, 6049);Jacques de Molay (1307,Baluze, ed., Vitæ paparum Avenion., II, 176-185); Henry II, King ofCyprus (Mas-Latrie, ed., Histoire de Chypre, II, 118); Guillaume d'Adam,Archbishop of Sultanieh (1310, Kohler, ed., Collect. Hist. of the Crusades, Armenian Documents, II); and Marino Sanudo, theVenetian (Bongars, ed., Secreta fidelium Crucis, II). The consolidation of themilitary orders was also urged by Charles II. Many other memoirs, especially that of Hayton, King ofArmenia (1307, ed. Armenian Documents, I), considered an alliance between theChristians and theMongols ofPersia indispensable to success. In fact, from the end of the thirteenth century many missionaries had penetrated into theMongolian Empire; inPersia, as well as inChina, their propaganda flourished.St. Francis of Assisi, andRaymond Lully had hoped to substitute for the warlike crusade a peaceableconversion of theMohammedans toChristianity.Raymond Lully, born at Palma, on theIsland of Majorca, in 1235, began (1275) his "Great Art", which, by means of a universal method for the study ofOriental languages, would equip missionaries to enter into controversies with theMohammedan doctors. In the same year he prevailed upon the King of Majorca to found the College of the Blessed Trinity at Miramar, where theFriars Minor could learn theOriental languages. He himself translatedcatechetical treatises into Arabic and, after spending his life travelling inEurope trying to win over to hisideaspopes and kings, sufferedmartyrdom at Bougie, where he had begun his work of evangelization (1314). Among theMohammedans this propaganda encountered insurmountable difficulties, whereas theMongols, some of whom were still members of theNestorian Church, received it willingly. During the pontificate ofJohn XXII (1316-34) permanentDominican andFranciscan missions were established inPersia,China, Tatary andTurkestan, and in 1318 theArchbishopric of Sultanieh was created inPersia. InChina Giovanni de Monte Corvino, createdArchbishop of Cambaluc (Peking), organized thereligious hierarchy,founded monasteries, andconverted toChristianity men of note, possibly the great khan himself. The account of the journey of Blessed Orderic de Pordenone (Cordier, ed.) acrossAsia, between 1304 and 1330, shows us thatChristianity had gained a foothold inPersia,India, CentralAsia, and SouthernChina.
By thus leading up to an alliance betweenMongols andChristians against theMohammedans, the crusade had produced the desired effect; early in the fourteenth century the future development ofChristianity in the East seemed assured. Unfortunately, however, the internal changes which occurred in the West, the weakening of the political influence of thepopes, the indifference of temporal princes to what did not directly affect their territorial interests rendered unavailing all efforts towards the re-establishment ofChristian power in the East. Thepopes endeavoured to insure the blockade ofEgypt by prohibiting commercial intercourse with theinfidels and by organizing a squadron for the prevention of smuggling, but theVenetians andGenoese defiantly sent their vessels toAlexandria and soldslaves and military stores to the Mamelukes. Moreover, the consolidation of themilitary orders could not be effected. By causing the suppression of theTemplars at theCouncil of Vienne in 1311,King Philip the Fair dealt a cruel blow to the crusade; instead of giving to theHospitallers the immense wealth of theTemplars, he confiscated it. TheTeutonic Order having established itself inPrussia in 1228, there remained in the East only theHospitallers. After the capture ofSaint-Jean d'Acre, Henry II, King ofCyprus, had offered them shelter at Limasol, but there they found themselves in very straitened circumstances. In 1310 they seized theIsland of Rhodes, which had become a den of pirates, and took it as their permanent abode. Finally, the contemplated alliance with theMongols was never fully realized. It was in vain that Argoun, Khan ofPersia, sent theNestorianmonk, Raban Sauma, as ambassador to thepope and the princes of the West (1285-88); his offers elicited but vague replies. On 23 December, 1299, Cazan, successor to Argoun, inflicted a defeat upon theChristians at Hims, and capturedDamascus, but he could not hold his conquests, and died in 1304 just as he was preparing for a new expedition. The princes of the West assumed thecross in order to appropriate to their own use thetithes which, for the defrayal of crusade expenses, they had levied upon the property of theclergy. For these sovereigns