Eusebius of Cæsarea

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Eusebius Pamphili,Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, the "Father ofChurch History"; b. about 260; d. before 341.

Life

It will save lengthy digression if we at once speak of a document which will often have to be referred to on account of its biographical importance, viz., the letter written by Eusebius to hisdiocese in order to explain his subscription to the Creed propounded by theCouncil of Nicæa. After some preliminary remarks, the writer proceeds: "We first transmit to you the writing concerning thefaith which was put forward by us, and then the second, which they have published after putting in additions to our expressions. Now the writing presented by us, which when read in the presence of our most religious emperor was declared to have a right and approved character was as follows: [The Faith put forward by us]. As we have received from thebishops before us both in our firstcatechetical instruction and when we werebaptized, and as we have learned from the Divine Scriptures, and as we have believed and taught in the presbyterate and in the office ofbishop itself so now likewisebelieving we offer to you ourfaith and it is thus." Then follows a formal creed [Theodoret, Hist., I, 11;Socrates, Hist., I, 8; St. Athanasius, de Dec. Syn. Nic. (appendix) and elsewhere. Translated byNewman with notes in the Oxford Library of the Fathers (Select Treatises of St. Athanasius, p. 59) and St. Athanasius, vol. I. The translation given here is Dr. Hort's. The words in brackets are probably genuine though not given bySocrates and St. Athanasius].

Dr. Hort in 1876 ("Two Dissertations", etc., pp. 56 sqq.) pointed out that this creed was presumably that of theChurch of Cæsarea of which Eusebius wasbishop. This view is widely accepted (cf. Lightfoot, art. "Euseb." in "Dict. of Christ. Biog." — All references to Lightfoot, unless otherwise stated, are to this article. — Sanday, "Journal of Theolog. Studies", vol. I, p. 15; Gwatkin, "Studies of Arianism", p. 42, 2nd edition; McGiffert, "Prolog. to C. H. of Euseb." in "Select Library of Nic. and post-Nic. Fathers"; Duchesne, "Hist. de l'Église", vol. II, p. 149). According to this view it is natural to regard the introduction, "As we have received" etc., as autobiographical, and to infer that Eusebius had exercised the office ofpriesthood in the city of Cæsarea before he became itsbishop, and had received his earliest religious instruction and the sacrament of Baptism there also. But other interpretations of this document are given, one of which destroys, while the other diminishes, its biographical value: (a) According to some the creed proferred by Eusebius was drawn up as a formula to be subscribed by all thebishops. It was they who were to say that it embodied what they had been taught ascatechumens and had taught aspriests andbishops. This seems to have been the view generally held before Hort, and was Kattenbusch's view in 1804 (Das apostolische Symbol, vol. I, p. 231). One objection to this view may be noted. It makesall thebishops equivalently say that before they received the episcopate they had for some time exercised theduties of thepriesthood. (b) Others maintain that this creed was not the local creed of Cæsarea, but one drawn up by Eusebius in his own justification as embodying what he had always believed and taught. According to this interpretation the preliminary statement still remains autobiographical; but it merely informs us that the writer exercised the office ofpriest before he became abishop. This interpretation has been adopted by Kattenbusch in his second volume (p. 239) published in 1900. One of the reasons which he gives for his change of view is that when he was preparing his first volume he usedSocrates, who does not give the superscription which we have printed in brackets. It is a vital matter with writers of theschool of Kattenbusch not to accept what seems the natural interpretation of Eusebius's words, viz., that the creed he read before the council was actually the one he had always used. If this is admitted, "then", to quote Dr. Sanday, "I cannot but think that the theory of Kattenbusch and Harnack [viz. that the Eastern creeds were daughters of the early Roman creed, and this latter did not reach the East till about 272] breaks breaks down altogether. Bishop Lightfoot … puts the birth of Eusebius about 260 so that he would be something like twelve years old whenAurelian intervened in the affairs of Antioch. In other words he was in all probability alreadybaptized, and had already been catechised in the Cæsarean creed at a time when, in the Kattenbusch-Harnack hypothesis, the parent of that creed had not yet reached Antioch — much less Cæsarea orJerusalem" (Journ. Th. Studies, I, 15).

