Pope St. Gregory I ("the Great")

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Doctor of the Church; born atRome about 540; died 12 March 604. Gregory

is certainly one of the most notable figures inEcclesiastical History. He has exercised in many respects a momentous influence on thedoctrine, the organization, and thediscipline of theCatholicChurch. To him we must look for an explanation of thereligious situation of theMiddle Ages; indeed, if no account were taken of his work, the evolution of the form ofmedievalChristianity would be almost inexplicable. And further, in so far as the modernCatholic system is a legitimate development ofmedievalCatholicism, of this too Gregory may not unreasonably be termed the Father. Almost all the leading principles of the laterCatholicism are found, at any rate in germ, in Gregory the Great. (F.H. Dudden, "Gregory the Great", 1, p. v).

This eulogy by a learned non-Catholic writer will justify the length and elaboration of the following article.

From birth to 574

Gregory'sfather was Gordianus, awealthy patrician, probably of the famousgens Amicia, who owned large estates inSicily and a mansion on the Caelian Hill inRome, the ruins of which, apparently in a wonderful state of preservation, still await excavation beneath the Church of St. Andrew and St. Gregory. His motherSilvia appears also to have been ofgoodfamily, but very little is known of her life. She ishonoured as asaint, herfeast being kept on 3 November. Portraits of Gordianus andSilvia werepainted by Gregory's order, in theatrium of St. Andrew'smonastery, and a pleasing description of these may be found inJohn the Deacon (Vita, IV, lxxxiii).

Besides his mother, two of Gregory's aunts have beencanonised, Gordianus's two sisters, Tarsilla and Æmiliana, so thatJohn the Deacon speaks of hiseducation as being that of asaint amongsaints.

Of his early years weknow nothing beyond what the history of the period tells us. Between the years 546 and 552Rome was first captured by theGoths under Totila, and then abandoned by them; next it was garrisoned by Belisarius, and besieged in vain by theGoths, who took it again, however, after the recall of Belisarius, only to lose it once more to Narses. Gregory'smind andmemory were both exceptionally receptive, and it is to the effect produced on him by these disasters that we must attribute the tinge of sadness which pervades his writings and especially his clear expectation of a speedy end to the world.

Of hiseducation, we have no details.Gregory of Tours tells us that in grammar, rhetoric anddialectic he was so skilful as to be thought second to none in allRome, and it seemscertain also that he must have gone through a course oflegal studies. Not least among theeducating influences was thereligious atmosphere of his home. He loved tomeditate on theScriptures and to listen attentively to the conversations of his elders, so that he was "devoted toGod from his youth up".

His rank and prospects pointed him out naturally for a public career, and he doubtless held some of the subordinate offices wherein a young patrician embarked on public life. That he acquitted himself well in these appearscertain, since we find him about the year 573, when little more than thirty years old, filling the important office of prefect of the city ofRome. At thatdate the brilliant post was shorn of much of its old magnificence, and its responsibilities were reduced; still it remained the highest civil dignity in the city, and it was only after longprayer and inward struggle that Gregory decided to abandon everything and become amonk. This event took place most probably in 574.

His decision once taken, he devoted himself to the work and austerities of his new life with all the natural energy of hischaracter. HisSicilian estates were given up to found sixmonasteries there, and his home on the Caelian Hill was converted into another under thepatronage ofSt. Andrew. Here he himself took thecowl, so that "he who had been wont to go about the city clad in thetrabea and aglow with silk and jewels, now clad in a worthless garment served thealtar of theLord" (Gregory of Tours, X, i).

As monk and abbot (c. 574-590)

There has been much discussion as to whether Gregory and his fellow-monks at St. Andrew's followed theRule of St. Benedict.Baronius and others on his authority have denied this, while it has been asserted as strongly byMabillon and theBollandists, who, in the preface to the life ofSt. Augustine (26 May), retract the opinion expressed earlier in the preface to St. Gregory's life (12 March). The controversy is important only in view of the question as to the form ofmonasticism introduced bySt. Augustine intoEngland, and it may be said thatBaronius's view is now practically abandoned.