the crusade had no longer any but a fiscal interest. In 1336 King Philip VI ofFrance, whom thepope had appointed leader of the crusade, collected a fleet atMarseilles and was preparing to go to the East when the news of the projects ofEdward III caused him to return toParis.War then broke out betweenFrance andEngland, and proved an insurmountable obstacle to the success of any crusade just when the combined forces of allChristendom would have been none too powerful to resist the new storm gathering in the East. From the close of the thirteenth century a band ofOttoman Turks, driven out of CentralAsia byMongol invasions, had founded a military state inAsia Minor and now threatened to invadeEurope. They captured Ephesus in 1308, and in 1326 Othman, their sultan, established his residence at Broussa (Prusa) in Bithynia under Ourkhan, moreover, they organized the regular foot-guards of janizaries against whom the undisciplined troops of Westernknights could not hold out. TheTurks enteredNicomedia in 1328 andNicæa in 1330; when they threatened the Emperors ofConstantinople, the latter renewed negotiations with thepopes with a view towards the reconciliation of theGreek andRoman Churches, for which purpose Barlaam was sent as ambassador toAvignon, in 1339. At the same time theEgyptian Mamelukes destroyed the port of Lajazzo, commercial centre of the Kingdom of Armenia Minor, where the remnants of theChristian colonies had sought refuge after the taking ofSaint-Jean d'Acre (1337). The commercial welfare of theVenetians themselves was threatened; with their supportPope Clement VI in 1344 succeeded in reorganizing the maritime league whose operations had been prevented by thewar betweenFrance andEngland.Genoa, theHospitallers, and the King ofCyprus all sent their contingents, and, on 28 October, 1344, the crusaders seized Smyrna, which was confided to the care of theHospitallers. In 1345 reinforcements under Humbert, Dauphin of Viennois, appeared in the Archipelago, but the new leader of the crusade was utterly disqualified for the work assigned him; unable to withstand the piracy of theTurkish ameers, theChristians concluded a truce with them in 1348. In 1356 theOttomans capturedGallipoli and intercepted the route toConstantinople.
The cause of the crusade then found an unexpected defender in Peter I, King ofCyprus, who, called upon by theArmenians, succeeded in surprising and storming the city of Adalia on the Cilician coast in 1361. Urged by his chancellor, Philip de Méziéres, and Pierre Thomas, thepapal legate, Peter I undertook a voyage to the West (1362-65) in the hope of reviving the enthusiasm of theChristian princes.Pope Urban V extended him a magnificent welcome, as did also John the Good, King ofFrance, who took thecross atAvignon, 20 March, 1363; the latter's example was followed byKing Edward III, the Black Prince, Emperor Charles IV, and Casimir, King ofPoland. Everywhere King Peter was tendered fair promises, but when, in June, 1365, he embarked atVenice he was accompanied by hardly any but his own forces. After rallying the fleet of theHospitallers, he appeared unexpectedly before the Old Port ofAlexandria, landed without resistance, and plundered the city for two days, but at the approach of anEgyptian army his soldiers forced him to retreat, 9-16 October, 1365. Again in 1367 he pillaged the ports ofSyria, Tripoli,Tortosa,Laodicea, andJaffa, thus destroying the commerce ofEgypt. Later, in another voyage to the West, he made a supreme effort to interest the princes in the crusade, but on his return toCyprus he was assassinated, as the result of a conspiracy. Meanwhile theOttomans continued their progress inEurope, takingPhilippopolis in 1363 and, in 1365, capturingAdrianople, which became the capital of the sultans. At the solicitation ofPope Urban V, Amadeus VII, Count of Savoy, took thecross and on 15 August, 1366, his fleet seizedGallipoli; then, after rescuing theGreek emperor, John V, held captive by theBulgarians, he returned to the West. In spite of the heroism displayed during these expeditions, the efforts made by the crusaders were too intermittent to be productive of enduring results. Philippe de Méziéres, a friend and admirer of Pierre de Lusignan, eager to seek a remedy for the ills ofChristendom, dreamed of founding a new militia, the Order of the Passion, an organization whose character was to be at onceclerical andmilitary, and whose members, althoughmarried, were to lead an almostmonastic life andconsecrate themselves to the conquest of the Holy Land. Being well