The passage just quoted shows that thedate of Eusebius's birth is more than a merely curious question. According to Lightfoot, it cannot have been "much later than 260" (p. 309); according to Harnack, "it can hardly be placed later than 260-265" (Chronologie, I, p. 106). The data from which they argue are thepersons and events which Eusebius describes as belonging to "our own times". Thus, at the end of his account of the epistles ofDionysius of Alexandria, he says he is now going to relate the events of "our own times" (kath’ ‘emâs. —Church History VII.26). He then recounts how, atRome, Pope Dionysius (259-268) succeededXystus, and about the same timePaul of Samosata becameBishop ofAntioch. Elsewhere (Church History V.28) he speaks of the same Paul as reviving "in our own time" (kath’ ‘emâs) theheresy ofArtemon. He also speaks of the Alexandrian Dionysius (d. 265) in the same way (Church History III.28). He calls Manes, whom he places (Church History VII.31) during the episcopate of Felix (270-274), "the maniac of yesterday and our own timess" (Theophania, IV, 30). An historian might of course refer to events recent, but before his own birth, as belonging to "our own times"; e.g. a man of thirty might speak thus of the Franco-Germanwar in 1870. But the reference to Manes as "the maniac of yesterday" certainly suggests a writer who is alluding to what happened within his own personal recollection.

Concerning Eusebius's parentage weknow absolutely nothing; but the fact that he escaped with a short term ofimprisonment during the terribleDiocletianpersecution, when his masterPamphilus and others of his companions sufferedmartyrdom, suggests that he belonged to afamily of some influence and importance. His relations, later on, with theEmperor Constantine point to the same conclusion. At some time during the last twenty years of the third century he visited Antioch, where he made the acquaintance of thepriest Dorotheus, and heard him expound the Scriptures (Church History VII.32). By a slip of the pen or the memory, Lightfoot (p. 309) makes Dorotheus apriest of theChurch of Cæsarea. In 296 he saw for the first time the futureEmperor Constantine, as he passed through Palestine in the company ofDiocletian (Vit. Const., I, 19).

At a date which cannot be fixed Eusebius made the acquaintance ofPamphilus, the founder of the magnificentlibrary which remained for several centuries the great glory of theChurch of Cæsarea.Pamphilus came from Phœnicia, but at the time we are considering resided at Cæsarea, where he presided over acollege orschool for students. A man of noble birth, and wealthy, he sold his patrimony and gave the proceeds to the poor. He was a great friend to indigent students, supplying them to the best of his ability with the necessaries of life, and bestowing on them copies of theHoly Scripture. Toohumble to write anything himself, he spent his time in preparing accurate copies of the Scriptures and other books, especially those ofOrigen. Eloquent testimonies to the care bestowed byPamphilus and Eusebius on thesacred text are found in Biblicalmanuscripts which have reproduced their colophons. We give three specimens. (1) the following is prefixed to Ezechiel in the codex Marchalianus. A facsimile of the original will be found inMai's "Bib. nov. Pat.", IV, p. 218, and inMigne. It is printed in ordinary type in Swete's O. T. in Greek (vol. III, p. viii). It must be remembered thatOrigen's own copy of theHexapla was in thelibrary ofPamphilus. It had probably been deposited there byOrigen himself.

The following was transcribed from a copy of the Father Apollinarius the Coenobiarch, to which these words are subjoined: "It was transcribed from the editions of theHexapla and was corrected from the Tetrapla ofOrigen himself which also had been corrected and furnished with scholia in his own handwriting, whence I, Eusebius, added the scholia,Pamphilus and Eusebius corrected."

(2) At the end of the Book of Esdras, in the codex Sinaiticus, there is the following note:—

It was compared with a very ancient copy that had been corrected by the hand of the blessedmartyrPamphilus to which is appended in his own hand this subscription: "It was transcribed and corrected according to theHexapla ofOrigen, Antoninus compared, I,Pamphilus, corrected." (Swete, vol. II, p. 212.)

(3) The same codex and also the Vatican and Alexandrine quote a colophon like the above, with the difference that Antoninus has become a confessor, andPamphilus is inprison — "Antoninus the confessor compared,Pamphilus corrected". The volume to which this colophon was subjoined began with1 Samuel and ended with Esther.Pamphilus was certainly not idle inprison. To most of the books in the Syro-Hexaplar is subjoined a note to the effect that they were translated from theHexapla in thelibrary of Cæsarea and compared with a copy subscribed: "I, Eusebius, corrected [the above] as carefully as I could" (Harnack, "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 544, 545).