For about three years Gregory lived in retirement in themonastery of St. Andrew, a period to which he often refers as thehappiest portion of his life. His greatausterities during thistime are recorded by the biographers, and probablycaused the weak health from which he constantly suffered in later life.

However, he was soon drawn out of hisseclusion, when, in 578, thepopeordained him, much against hiswill, as one of the sevendeacons (regionarii) ofRome. The period was one of acute crisis. The Lombards were advancing rapidly towards the city, and the only chance of safety seemed to be in obtaining help from the Emperor Tiberius atByzantium.Pope Pelagius II accordingly dispatched a special embassy to Tiberius, and sent Gregory along with it as hisapocrisiarius, or permanent ambassador to the Court ofByzantium. Thedate of this new appointment seems to have been the spring of 579, and it lasted apparently for about six years.

Nothing could have been more uncongenial to Gregory than the worldly atmosphere of the brilliantByzantine Court, and to counteract its dangerous influence he followed themonastic life so far as circumstances permitted. This was made easier by the fact that several of his brethren from St. Andrew's accompanied him toConstantinople. With them heprayed and studied theScriptures, one result of which remains in his "Morals", or series of lectures on theBook of Job, composed during this period at the request ofSt. Leander of Seville, whose acquaintance Gregory made during his stay inConstantinople.

Much attention was attracted to Gregory by his controversy withEutychius, Patriarch of Constantinople, concerning theResurrection.Eutychius had published a treatise on the subject maintaining that therisen bodies of theelect would be "impalpable, more light than air". To this view Gregory objected the palpability ofChrist's risen body. The dispute became prolonged and bitter, till at length the emperor intervened, both combatants being summoned to a private audience, where they stated their views. The emperor decided that Gregory was in the right, and orderedEutychius's book to be burned. The strain of the struggle had been so great that both fell ill. Gregory recovered, but thepatriarch succumbed, recanting hiserror on his death bed.

Mention should be made of the curious fact that, although Gregory's sojourn atConstantinople lasted for six years, he seems never to have mastered even the rudiments of Greek. Possibly he found that the use of an interpreter had its advantages, but he often complains of the incapacity of those employed for this purpose. It must be owned that, so far as obtaining help forRome was concerned, Gregory's stay atConstantinople was a failure. However, his period asambassador taught him very plainly a lesson which was to bear great fruit later on when he ruled inRome aspope. This was the important fact that no help was any longer to be looked for fromByzantium, with the corollary that, ifRome andItaly were to be saved at all, it could only be by vigorous independent action of the powers on the spot. Humanly speaking, it is to the fact that Gregory had acquired this conviction that his later line of action with all its momentous consequences is due.

In the year 586, or possibly 585, he was recalled toRome, and with the greatestjoy returned to St. Andrew's, of which he becameabbot soon afterwards. Themonastery grew famous under his energetic rule, producing manymonks who won renown later, and many vivid pictures of this period may be found in the "Dialogues".

Gregory gave much of histime to lecturing on theHoly Scripture and is recorded to have expounded to hismonks the Heptateuch,Books of Kings, theProphets, theBook of Proverbs, and theCanticle of Canticles. Notes of these lectures were taken at thetime by a young student named Claudius, but when transcribed were found by Gregory to contain so manyerrors that he insisted on their being given to him for correction and revision. Apparently this was never done, for the existing fragments of such works attributed to Gregory are almost certainly spurious.

At this period, however, one important literary enterprise was certainly completed. This was the revision and publication of the "Magna Moralia", or lectures on theBook of Job, undertaken inConstantinople at the request ofSt. Leander. In one of his letters (Epistle 5.53) Gregory gives an interesting account of the origin of this work.

To this period most probably should be assigned the famous incident of Gregory's meeting with theEnglish youths in the Forum. The first mention of the event is in theWhitby life (c, ix), and the whole story seems to be anEnglish tradition. It is worth notice, therefore, that in theSt. Gallmanuscript theAngles do not appear asslave boys exposed for sale, but as men visitingRome of their ownfree will, whom Gregory expressed a desire to see. It isVenerable Bede (Hist. Eccl., II, i) who first makes themslaves.