received byCharles V, Philippe de Méziéres established himself atParis and propagated hisideas among theFrench nobility. In 1390 Louis II, Duke of Bourbon, took thecross, and at the instigation of theGenoese went to besiege el-Mahadia, anAfrican city on the coast ofTunis. In 1392 Charles VI, who had signed a treaty of peace withEngland, appeared to have been won over to the crusade project just before he becamederanged. But the time for expeditions to the Holy Land was now passed, and henceforthChristianEurope was forced to defend itself againstOttoman invasions. In 1369 John V, Palæologus, went toRome andabjured theschism; thereafter thepopes worked valiantly for the preservation of the remnants of theByzantine Empire and theChristian states in the Balkans. Having become master ofServia at the battle of Kosovo in 1389, the Sultan Bajazet imposed his sovereignty upon John V and secured possession ofPhiladelphia, the lastGreek city inAsia Minor. Sigismund, King ofHungary, alarmed at the progress of theTurks, sent an embassy to Charles VI, and a large number ofFrench lords, among them the Count ofNevers, son of the Duke ofBurgundy, enlisted under the standard of thecross and, in July 1396, were joined at Buda byEnglish and Germanknights. The crusaders invadedServia, but despite their prodigies of valeur Bajazet completely routed them beforeNicopolis, 25 September, 1396. The Count ofNevers and a great many lords became Bajazet's prisoners and were released only on condition of enormous ransoms. Notwithstanding this defeat, due to the misguided ardour of the crusaders, a new expedition left Aiguesmortes in June, 1399, under the command of the Marshal Boucicault and succeeded in breaking the blockade which theTurks had established aroundConstantinople. Moreover, between 1400 and 1402, John Palæologus made another voyage to the West in quest of reinforcements.
An unlooked-for event, the invasion by Timur and theMongols, savedConstantinople for the time being. They annihilated Bajazet's army atAncyra, 20 July, 1402, and, dividing theOttoman Empire among several princes, reduced it to a state of vassalage. The Western rulers, Henry III, King ofCastile, and Charles VI, King ofFrance, sent ambassadors to Timur (see the account by Ruy Gonçales de Clavijo, Madrid, 1779), but the circumstances were not favourable, as they had been in the thirteenth century. The national revolt of theChinese that overthrew theMongol dynasty in 1368 had resulted in the destruction of theChristian missions in FartherAsia; in CentralAsia theMongols had been converted toMohammedanism, and Timur showed his hostility to theChristians by takingSmyrna from theHospitallers. Marshal Boucicault took advantage of the dejection into which theMongol invasion had thrown theMohammedan powers to sack the ports ofSyria, Tripoli,Beirut, andSidon in 1403, but he was unable to retain his conquests; while Timur, on the other hand, thought only of obtaining possession ofChina and returned to Samarkand, where he died in 1405. The civil wars that broke out among theOttoman princes gave theByzantine emperors a few years' respite, but Murad II, having re-established theTurkish power, besiegedConstantinople from June to September in 1422, and John VIII, Palæologus, was compelled to pay him tribute. In 1430 Murad tookThessalonica from theVenetians, forced the wall of the Hexamilion, which had been erected by Manuel to protect the Peloponnesus, and subduedServia. Theidea of the crusade was always popular in the West, and, on his death-bed, Henry V ofEngland regretted that he had not takenJerusalem. In her letters to Bedford, the regent, and to the Duke ofBurgundy,Joan of Arc alluded to the union ofChristendom against theSaracens, and the popularbelief expressed in the poetry ofChristine de Pisan was that, after having deliveredFrance, theMaid of Orleans would lead Charles VII to the Holy Land. But this was only a dream, and the civil wars inFrance, the crusade against theHussites, and theCouncil of Constance, prevented any action from being taken against theTurks. However, in 1421 Philip the Good, Duke ofBurgundy, sent Gilbert de Lannoy, and in 1432, Bertrand de la Brocquière, to the East as secret emissaries to gather information that might be of value for a future crusade. At the same time negotiations for thereligious union which would facilitate the crusade were resumed between theByzantine emperors and thepopes. Emperor John VIII came in person to attend thecouncil convoked byPope Eugene IV atFerrara, in 1438. Thanks to the good will