May not the confessor Antoninus be the sameperson as thepriest of that name who, later on, with two companions interrupted the governor when he was on the point of sacrificing, and was beheaded? (Mart. Pal., 9.) One member ofPamphilus's household, Apphianus, had done the same a few years before; and another, Ædesius, after being tortured and sent to the mines, on obtaining his release provokedmartyrdom at Alexandria by going before the governor and rebuking him. Towards the end of 307Pamphilus was arrested, horribly tortured, and consigned toprison. Besides continuing his work of editing theSeptuagint, he wrote, in collaboration with Eusebius, a Defence ofOrigen which was sent to the confessors in the mines — a wonderful gift from a man whose sides had been curried with iron combs, to men with their right eyes burned out and the sinews of their left legs cauterized. Early in 309Pamphilus and several of his disciples were beheaded. Out of devotion to his memory Eusebius called himself Eusebius Pamphili, meaning, probably, that he wished to be regarded as the bondsman of him whose name "it is not meet that I should mention … without styling him my lord" (Mart. Pal., ed. Cureton, p. 37). Mr. Gifford, in the introduction to his translation of the "Præp. Evang.", has suggested another explanation on the authority of an ancient scholion emanating from Cæsarea which calls Eusebius the "son ofPamphilus". He argues further thatPamphilus, in order to make Eusebius his heir, took thenecessary step of adopting him.

During thepersecution Eusebius visitedTyre andEgypt and witnessed numbers ofmartyrdoms (Church History VII.7-9). He certainly did not shun danger, and was at one time aprisoner. When, where, or how he escaped death or any kind of mutilation, we do notknow. An indignantbishop, who had been one of his fellow-prisoners and "lost an eye for the Truth", demanded at the Council ofTyre how "he came off scathless". To this taunt — it was hardly a question — made under circumstances of great provocation, Eusebius deigned no reply (Epiphan., Hær., lxviii, 8; cf. St. Athanas., "Apol. c. Arian.", viii, 1). He had many enemies, yet the charge of cowardice was never seriously made — the bestproof that it could not have been sustained. We may assume that, as soon as thepersecution began to relax, Eusebius succeededPamphilus in the charge of the college andlibrary. Perhaps he wasordainedpriest about this time. By 315 he was already abishop, for he was present in that capacity at the dedication of a new basilica atTyre, on which occasion he delivered a discourse given in full in the last book of theChurch history.

Alexander,Bishop of Alexandria,excommunicated Arius about the year 320. TheArians soon found that for all practical purposes Eusebius was on their side. He wrote to Alexander charging him with misrepresenting the teaching of theArians and so giving them cause "to attack and misrepresent whatever they please" (see below). A portion of this letter has been preserved in the Acts of thesecond Council of Nicæa, where it was cited to prove that Eusebius was aheretic. He also took part in a synod of Syrianbishops who decided that Arius should be restored to his former position, but on his side he was to obey hisbishop and continually entreat peace and communion with him (Sozomen,Church History I.15). According to Duchesne (Hist. de l'Église, II, 132), Arius, likeOrigen before him, found an asylum at Cæsarea. At the opening of theCouncil of Nicæa Eusebius occupied the first seat on the right of the emperor, and delivered the inaugural address which was "couched in a strain of thanksgiving toAlmighty God on his, the emperor's behalf" (Vit. Const., III, 11;Sozomen,Church History I.19). He evidently enjoyed great prestige and may not unreasonably have expected to be able to steer the council through thevia media between the Scylla and Charybdis of "Yes" and "No". But if he entertained such hopes they were soon disappointed. We have already spoken of the profession offaith which he brought forward to vindicate his ownorthodoxy, or perhaps in the hope that the council might adopt it. It was, in view of the actual state of the controversy, a colourless, or what at the present day would be called a comprehensive, formula. After some delay Eusebius subscribed to the uncompromising creed drawn up by the council, making no secret, in the letter which he wrote to his own Church, of the non-natural sense in which he accepted it. Between 325 and 330 a heated controversy took place between Eusebius and Eustathius,Bishop ofAntioch. Eustathius accused Eusebius of tampering with thefaith of Nicæa; the latter retorted with the charge ofSabellianism. In 331 Eusebius was among thebishops who, at asynod held inAntioch, deposed Eustathius. He was offered and refused the vacant see. In 334 and 335 he took part in the campaign against St. Athanasius at thesynods held in Cæsarea andTyre respectively. FromTyre the assembly ofbishops were summoned to Jerusalem by Constantine, to assist at the dedication of the basilica he had erected on the site of Calvary. After the dedication they restored Arius and his followers to communion. FromJerusalem they were summoned to Constantinople (336), where Marcellus was condemned. The following year Constantine died. Eusebius survived him long enough to write his Life and two treatises against Marcellus, but by the summer of 341 he was already dead, since it was his successor, Acacius, who assisted asBishop of Cæsarea at asynod held at Antioch in the summer of that year.