In consequence of this meeting Gregory was so fixed with desire toconvert theAngles that he obtained permission fromPelagius II to go in person to Britain with some of his fellow-monks as missionaries. The Romans, however, were greatly incensed at thepope's act. Withangry words they demanded Gregory's recall, and messengers were at once dispatched to bring him back toRome, ifnecessary by force. These men caught up with the little band of missionaries on the third day after their departure, and at once returned with them, Gregory offering no opposition, since he had received what appeared to him as a sign fromheaven that his enterprise should be abandoned.

The strong feeling of the Roman populace that Gregory must not be allowed to leaveRome is a sufficientproof of the position he now held there. He was in fact the chief adviser and assistant ofPelagius II, towards whom he seems to have acted very much in the capacity of secretary (see the letter of theBishop ofRavenna to Gregory,Epistle 3.66, "Sedem apostolicam, quam antae moribus nunc etiam honore debito gubernatis"). In this capacity, probably in 586, Gregory wrote his important letter to theschismaticalbishops of Istria who had separated from communion with theChurch on the question of theThree Chapters (Epp., Appendix, III, iii). This document, which is almost a treatise in length, is an admirable example of Gregory's skill, but it failed to produce any more effort thanPelagius's two previous letters had, and theschism continued.

The year 589 was one of widespread disaster throughout all the empire. InItaly there was an unprecedented inundation. Farms and houses were carried away by the floods. The Tiber overflowed its banks, destroying numerous buildings, among them the granaries of theChurch with all the store of corn. Pestilence followed on the floods, andRome became a very city of the dead. Business was at a standstill, and the streets were deserted save for the wagons which bore forth countless corpses forburial in common pits beyond the city walls.

Then, in February, 590, as if to fill the cup of misery to the brim,Pelagius II died. The choice of asuccessor lay with theclergy and people ofRome, and without any hesitation theyelected Gregory,Abbot of St. Andrew's. In spite of their unanimity Gregory shrank from the dignity thus offered him. Heknew, no doubt, that its acceptance meant a final good-bye to thecloister life he loved, and so he not only refused to accede to theprayers of his fellow citizens but also wrote personally to theEmperor Maurice, begging him with all earnestness not to confirm theelection. Germanus, prefect of the city, suppressed this letter, however, and sent instead of it the formal schedule of theelection.

In the interval while awaiting theemperor's reply the business of thevacantsee was transacted by Gregory, in commission with two or three other high officials. As the plague still continued unabated, Gregory called upon the people to join in a vast sevenfoldprocession which was to start from each of the seven regions of the city and meet at theBasilica of the Blessed Virgin, allpraying the while for pardon and the withdrawal of the pestilence. This was accordingly done, and thememory of the event is still preserved by the name "Sant' Angelo" given to the mausoleum ofHadrian from thelegend that theArchangel St. Michael was seen upon its summit in the act of sheathing his sword as a sign that the plague was over.

At length, after six months of waiting, came theemperor's confirmation of Gregory'selection. Thesaint was terrified at the news and even meditated flight. He was seized, however, carried to theBasilica of St. Peter, and thereconsecratedpope on 3 September, 590. The story that Gregory actually fled the city and remained hidden in a forest for three days, when his whereabouts wasrevealed by asupernatural light, seems to be pure invention. It appears for the first time in theWhitby life (c. vii), and is directly contrary to the words of his contemporary,Gregory of Tours (Hist. Franc., X, i). Still he never ceased to regret his elevation, and his later writings contain numberless expressions of strong feeling on this point.

As pope (590-604)

Fourteen years oflife remained to Gregory, and into these he crowded work enough to have exhausted the energies of a lifetime. What makes his achievement more wonderful is his constant ill-health. He suffered almost continually from indigestion and, at intervals, from attacks of slow fever, while for the last half of his pontificate he was amartyr to gout. In spite of these infirmities, which increased steadily, his biographer,Paul the Deacon, tells us "he never rested" (Vita, XV). His work aspope is of so varied a nature that it will be best to take it in sections, although this destroys any exact chronological sequence.