ofBessarion and ofIsidore of Kiev, the twoGreekprelates whom thepope had elevated to thecardinalate, thecouncil, which was transferred toFlorence, established harmony on all points, and on 6 July, 1439, the reconciliation was solemnly proclaimed. The reunion was received in bad part by the Greeks and did not induce the Western princes to take thecross. Adventurers of all nationalities enrolled themselves under the command ofCardinal Giuliano Cesarini and went toHungary to join the armies ofJános Hunyady, Waywode ofTransylvania, who had just repulsed theTurks at Hermanstadt, of Wladislaus Jagello, King ofPoland, and of George Brankovitch, Prince ofServia. Having defeated theTurks at Nish, 3 November, 1443, the allies were enabled to conquerServia, owing to the defection of theAlbanians under George Castriota (Scanderbeg), their national commander. Murad signed a ten years' truce and abdicated the throne, 15 July, 1444, butGiuliano Cesarini, thepapal legate, did not favour peace and wished to push forward toConstantinople. At his instigation the crusaders broke the truce and invadedBulgaria, whereupon Murad again took command, crossed the Bosporus onGenoese galleys, and destroyed theChristian army at Varna, 10 November, 1444. This defeat leftConstantinople defenceless. In 1446 Murad succeeded in conquering Morea, and when, two years later,János Hunyady tried to go to the assistance ofConstantinople he was beaten at Kosovo. Scanderbeg alone managed to maintain his independence in Epirus and, in 1449, repelled aTurkish invasion. Mohammed II, who succeeded Murad in 1451, was preparing to besiegeConstantinople when, 12 December, 1452, Emperor Constantine XII decided to proclaim theunion of the Churches in the presence of thepapal legates. The expected crusade, however, did not take place; and when, in March, 1453, the armed forces of Mohammed II, numbering 160,000, completely surroundedConstantinople, theGreeks had only 5000 soldiers and 2000 Westernknights, commanded by Giustiniani ofGenoa. Notwithstanding this serious disadvantage, the city held out against the enemy for two months, but on the night of 28 May, 1453, Mohammed II ordered a general assault, and after a desperate conflict, in which Emperor Constantine XII perished, theTurks entered the city from all sides and perpetrated a frightful slaughter. Mohammed II rode over heaps of corpses to the church of St. Sophia, entered it on horseback, and turned it into a mosque.
The capture of "New Rome" was the most appalling calamity sustained byChristendom since the taking ofSaint-Jean d'Acre. However, the agitation which the news of this event caused inEurope was more apparent than genuine. Philip the Good, Duke ofBurgundy, gave an allegorical entertainment atLille in whichHoly Church solicited the help ofknights who pronounced the most extravagantvows beforeGod and a pheasant (sur le faisan).Æneas Sylvius,Bishop ofSiena, andSt. John Capistran, theFranciscan, preached the crusade inGermany andHungary; the Diets ofRatisbon andFrankfort promised assistance, and a league was formed betweenVenice,Florence, and the Duke ofMilan, but nothing came of it.Pope Callistus III succeeded in collecting a fleet of sixteen galleys, which, under the command of thePatriarch ofAquileia, guarded the Archipelago. However, the defeat of theTurks beforeBelgrade in 1457, due to the bravery ofJános Hunyady, and the bloody conquest of the Peloponnesus in 1460 seemed finally to reviveChristendom from its torpor. Æneas Sylvius, nowpope under the name ofPius II, multiplied his exhortations, declaring that he himself would conduct the crusade, and towards the close of 1463 bands of crusaders began to assemble atAncona. The Doge ofVenice had yielded to thepope's entreaties, whereas the Duke ofBurgundy was satisfied with sending 2000 men. But when, in June, 1464, thepope went toAncona to assume command of the expedition, he fell sick and died, whereupon most of the crusaders, being unarmed, destitute of ammunition, and threatened with starvation, returned to their own countries. TheVenetians were the only ones who invaded the Peloponnesus and sackedAthens, but they looked upon the crusade merely as a means of advancing their commercial interests. UnderSixtus IV they had the presumption to utilize the papal fleet for the seizure of merchandise stored atSmyrna and Adalia; they likewise purchased the claims of Catherine Cornaro to theKingdom of Cyprus. Finally, in 1480, Mohammed II directed a triple attack againstEurope. InHungaryMatthias Corvinus withstood theTurkish