Writings

We shall take Eusebius's writings in the order given in Harnack's "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 554 sqq.

Historical

(1) The lost Life ofPamphilus, often referred to by Eusebius, of which only a single fragment, describingPamphilus' liberality to poor students, quoted bySt. Jerome (c. Ruffin., I, ix), survives.

(2) A collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, used by the compiler of Wright's Syriac Martyrology, also lost.

(3) On the Martyrs of Palestine. There are two distinct forms of this work, both drawn up by Eusebius. The longer is only extant in a Syriac version which was first edited and translated by Cureton in 1861. The shorter form is found in mostmanuscripts (not, however, in the best) of theChurch History, sometimes at the end of the last book, generally between books VIII and IX, also in the middle of book VIII. The existence of the same work in two different forms raises a number of curious literary problems. There is, of course, the question of priority. Here, with two notable exceptions, scholars seem to be agreed in favour of the longer form. Then comes the question, why Eusebius abridged it and, finally, how the abridgment found its way into theChurch History. The shorter form lacks some introductory remarks, referred to in c. xiii, which defined the scope of the book. It also breaks off when the writer is about to "record the palinode" of thepersecutors. It seems probable that part of the missing conclusion is extant in the form of an appendix to the eighth book of theChurch History found in severalmanuscripts This appendix contrasts the miserable fate of thepersecutors with the good fortune of Constantine and hisfather. From these data Lightfoot concludes that what we now possess formed "part of a larger work in which the sufferings of the Martyrs were set off against the deaths of thepersecutors". It must, however, be remembered that the missing parts would not add much to the book. So far as themartyrs are concerned, it is evidently complete, and the fate of thepersecutors would not take long in the telling. Still, the missing conclusion may explain why Eusebius curtailed his account of the Martyrs. The book, in both forms, was intended for popular reading. It was therefore desirable to keep down the price of copies. If this was to be done, and new matter (i.e. the fate of thepersecutors) added, the old matter had to be somewhat curtailed. In 1894, in the Theologische Literaturzeitung (p. 464) Preuschen threw out theidea that the shorter form was merely a rough draft not intended for publication. Bruno Violet, in his "Die Palästinischen Martyrer" (Texte u. Untersuch., XIV, 4, 1896) followed up thisidea and pointed out that, whereas the longer form was constantly used by the compilers of Martyrologies,Menologies, and the like, the shorter form was never used. In a review of Violet (Theolog. Litz, 1897, p. 300), Preuschen returns to his originalidea, and further suggests that the shorter form must have been joined to theChurch History by some copyist who had access to Eusebius'smanuscripts Harnack (Chronologie, 11, 115) holds to the priority of the longer form, but he thinks that the shorter form was composed almost at the same time for readers of theChurch History.

(4) The Chronicle (see separate article,CHRONICLE OF EUSEBIUS).