At the very outset of his pontificate Gregory published his "Liber pastoralis curae", or book on the office of abishop, in which he lays down clearly the lines he considers it hisduty to follow. The work, which regards thebishop pre-eminently as the physician ofsouls, is divided into four parts.

This little work is the key to Gregory's life aspope, for what he preached he practiced. Moreover, it remained for centuries the textbook of theCatholicepiscopate, so that by its influence the ideal of the greatpope has moulded the character of theChurch, and his spirit has spread into all lands.

Life and work in Rome

Aspope Gregory still lived withmonastic simplicity. One of his first acts was to banish all thelay attendants, pages, etc., from theLateran palace, and substituteclerics in their place. There was now nomagister militum living inRome, so the control even of military matters fell to thepope. The inroads of the Lombards had filled the city with a multitude of indigent refugees, for whose support Gregory made provision, using for this purpose the existing machinery of the ecclesiastical districts, each of which had its deaconry or "office ofalms". The corn thus distributed came chiefly fromSicily and was supplied by the estates of theChurch.

The temporal needs of his people being thus provided for, Gregory did not neglect theirspiritual wants, and a large number of hissermons have come down to us. It was he who instituted the"stations" still observed and noted in theRomanMissal. He met theclergy andpeople at somechurch previously agreed upon, and all together went inprocession to thechurch of thestation, whereMass was celebrated and thepope preached. Thesesermons, which drew immense crowds, are mostly simple, popular expositions ofScripture. Chiefly remarkable is the preacher's mastery of theBible, which he quotes unceasingly, and his regular use of anecdote to illustrate the point in hand, in which respect he paves the way for the popular preachers of theMiddle Ages. In July, 595, Gregory held his firstsynod inSt. Peter's, which consisted almost wholly of thebishops of thesuburbicarian sees and thepriests of theRoman titular churches. Sixdecrees dealing withecclesiastical discipline were passed, some of them merely confirming changes already made by thepope on his own authority.

Much controversy still exists as to the exact extent of Gregory's reforms of theRomanLiturgy. All admit that he did make the following modifications in the pre-existing practice:

Beyond these and some few minor points it seems impossible to conclude withcertainty what changes Gregory did make. As to the much-disputed question of the Gregorian Sacramentary and the almost more difficult point of his relation to theplain song or chant of theChurch, for Gregory's connection with which matters the earliest authority seems to beJohn the Deacon (Vita, II, vi, Xvii), seeGREGORIAN CHANT;SACRAMENTARY.

There is no lack of evidence, however, to illustrate Gregory's activity as manager of thepatrimony of St. Peter. By his day theestates of the Church had reached vast dimensions. Varying estimates place their total area at from 1300 to 1800 square miles, and there seems no reason for supposing this to be an exaggeration, while the income arising therefrom was probably not less than $1,500,000 a year. The land lay in many places — Campania,Africa,Sicily, and elsewhere — and, as their landlord, Gregory displayed a skill in finance and estate management which excites our admiration no less than it did the surprise of his tenants and agents, who suddenly found that they had a new master who was not to be deceived or cheated.

The management of each patrimony was carried out by a number of agents of varying grades andduties under an official called therector ordefensor of the patrimony. Previously therectors had usually beenlaymen, but Gregory established thecustom of appointingecclesiastics to the post. In doing this he probably had in view the many extraduties of anecclesiastical nature which he called upon them to undertake. Thus examples may be found of suchrectors being commissioned to undertake the filling up ofvacantsees, holding of localsynods, taking action againstheretics, providing for the maintenance ofchurches andmonasteries, rectifying abuses in thechurches of their district, with the enforcing ofecclesiastical discipline and even the reproof and correction of localbishops. Still Gregory never allowed therectors to interfere in such matters on their own responsibility.