invasion, and theKnights of Rhodes, conducted byPierre d'Aubusson, defended themselves victoriously, but theTurks succeeded in gaining possession ofOtranto and threatenedItaly with conquest. At an assembly held atRome and presided over bySixtus IV, ambassadors from theChristian princes again promised help; but the condition ofChristendom would have been critical indeed had not the death of Mohammed II occasioned the evacuation ofOtranto, while the power of theTurks was impaired for several years by civil wars among Mohammed's sons. At the time of Charles VIII's expedition intoItaly (1492) there was again talk of a crusade; according to the plans of the King ofFrance, the conquest ofNaples was to be followed by that ofConstantinople and the East. For this reasonPope Alexander VI delivered to him Prince Djem, son of Mohammed II and pretender to the throne, who had taken refuge with theHospitallers. WhenAlexander VI joinedVenice and Maximilian in a league against Charles VIII, the official object of the alliance was the crusade, but it had become impossible to take such projects as seriously meant. The leagues for the crusade were no longer anything but political combinations, and the preaching of the Holy War seemed to the people nothing but a means of raising money. Before his death, Emperor Maximilian took thecross atMetz with due solemnity, but these demonstrations could lead to no satisfactory results. The new conditions that now controlledChristendom rendered a crusade impossible.
From the sixteenth centuryEuropean policy was swayed exclusively by state interests; hence to statesmen theidea of a crusade seemed antiquated.Egypt andJerusalem having been conquered by Sultan Selim, in 1517,Pope Leo X made a supreme effort to re-establish the peace essential to the organization of a crusade. The King ofFrance andEmperor Charles V promised their co-operation; the King ofPortugal was to besiegeConstantinople with 300 ships, and thepope himself was to conduct the expedition. Just at this time trouble broke out betweenFrancis I andCharles V; these plans therefore failed completely. The leaders of theReformation were unfavourable to the crusade, andLuther declared that it was asin to makewar upon theTurks becauseGod had made them His instruments in punishing thesins of His people. Therefore, although theidea of the crusade was not wholly lost sight of, it took a new form and adapted itself to the new conditions. TheConquistadores, who ever since the fifteenth century had been going forth to discover new lands, considered themselves the auxiliaries of the crusade. The Infante Don Henrique,Vasco da Gama,Christopher Columbus, andAlbuquerque wore thecross on their breast and, when seeking the means of doublingAfrica or of reachingAsia by routes from the East, thought of attacking theMohammedans in the rear; besides, they calculated on the alliance of a fabulous sovereign said to be aChristian,Prester John. Thepopes, moreover, strongly encouraged these expeditions. On the other hand, among the Powers ofEurope the House of Austria, which was mistress ofHungary, where it was directly threatened by theTurks, and which had supreme control of the Mediterranean, realized that it would be to its advantage to maintain a certain interest in the crusade. Until the end of the seventeenth century, when a diet of the German princes was held atRatisbon, the question ofwar against theTurks was frequently agitated, andLuther himself, modifying his first opinion, exhorted the German nobility to defendChristendom (1528-29). Thewar inHungary always partook of the character of a crusade and, on different occasions, theFrench nobles enlisted under the imperial banner. Thus the Duke of Mercoeur was authorized byHenry IV to enter theHungarian service. In 1664Louis XIV, eager to extend his influence inEurope, sent the emperor a contingent which, under the command of the Count of Coligny, repulsed theTurks in the battle of St. Gothard. But such demonstrations were of no importance because, from the time ofFrancis I, the kings ofFrance, to maintain the balance of power inEurope against the House of Austria, had not hesitated to enter into treaties of alliance with theTurks. When, in 1683, Kara Mustapha advanced onVienna with 30,000Turks or Tatars,Louis XIV made no move, and it was toJohn Sobieski, King ofPoland, that the emperor owed his safety. This was the supreme effort made by theTurks in the West. Overwhelmed by the victories of Prince Eugene at the close of the seventeenth century, they became thenceforth a passive power.
