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German King and Roman Emperor, son ofHenry III and Agnes of Poitou, b. at Goslar, 11 November, 1050; d. atLiège, 7 August, 1108. The power and resources of the empire left behind by Conrad II, whichHenry III had already materially weakened, were still further impaired by the feebleness of the queen regent, who was devoid of political ability. The policy ofHenry III, which had been chiefly directed to Church affairs, had already called forth the opposition of the princes. But now, under the regency, which continued the same policy, the hostility between theecclesiastical and temporal nobles came to a climax on the kidnapping of the king from Kaiserswert (1062). The regency passed into the hands of the princes after the seizure of the boy-king. At the outset Archbishop Anno of Cologne had charge of the government of the empire and supervised theeducation of the royal child. But he was soon compelled to accept the energetic Adalbert,Archbishop ofBremen, as a colleague. The boy's whole heart went out to thejoyous, splendour-lovingArchbishop ofBremen. Thatprelate was now de facto the real ruler ofGermany. He returned with vigorous steps to the deserted paths of Conrad II's policy and attempted, not in vain, to restore the empire's prestige, particularly in the East. At the Diet of Tribur this masterfulprelate fell a victim to the jealous hostility of the princes (1066). It now appeared that the young king was quite able to satisfy his violent craving for independence; and he determined to carry out the policy of Adalbert.
Henry IV's real political independence did not begin until 1070. When he seized the reins of government, thanks to the energetic rule of Adalbert, the condition of the empire was no worse than at the death ofHenry III. But, meantime, thepapacy had been entirely emancipated from the imperial power, and the German Church, on which Otto the Great had built up his power, had become more closely united toRome and ceased to be a constitutional state church. Consequently, though this did not appear immediately, the foundations of the Othonian system were undermined. Strong and energeticpopes had appeared on the scene and found allies. On the one hand the powers ofLorraine andTuscany offered a valuable support to thepapacy in CentralItaly. Here Beatrice ofTuscany had contracted a matrimonial alliance with the unruly Duke Godfrey of Lorraine. On the other handHildebrand's admirable conciliatory policy had likewise gained allies in the southern half of the peninsula among the Normans. And finally the high Church party did not lack friends even in NorthernItaly. The Pataria ofMilan, a democratic movement that combined aneconomic with anecclesiastical reform agitation, was won over byHildebrand to the cause of the Papal See.
This policy inaugurated byHildebrand had already indicated opposition to the empire. It istrue that one the German side there was a reaction against violations of the legal status prevailing in papal elections and other affairs: but definiteness of aim and enduring vigour were on the side of the reform party and its masterful spokesmanHildebrand, who, asGregory VII, was soon to come forward as the young king's opponent. (SeeCONFLICT OF INVESTITURES.) Hatred and passion distorted the portraits of both these men in contemporary history. Even today we can see only faint outlines of these two men, the central figures of a tragedy of world-wide historical import. Weknow that Henry IV had a good literaryeducation, but that his literary and artistic interests were not profound and were not, as in the case of hisfather, submerged in unpracticalidealism. He was a conscious realist. He failed altogether to understand the politico-religious aims of hisfather's policy. Some of his contemporaries disparaged his moral character, with somejustice perhaps, but certainly with much exaggeration. Of course his nature was passionate: that is probably the reason he never in his whole life acquired a refined harmony of character. At times he was plunged in the depths of despair, but he always reacted against the most serious disasters, overcame the worst fits of despondency and was ready to renew the combat. He was also a clever, though perhaps not always an honest diplomat. This hapless king was truly the idol of his people because of hispride as a ruler, his earnest defence of the dignity of the empire and his benevolent care for the peace of the empire and the welfare of the common people.