(5) TheChurch History. It would be difficult to overestimate theobligation which posterity is under to Eusebius for this monumental work. Living during the period of transition, when the old order was changing and all connected with it was passing into oblivion, he came forward at the critical moment with his immense stores of learning and preserved priceless treasures ofChristian antiquity. This is the great merit of theChurch History. It is not a literary work which can be read with any pleasure for the sake of its style. Eusebius's "diction", as Photius said, "is never pleasant nor clear". Neither is it the work of a great thinker. But it is a storehouse of information collected by an indefatigable student. Still, great as was Eusebius's learning, it had its limitations. He is provokingly ill-informed about the West. That he knows very little aboutTertullian orSt. Cyprian is due, no doubt, to his scantknowledge of Latin; but in the case of a Greek writer, likeHippolytus, we can only suppose that his works somehow failed to make their way to the libraries of the East. Eusebius'sgood faith and sincerity has been amply vindicated by Lightfoot. Gibbon's celebrated sneer, about a writer "who indirectly confesses that he has related whatever might redound to the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could tend to the disgrace, of religion", can be sufficiently met by referring to the passages (Church History VIII.2; Mart. Pal. c. 12) on which it is based. Eusebius does not "indirectly confess", but openly avows, that he passes over certainscandals, and he enumerates them and denounces them. "Nor again", to quote Lightfoot, "can the special charges against hishonour as a narrator be sustained. There is no ground whatever for the charge that Eusebius forged or interpolated the passage fromJosephus relating to our Lord quoted inChurch History I.11, though Heinchen is disposed to entertain the charge. Inasmuch as this passage is contained in all ourmanuscripts, and there is sufficient evidence that other interpolations (though not this) were introduced into the text ofJosephus long before his time (see Orig., c. Cels., I, 47, Delarue's note) no suspicion can justly attach to Eusebius himself. Another interpolation in the Jewish historian, which he quotes elsewhere (11, 23), was certainly known toOrigen (l. c.). Doubtless also the omission of the owl in the account ofHerod Agrippa's death (Church History II.10) was already in some texts ofJosephus (Ant., XIX, 8, 2). The manner in which Eusebius deals with his numerous quotations elsewhere, where we can test his honesty, is a sufficient vindication against thisunjust charge" (L., p. 325).

The notices in theChurch History bearing on theNew Testament canon are so important that a word must be said about the rule followed by Eusebius in what he recorded and what he left unrecorded. Speaking generally, his principle seems to have been to quote testimonies for and against those books only whose claims to a place in the Canon had been disputed. In the case of undisputed books he gave any interesting information concerning their composition which he had come across in his reading. The subject was most carefully investigated by Lightfoot in an article in "The Contemporary" (January, 1875, reprinted in "Essays on Supernatural Religion"), entitled "The Silence of Eusebius". In regard to the Gospel of St. John, Lightfoot concludes: "The silence of Eusebius respecting early witnesses to theFourth Gospel is an evidence in its favour." For the episcopal lists in theChurch History, see article on theChronicle. The tenth book of theChurch History records the defeat of Licinius in 323, and must have been completed before the death and disgrace of Crispus in 326, for it refers to him as Constantine's "mostpious son". The ninth book was completed between the defeat ofMaxentius in 312, and Constantine's first rupture with Licinius in 314.

(6) The Life of Constantine, in four books. This work has been mostunjustly blamed, from the time ofSocrates downwards, because it is a panegyric rather than a history. If ever there was a man under anobligation to respect the maxim,De mortuis nil nisi bonum, this man was Eusebius, writing the Life of Constantine within three years after his death (337). This Life is especially valuable because of the account it gives of theCouncil of Nicæa and the earlier phases of theArian controversy. It is well to remember that one of our chief sources of information for the history of that council is a book written to magnify Constantine.

Apologetic

(7) Against Hierocles. Hierocles, who, as governor in Bithynia and inEgypt, was a cruel enemy of theChristians during thepersecution, before thepersecution had attacked them with the pen. There was nothing original about his work except the use he made of Philostratus's Life of Apollonius ofTyana to institute a comparison between the Lord and Apollonius in favour of the latter. In his reply Eusebius confined himself to this one point.

(8) "Against Porphyry", a work in twenty-five books of which not a fragment survives.

(9) The "Præparatio Evangelica", in fifteen books.

(10) The "Demonstratio Evangelica", in twenty books, of which the last ten, with the exception of a fragment of the fifteenth, are lost. The object of these two treatises, which should be regarded as two parts of one comprehensive work, was to justify theChristian in rejecting the religion and philosophy of the Greeks in favour of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life. The "Præparatio" is devoted to the first of these objects. The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford's introduction to his translation of the "Præparatio": "The first three books discuss the threefold system ofPagan Theology, Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of dæmons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines ofPlato and Free Will. Books VII-IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and thetruth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the oldertheology and philosophy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence ofPlato upon Moses. In the last three books the comparison of Moses withPlato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosophers, especially the Peripatetics andStoics, are exposed and criticized."