On the Mediterranean,Genoa andVenice beheld their commercial monopoly destroyed in the sixteenth century by the discovery of new continents and of new water-routes to the Indies, while their political power was absorbed by the House of Austria. Without allowing the crusaders to deter them from their continental enterprises, the Hapsburgs dreamed of gaining control of the Mediterranean by checking the Barbary pirates and arresting the progress of theTurks. When, in 1571, theIsland of Cyprus was threatened by theOttomans, who cruelly massacred the garrisons ofFamagusta andNicosia, these towns having surrendered on stipulated terms,Pope Pius V succeeded in forming a league of maritime powers against Sultan Selim, and secured the co-operation ofPhilip II by granting him theright totithes for the crusade, while he himself equipped some galleys. On 7 October, 1571, aChristian fleet of 200 galleys, carrying 50,000 men under the command of Don Juan ofAustria, met theOttoman fleet in the Straits ofLepanto, destroyed it completely, and liberated thousands ofChristians. This expedition was in the nature of a crusade. Thepope, considering that the victory had savedChristendom, by way of commemorating it instituted thefeast of the Holy Rosary, which is celebrated on the first Sunday of October. But the allies pushed their advantages no further. When, in the seventeenth century,France supersededSpain as the great Mediterranean power, she strove, despite the treaties that bound her to theTurks, to defend the last remnants ofChristian power in the East. In 1669Louis XIV sent the Duke of Beaufort with a fleet of 7000 men to the defence ofCandia, aVenetian province, but, notwithstanding some brilliant sallies, he succeeded in putting off its capture for a few weeks only. However, the diplomatic action of the kings ofFrance in regard toEastern Christians who wereTurkish subjects was more efficacious. The regime of "Capitulations", established underFrancis I in 1536, renewed underLouis XIV in 1673, and Louis XV in 1740, ensuredCatholics religious freedom and the jurisdiction of theFrench ambassador atConstantinople; allWestern pilgrims were allowed access toJerusalem and to theHoly Sepulchre, which was confided to the care of theFriars Minor. Such was themodus vivendi finally established betweenChristendom and theMohammedan world.
Notwithstanding these changes it may be said that, until the seventeenth century, theimagination ofWestern Christendom was still haunted by theidea of the Crusades. Even the least chimerical of statesmen, such as Père Joseph de Tremblay, the confidential friend ofRichelieu, at times cherished such hopes, while the plan set forth in the memorial whichLeibniz addressed (1672) toLouis XIV on the conquest ofEgypt was that of a regular crusade. Lastly, there remained as the respectable relic of a glorious past theOrder of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, which was founded in the eleventh century and continued to exist until theFrench Revolution. Despite the valiant efforts of their grand master, Villiers de l'Isle Adam, theTurks had driven them fromRhodes in 1522, and they had taken refuge inItaly. In 1530Charles V presented them with theIsle of Malta, admirably situated from a strategic point of view, whence they might exercise surveillance over the Mediterranean. They were obliged to promise to give upMalta on the recovery ofRhodes, and also to makewar upon the Barbary pirates. In 1565 theKnights of Malta withstood a furious attack by theTurks. They also maintained a squadron able to put to flight the Barbary pirates. Recruited from among the younger sons of the noblestfamilies ofEurope, they owned immense estates inFrance as well as inItaly, and when theFrench Revolution broke out, the order quickly lost ground. Theproperty it held inFrance was confiscated in 1790, and when, in 1798, the Directory undertook an expedition toEgypt,Bonaparte, in passing, seized theIsle of Malta, whoseknights had themselves under the protection of the Czar, Paul I. The city of Valetta surrendered at the first summons, and the order disbanded; however, in 1826 it was reorganized inRome as a charitable association.