Henry had no sooner become independent than he reverted to the principles that governed the policy of Conrad II. He also founded his military power on the ministerials, the lower nobility. These ministerials were to counterbalance the power of the spiritual and temporal princes, the latter of whom, however, were beginning to achieve territorial independence and to establish within the State a power that could not be overestimated. With his usual hopefulness Henry expected to be able to crush them: he believed that he could at least revive the power of Conrad II. Henry's strong hand first made itself felt inBavaria. Otto von Northeim lost his duchy and important possessions in Saxony besides. The king bestowed the duchy on Guelph IV, son of Azzo of Este. We now see at once how well considered was Henry's policy; for from the Saxon lands of Otto von Northeim he sought to create a well rounded personal domain which was to provide aneconomic basis for his royal power. This personal domain he sought to protect by means of royal fortresses. But to the ever restless Saxons, whose ancientrights the king had indubitably violated in the consolidation of his landed possessions, these fortresses might well appear so many threats to their liberties. Soon, not only inSaxony, but elsewhere throughout the empire, the particularist princes rose to oppose the vigorous centralizing policy of the emperor. The situation assumed a dangerous aspect. Henry's diplomatic skill was now shown. Through the mediation of the spiritual princes the Treaty of Gerstungen (1074) was effected, by which, on the one hand, the king's possessions were left intact, while, on the other, the insurgents secured the dismantling of the royal fortresses and the restoration of all theirrights. But soon the revolt broke out anew and was not subdued until Henry's victory at the Unstrut (1075), which resulted in the overthrow ofSaxony. Henry seemed to have attained all his desires. Intruth, however, the particularist forces had only withdrawn for the moment and were awaiting a favourable opportunity to break the chains which fettered their independence. The opportunity soon came.
In 1073Hildebrand had ascended thepapal throne asGregory VII. The "greatest ecclesiastical statesman", as von Ranke calls him, directed his attacks against the traditional right of the German kings to participate in the filling of vacantsees. At theLenten synod of 1075 inRome he forbade investiture bylaymen. Thebishops were to cease being dependents of the Crown and become materially the dependents of thepapacy. That foreboded a death-blow to the existing constitution of the empire. Thebishops of the empire were also the most important officials of the empire: the imperial church domains were also the chief source of income of the emperor. It was a question of life and death for the German Crown to retain its ancient influence over thebishops. A bitter conflict between the two powers began. A synod at Worms (1076) deposedGregory. Bishops and king again found their interests threatened by thepapacy.Gregory's answer to Henry's action was toexcommunicate him at theLenten synod of the same year. For the particularist powers this was the signal of revolt. At Tribur Henry's opponents formed an alliance. Here the final decision in Henry's case was left to thepope, and a resolution was passed that if Henry were not freed fromexcommunication within a year he should forfeit the empire. At this critical juncture, Henry decided on a surprising step. He submitted himself to solemnecclesiastical penance and thus forcedGregory as apriest to free him fromexcommunication (1077).
By doing soGregory in no wise gave up his design of making himself the arbiter ofGermany. InGregory's opinion Henry's penance could only postpone but not prevent this arbitration. Henry was satisfied once more to set his feet on solid ground. But the German princes now broke out into open revolution. They set Rudolph of Rheinfelden up as a rival king. With his difficulties, however, Henry's ability grew more apparent. He had recourse to his superior resources as a diplomatist. In his struggle with thepope, who took the side of the German princes, he made use of the opposition within theChurch inItaly against the hierarchical aims of theCuria; in his dispute with the princes and their rival king Henry looked for support to the loyalty of the masses, whohonoured him as the preserver of order and peace. After several years of civilwar, Rudolph lost his throne and his life at Mölsen in 1080. By his death the opposition inGermany lost their leader. InItaly also affairs took a more favourable turn for Henry. It istrue that in 1080 thepope hadexcommunicated Henry anew, but the ban did not make the same impression as before. Henry retorted by setting upGuibert of Ravenna, who proclaimed himselfantipope under the title ofClement III. The growing opposition within theChurch aided Henry on his journey toRome in 1081. From 1081 to 1084 he went four times to theEternal City. Finally hisantipope was able to crown him inSt. Peter's. Soon after thepope was liberated by his Norman allies and escorted toSalerno, where he died, 25 May, 1085.