In the minutiae of estate management nothing was too small for Gregory's personal notice, from the exact number ofsextarii in amodius of corn, or how many solidi went to one golden pound, to the use offalse weights by certain minor agents. He findstime to write instructions on every detail and leaves no complaint unattended to, even from the humblest of his multitude of tenants. Throughout the large number of letters which deal with the management of thepatrimony, thepope's determination to secure a scrupulously righteous administration is evident. Asbishop, he is the trustee ofGod andSt. Peter, and his agents must show that they realize this by their conduct. Consequently, under his able management theestates of the Church increased steadily in value, the tenants were contented, and the revenues paid in with unprecedented regularity.

The only fault ever laid at his door in thismatter is that, by his boundlesscharities, he emptied his treasury. But this, if a fault at all, was a natural consequence of his view that he was the administrator of theproperty of thepoor, for whom he could never do enough.

Relations with the suburbicarian Churches

Aspatriarchs of theWest thepopes exercise a specialjurisdiction over and above their universalprimacy assuccessors ofSt. Peter; and amongWestern churches, thisjurisdiction extends in a most intimate manner over thechurches ofItaly and the isles adjacent.

On the mainland much of this territory was in the hands of the Lombards, with whoseArianclergy Gregory was, of course, not in communion. Whenever opportunity offered, however, he was careful to provide for the needs of thefaithful in these parts, frequently uniting them to some neighboringdiocese, when they were too few to occupy the energies of abishop.

On the islands, of whichSicily was by far the most important, the pre-existingchurch system was maintained. Gregory appointed avicar, usually themetropolitan of theprovince, who exercised a general supervision over the wholechurch. He also insisted strongly on the holding of localsynods as ordered by theCouncil of Nicaea, and letters of his exist addressed tobishops inSicily,Sardinia, andGaul reminding them of theirduties in this respect.

The supreme instance of Gregory's intervention in the affairs of thesedioceses occurs in the case ofSardinia, where the behaviour of Januarius the half-witted, agedMetropolitan ofCagliari, had reduced thechurch to a state of semi-chaos.

A large number of letters relate to the reforms instituted by thepope (Epistles2.47;3.36;4.9;4.23-27;4.29;5.2;9.1;9.11; 9.202-204;14.2). His care over theelection of a newbishop whenever avacancy occurs is shown in many cases, and if, after hisexamination of the elect, which is always a searching one, he finds him unfitted for the post, he has no hesitation in rejecting him and commanding another to be chosen (Epistles 1.15;1.16;7.38; 10.7).

With regard todiscipline thepope was specially strict in enforcing theChurch'slaws as to thecelibacy of the clergy (Epistles1.42;4.5;4.26;4.34; 7.1;9.110; 9.218;10.19;11.56;13.38;13.39); theexemption ofclerics from lay tribunals (Epistles1.39; 6.11; 9.53; 9.76;9.79; 10.4;11.32;13.1); and thedeprivation of allecclesiastics guilty of criminal orscandalous offences (Epistles1.18;1.42;3.49;4.26;5.17;5.18;7.39;8.24; 9.25; 12.3; 12.10; 12.11;14.2). He was also inflexible with regard to the proper application of church revenues, insisting that others should be as strict as he was in disposing of these funds for their proper ends (Epistles1.10; 1.64;2.20-22;3.22;4.11; 5.12;5.48; 8.7; 11.22;11.56; 13.46;14.2).

Relations with other Churches

With regard to the otherWestern Churches limits of space prevent any detailed account of Gregory's dealings, but the following quotation, all the more valuable as coming from aProtestant authority, indicates very clearly the line he followed herein:

"In his dealings with theChurches of the West, Gregory acted invariably on the assumption that all were subject to thejurisdiction of theRoman See. Of therights claimed or exercised by his predecessors he would not abate one tittle; on the contrary, he did everything in his power to maintain, strengthen, and extend what he regarded as thejust prerogatives of thepapacy. It istrue that he respected theprivileges of theWesternmetropolitans, and disapproved of unnecessary interference within the sphere of theirjurisdiction canonically exercised. . . . But of his general principle there can be nodoubt whatever" (Dudden, I, 475).