The "Præparatio" is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius's other works, actually composed during the stress of thepersecution. It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to theChurch History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors whose works have perished. The first book of the Demonstratio chiefly deals with the temporary character of theMosaic Law. In the second the prophecies concerning the vocation of theGentiles and the rejection of theJews are discussed. In the remaining eight the testimonies of theprophets concerning Christ are treated of.

We now pass to three books, of which nothing is known save that they were read by Photius, viz. (11), The "Præparatio Ecclesiastica", (12), the "Demonstratio Ecclesiastica", and (13) Two Books of Objection and Defence, of which, from Photius's account, there seem to have been two separate editions.

(14) The "Theophania" or "Divine Manifestation". Except for a few fragments of the original, this work is only extant in a Syriac version discovered by Tattam, edited by Lee in 1842, and translated by the same in 1843. It treats of the cosmic function of the Word, the nature of man, the need of revelation, etc. The fourth and fifth books are particularly remarkable as a kind of anticipation of modern books onChristian evidences. A curious literary problem arises out of the relations between the "Theophania" and the work "De Laudibus Constantini". There are entire passages which are almost verbatim the same in both works. Lightfoot decides in favour of the priority of the first-named work. Gressel, who has edited the "Theophania" for the Berlin edition of theGreekFathers, takes the opposite view. He compares the parallel passages and argues that they are improved in the "De Laudibus Constantini".

(15) "On the Numerous Progeny of the Ancients". This work is referred to by Eusebius twice, in the "Præp. Ev.", VII, 8, and in the "Dem. Ev.", VII, 8; and also (Lightfoot and Harnack think) bySt. Basil (On the Holy Spirit 29), where he says, "I draw attention to his [Eusebius's] words in discussing the difficulties started in connexion with ancientpolygamy." Arguing from St. Basil's words, Lightfoot thinks that in this treatise Eusebius dealt with the difficulty presented by the Patriarchs possessing more than one wife. But he overlooked the reference in the "Dem. Ev.", from which it would appear that the difficulty dealt with was, perhaps, a more general one, viz., the contrast presented by the desire of the Patriarchs for a numerous offspring and thehonour in which continence was held byChristians.

Exegetical

(16) Eusebius narrates, in his Life of Constantine (IV, 36, 37), how he was commissioned by the emperor to prepare fifty sumptuous copies of theBible for use in the Churches of Constantinople. Some scholars have supposed that theCodex Sinaiticus was one of these copies. Lightfoot rejects this view chiefly on the ground that "the Text of the codex in many respects differs too widely from the readings found in Eusebius".

(17) Sections and Canons. Eusebius drew up ten canons, the first containing a list of passages common to all fourEvangelists; the second, those common to the first three and so on. He also divided the Gospels into sections numbered continuously. A number, against a section, referred the reader to the particular canon where he could find the parallel sections or passages.

(18) The labours ofPamphilus and Eusebius in editing theSeptuagint have already been spoken of. They "believed (as didSt. Jerome nearly a century afterwards) thatOrigen had succeeded in restoring the old Greek version to its primitive purity". The result was a "mischievous mixture of the Alexandrian version with the versions ofAquila and Theodotion" (Swete, "Introd. to O. T. in Greek", pp. 77, 78). For the labours of the two friends on the text of theNew Testament the reader may be referred to Rousset, "Textcritische Studien zum N. T.", c. ii. Whether as in the case of theOld Testament, they worked on any definite critical principles is not known.

(19) (a) Interpretation of the ethnological terms in the Hebrew Scriptures; (b) Chronography of Ancient Judaea with the Inheritances of the Ten Tribes; (c) A plan ofJerusalem and the Temple; (d) on the Names of Places in theHoly Scripture. These four works were written at the request of Eusebius's friend Paulinus. Only the fourth is extant. It is known as the "Topics," or the "Onomasticon".

(20) On the nomenclature of the Book of the Prophets. This work gives a short biography of each Prophet and an account of his prophecies.