The struggle was continued underGregory's second successor,Urban II, who was determined to follow inGregory's footsteps.Germany was suffering from the horrors of civilwar, and the great masses of the people still supported their king, who in 1085 proclaimed theTruce of God for the whole empire. By means of skilful negotiation he now succeeded in winning over the greater part of the Saxons, to whom he restored their ancientrights. On the other hand the ranks of thebishops loyal to the king had been thinned out by the clever and energetic policy of thepope. Moreover a new and dangerous coalition was formed inItaly when the seventeen-year oldGuelph married Matilda ofTuscany who had reached the age of forty. Henry's efforts to break up this alliance were successful at first; but at this point his son Conrad deserted him. The latter had himselfcrowned inMilan and formed alliances with thepope and with theGuelph-Tuscan party. This had a paralysing effect on the emperor, who passed the year 1094 inactive inItaly, while thepope became the leader of the West, in theFirst Crusade. Fortunately for Henry's interests the youngerGuelph now dissolved his marriage with Matilda, and the elderGuelph made his peace with the king once more. The latter was now able to return toGermany and compel his enemies to recognize him. His son Henry was elected king in 1098.
Henry sought to restore order once more, even to the point of proclaiming general peace throughout the empire (1103). This policy of pacification benefited the great mass of the people and the rapidly growing cities and was directed against the disorderly lay nobility. Perhaps this may have induced the newly chosen young king to take up arms in rebellion against hisfather. Perhaps he wished to make sure of the sympathies of this nobility. At all events the younger Henry gathered a host of malcontents around his banner inBavaria in 1104. Supported by thepope, to whom heswore obedience, he betook himself toSaxony, where he soon reawakened the traditional dissatisfaction. No humiliation was spared the prematurely aging emperor, who was keptprisoner in Böckelheim by his intriguing son and compelled to abdicate, while only those elements on whom he had always relied, particularly the growing cities, stood by him. Once more the emperor succeeded in gathering troops around his standard atLiège. But just as his son was drawing near at the head of an army Henry died. After some opposition his adherents buried him inSpeyer. In him perished a man of great importance on whom, however, fortune frowned. Still his achievements considered from the point of view of their historical importance, were by no means insignificant. As defender of therights of the Crown and of thehonour of the empire, he saved the monarchy from a premature end, menaced though it was by the universal disorder.
See also bibliographies under HENRY III, GREGORY VII, URBAN II, and INVESTITURES, CONFLICT OF; MEYER VON KNONAU, Jahrbächer des Deutschen Reiches unter Heinrich IV. und Heinrich V., I-V (Leipzig, 1890-1904); DIECKMANN, Heinrich IV., seine Persönlichkeit und sein Zeitalter (Wiesbaden, 1889); ECKERLIN, Das Deutsche Reich während der Minderj*hrigkeit Heinrich IV. bis zum Tage von Kaiserswert (Halle Dissertation, 1888); SEIPOLDY, Das Reichsregiment in Deutschland unter König Heinrich IV. 1062-66 (Göttingen Dissertation, 1871); FRIEDRICH, Studien aus Wormser Synode (Greifswald Dissertation, 1905) : the most important literature issued during this period is collected in the Libelli de lite in Monumenta Germaniæ Historica.
APA citation.Kampers, F.(1910).Henry IV. InThe Catholic Encyclopedia.New York: Robert Appleton Company.http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07230a.htm
MLA citation.Kampers, Franz."Henry IV."The Catholic Encyclopedia.Vol. 7.New York: Robert Appleton Company,1910.<http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07230a.htm>.
Transcription.This article was transcribed for New Advent by Gerald Rossi.
Ecclesiastical approbation.Nihil Obstat. June 1, 1910. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor.Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York.
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