In view of later developments Gregory's dealings with theOriental Churches, and withConstantinople in particular, have a special importance. There cannot be the smallestdoubt that Gregory claimed for theApostolic See, and for himself aspope, aprimacy not ofhonor, but of supreme authority over theChurchUniversal. In Epistle 13.50, he speaks of "theApostolic See, which is the head of allChurches", and in Epistle 5.154, he says: "I, albeit unworthy, have been set up in command of theChurch." Assuccessor of St. Peter, thepope had received fromGod aprimacy over allChurches (Epistle 2.46;3.30; 5.37; 7.37). His approval it was which gave force to thedecrees ofcouncils or synods (Epistle 9.156), and his authority could annul them (Epistles5.39,5.41, 5.44). To himappeals might be made even against otherpatriarchs, and by himbishops were judged and corrected if need were (Epistles 2.50; 3.52; 3.63;9.26;9.27).

This position naturally made it impossible for him to permit the use of the title Ecumenical Bishop assumed by thePatriarch ofConstantinople,John the Faster, at asynod held in 588. Gregory protested, and a long controversy followed, the question still at issue when thepope died. A discussion of this controversy is needless here, but it is important as showing how completely Gregory regarded theEasternpatriarchs as being subject to himself; "As regards theChurch ofConstantinople," he writes inEpistle 9.12, "who candoubt that it is subject to theApostolic See? Why, both our most religious lord the emperor, and our brother theBishop ofConstantinople continually acknowledge it."

At the same time thepope was most careful not to interfere with the canonicalrights of the otherpatriarchs andbishops. With the otherOrientalpatriarchs his relations were most cordial, as appears from hisletters to thepatriarchs ofAntioch and Alexandria.

Relations with the Lombards and the Franks

Gregory'sconsecration aspope preceded by a few days only the death of Authari, King of the Lombards, whose queen, the famous Theodelinde, thenmarried Agilulf, Duke ofTurin, a warlike and energetic prince. With Agilulf and the Dukes Ariulf ofSpoleto and Arichis ofBenevento, Gregory soon had to deal, as, when difficulties arose, Romanus, theexarch, or representative, of the emperor, preferred to remain in sulky inactivity atRavenna.

It soon became clear that, if any successful resistance was to be made against the Lombards, it must be by thepope's own exertions. How keenly he felt the difficulty and danger of his position appears in some of the earliest letters (Epistles1.3, 1.8, 1.30); but no actual hostilities began till the summer of 592, when thepope received a threatening letter from Ariulf ofSpoleto, which was followed almost immediately by the appearance of that chief before the walls ofRome. At the same time Arichis ofBenevento advanced onNaples, which happened at the moment to have nobishop nor any officer of high rank in command of the garrison. Gregory at once took the surprising step of appointing a tribune on his own authority to take command of the city (Epistle 2.34), and, when no notice of this strong action was taken by the imperial authorities, thepope conceived theidea of himself arranging a separate peace with the Lombards (Epistle 2.45). No details of this peace have come down to us, but it seemscertain that it was actually concluded (Epistle 5.36). Dr. Hodgkin (Italy and her Invaders, v, 366) pronounces Gregory's action herein to have been wise and statesmanlike, but, at the same time, undoubtedlyultra vires, being quite beyond any legal competency then possessed by thepope, who thus "made a memorable stride towards complete independence".

Gregory's independent action had the effect of rousing up Romanus theexarch. Wholly ignoring thepapal peace, he gathered all his troops, attacked and regainedPerugia, and then marched toRome, where he was received with imperialhonours. The next spring, however, he quitted the city and took away its garrison with him, so that bothpope and citizens were now more exasperated against him than before. Moreover, theexarch's campaign had roused the Northern Lombards, and King Agilulf marched onRome, arriving there probably sometime in June, 593. The terror aroused by his advance is still mirrored for us in Gregory'shomilies on theProphet Ezechiel, which were delivered at thistime. The siege of the city was soon abandoned, however, and Agilulf retired. The continuator ofProsper (Mon. Germ. SS. Antiq., IX, 339) relates that Agilulf met thepope in person on the steps of theBasilica of St. Peter, which was then outside the city walls, and "being melted by Gregory'sprayers and greatly moved by the wisdom andreligious gravity of this great man, he broke up the siege of the city"; but, in view of the silence both of Gregory himself and ofPaul the Deacon on the point, the story seems scarcely probable. InEpistle 5.39, Gregory refers to himself as "the paymaster of the Lombards", and most likely a large payment from thepapal treasury was the chief inducement to raise the siege.