The history of the Crusades is therefore intimately connected with that of thepopes and theChurch. These Holy Wars were essentially a papal enterprise. Theidea of quelling all dissensions amongChristians, of uniting them under the same standard and sending them forth against theMohammedans, was conceived in the eleventh century, that is to say, at a time when there were as yet no organized states inEurope, and when thepope was the only potentate in a position to know and understand the common interests ofChristendom. At this time theTurks threatened to invadeEurope, and theByzantine Empire seemed unable to withstand the enemies by whom it was surrounded.Urban II then took advantage of the veneration in which the holy places were held by theChristians of the West and entreated the latter to direct their combined forces against theMohammedans and, by a bold attack, check their progress. The result of this effort was the establishment of theChristian states inSyria. While the authority of thepopes remained undisputed inEurope, they were in a position to furnish theseChristian colonies the help they required; but when this authority was shaken by dissensions between thepriesthood and the empire, the crusading army lost the unity of command so essential to success. The maritime powers ofItaly, whose assistance was indispensable to theChristian armies, thought only of using the Crusades for political and economic ends. Other princes, first the Hohenstaufen and afterwards Charles of Anjou, followed this precedent, the crusade of 1204 being the first open rebellion against thepontifical will. Finally, when, at the close of theMiddle Ages, allidea of theChristian monarchy had been definitively cast aside, when state policy was the sole influence that actuated the Powers ofEurope, the crusade seemed a respectable but troublesome survival. In the fifteenth centuryEurope permitted theTurks to seizeConstantinople, and princes were far less concerned about their departure for the East than about finding a way out of the fulfilment of theirvow as crusaders without losing the good opinion of the public. Thereafter all attempts at a crusade partook of the nature of political schemes.
Notwithstanding their final overthrow, the Crusades hold a very important place in the history of the world. Essentially the work of thepopes, these Holy Wars first of all helped to strengthenpontifical authority; they afforded thepopes an opportunity to interfere in thewars betweenChristian princes, while the temporal and spiritual privileges which they conferred upon crusaders virtually made the latter their subjects. At the same time this was the principal reason why so many civil rulers refused to join the Crusades. It must be said that the advantages thus acquired by thepopes were for the common safety ofChristendom. From the outset the Crusades were defensivewars and checked the advance of theMohammedans who, for two centuries, concentrated their forces in a struggle against theChristian settlements inSyria; henceEurope is largely indebted to the Crusades for the maintenance of its independence. Besides, the Crusades brought about results of which thepopes had never dreamed, and which were perhaps the most, important of all. They re-established traffic between the East and West, which, after having been suspended for several centuries, was then resumed with even greater energy; they were the means of bringing from the depths of their respective provinces and introducing into the most civilizedAsiatic countries Westernknights, to whom a new world was thus revealed, and who returned to their native land filled with novelideas; they were instrumental in extending the commerce of the Indies, of which theItalian cities long held the monopoly, and the products of which transformed the material life of the West. Moreover, as early as the end of the twelfth century, the development of general culture in the West was the direct result of these Holy Wars. Finally, it is with the Crusades that we must couple the origin of the geographical explorations made byMarco Polo and Orderic of Pordenone, theItalians who brought toEurope the knowledge of continentalAsia andChina. At a still later date, it was the spirit of thetrue crusader that animatedChristopher Columbus when he undertook his perilous voyage to the then unknown America, andVasco de Gama when he set out in quest ofIndia. If, indeed, theChristian civilization ofEurope has become universal culture, in the highest sense, the glory redounds, in no small measure, to the Crusades.
See alsoBIBLIOGRAPHY AND SOURCES.
APA citation.Bréhier, L.(1908).Crusades. InThe Catholic Encyclopedia.New York: Robert Appleton Company.http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04543c.htm
MLA citation.Bréhier, Louis."Crusades."The Catholic Encyclopedia.Vol. 4.New York: Robert Appleton Company,1908.<http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04543c.htm>.
Transcription.This article was transcribed for New Advent by Douglas J. Potter.Dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ.
Ecclesiastical approbation.Nihil Obstat. Remy Lafort, Censor.Imprimatur. +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York.
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