(21) Commentary on the Psalms. There are many gaps in themanuscripts of this work, and they end in the 118th Psalm. The missing portions are in part supplied by extracts from the Catenæ. An allusion to the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre fixes the date at about 330. Lightfoot speaks very highly of this commentary.

(22) Commentary onIsaiah, written after the persecution.

(23 to 28) Commentaries on other books ofHoly Scripture, of some of which what may be extracts are preserved.

(29) Commentary onSt. Luke, of which what seem to be extracts are preserved.

(30) Commentary onFirst Corinthians, the existence of which seems to be implied bySt. Jerome (Ep. xlix).

(31) Commentary onHebrews. A passage that seems to belong to such a commentary was discovered and published by Mai.

(32) On the Discrepancies of the Gospels, in two parts. An epitome, very probably from the hand of Eusebius, of this work was discovered and published byMai in 1825. Extracts from the original are preserved. Of the two parts, the first, dedicated to a certain Stephen, discusses questions respecting the genealogies of Christ; the second, dedicated to one Marinus, questions concerning theResurrection. The Discrepancies were largely borrowed from bySt. Jerome andSt. Ambrose, and have thus indirectly exercised a considerable influence on Biblical studies.

(33) General Elementary Introduction, consisting of ten books, of which VI-IX are extant under the title of "Prophetical Extracts". These were written during thepersecution. There are also a few fragments of the remaining books. "This work seems to have been a general introduction totheology, and its contents were very miscellaneous as the extant remains show" (L., p. 339).

Dogmatic

(34) The Apology forOrigen. This work has already been mentioned in connexion withPamphilus. It consisted of six books, the last of which was added by Eusebius. Only the first book is extant, in a translation by Rufinus.

(35) "Against Marcellus, Bishop ofAncyra", and (36) "On the Theology of the Church", a refutation of Marcellus. In two articles in the "Zeitschrift für die Neutest. Wissenschaft" (vol. IV, pp. 330 sqq. and vol. VI, pp. 250 sqq.), written in English, Prof. Conybeare has maintained that our Eusebius could not have been the author of the two treatises against Marcellus. His arguments are rejected by Prof. Klostermann, in his introduction to these two works published in 1905 for the Berlin edition of theGreekFathers. The "Contra Marcellum" was written after 336 to justify the action of the synod held at Constantinople when Marcellus was deposed; the "Theology" a year or two later.

(37) "On the Paschal Festival" (amystical interpretation). This work was addressed to Constantine (Vit. Const., IV, 35, 316). A long fragment of it was discovered byMai.

(38) A treatise against the Manichæans is perhaps implied by Epiphanius (Hær., lxvi, 21).

Orations and sermons

(39) At the Dedication of the Church in Tyre (see above).

(40) At the Vicennalia of Constantine. This seems to have been the opening address delivered at the Council of Nicæa. It is not extant.

(41) On the Sepulchre of the Saviour, 325 (Vit. Const., IV, 33) not extant.

(42) At the Tricennalia of Constantine. This work is generally known as the "De Laudibus Constantini". The second part (11-18) seems to have been a separate oration joined on to the Tricennalia.

(43) "In Praise of the Martyrs". This oration is preserved in the samemanuscript as the "Theophania" and "Martyrs of Palestine". It was published and translated in the "Journal of Sacred Literature" by Mr. H. B. Cowper (New Series, V, pp. 403 sqq., and ibid. VI, pp. 129 sqq.).

(44) On the Failure of Rain, not extant.

Letters

The history of the preservation of the three letters, (45) to Alexander of Alexandria, (46) to Euphrasion, or Euphration, (47) to the Empress Constantia, is sufficiently curious. Constantia asked Eusebius to send her a certain likeness of Christ of which she had heard; his refusal was couched in terms which centuries afterwards were appealed to by theIconoclasts. A portion of this letter was read at theSecond Council of Nicæa, and against it were set portions from the letters to Alexander and Euphrasion to prove that Eusebius "was delivered up to a reprobate sense, and of one mind and opinion with those who followed theArian superstition" (Labbe, "Conc.", VIII, 1143-1147;Mansi, "Conc.", XIII, 313-317). Besides the passage quoted in the council, other parts of the letter to Constantia are extant.

(48) To the Church of Cæsarea after the Council of Nicæa. This letter has already been described.

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