Thepope's great desire now was to secure a lasting peace with the Lombards, which could only be achieved by a proper arrangement between the imperial authorities and the Lombard chiefs. On Queen Theodelinde, aCatholic and a personal friend, Gregory placed all his hopes. Theexarch, however, looked at the whole affair in another light, and, when a whole year was passed in fruitless negotiations, Gregory began once again to mediate a private treaty. Accordingly, in May, 595, thepope wrote to a friend atRavenna aletter (Epistle 5.34) threatening to make peace with Agilulf even without theconsent of theExarch Romanus. This threat was speedily reported toConstantinople, where theexarch was in high favour, and theEmperor Maurice at once sent off to Gregory aviolentletter, now lost, accusing him of being both atraitor and a fool. This letter Gregory received in June, 595. Luckily, thepope's answer has been preserved to us (Epistle 5.36). It must be read in its entirety to be appreciated fully; probably very few emperors, if any, have ever received such a letter from a subject. Still, in spite of his scathing reply, Gregory seems to have realized that independent action could not secure what he wished, and we hear no more about a separate peace.

Gregory's relations with theExarch Romanus became continually more and more strained until the latter's death in the year 596 or early in 597. The newexarch, Callinicus, was a man of far greater ability and well disposed towards thepope, whose hopes now revived. The official peace negotiations were pushed on, and, in spite of delays, the articles were at length signed in 599, to Gregory's greatjoy. This peace lasted two years, but in 601 thewar broke out again through an aggressive act on the part of Callinicus, who was recalled two years later, when his successor, Smaragdus, again made a peace with the Lombards which endured until after Gregory's death.

Two points stand out for special notice in Gregory's dealings with the Lombards: first, his determination that, in spite of the apathy of the imperial authorities,Rome should not pass into the hands of some half-civilized Lombard duke and so sink into insignificance and decay; second, his independent action in appointing governors to cities, providing munitions ofwar, giving instructions to generals, sending ambassadors to the Lombard king, and even negotiating a peace without theexarch's aid. Whatever the theory may have been, there is nodoubt about the fact that, besides hisspiritual jurisdiction, Gregory actually exercised no small amount of temporal power.

Of Gregory's relations with theFranks there is no need to write at length, as the intercourse he established with theFrankish kings practically lapsed at his death, and was not renewed for about a hundred years. On the other hand he exercised a great influence onFrankishmonasticism, which he did much to strengthen and reshape, so that the work done by themonasteries in civilizing the wildFranks may be attributed ultimately to the firstmonk-pope.

Relations with the Imperial Government

The reign of Gregory the Great marks an epoch inpapalhistory, and this is specially the case in respect to his attitude towards the imperial Government centered atConstantinople. Gregory seems to have looked uponChurch and State as co-operating to form a united whole, which acted in two distinct spheres, ecclesiastical and secular. Over this commonwealth were thepope and the emperor, each supreme in his own department, care being taken to keep these as far as possible distinct and independent.

The latter point was the difficulty. Gregory definitely held that it was aduty of the secular ruler to protect theChurch and preserve the "peace of thefaith" (Mor., XXXI, viii), and so he is often found to call in the aid of the secular arm, not merely to suppressschism,heresy, oridolatry, but even to enforcediscipline amongmonks andclergy (Epistles 1.72; 2.29; 3.59; 4.7; 4.32; 5.32; 8.4; 11.12; 11.37; 13.36). If the emperor interfered inchurch matters thepope's policy was to acquiesce if possible, unlessobedience wassinful, according to the principle laid down inEpistle 11.29; "Quod ipse [se imperator] fecerit, si canonicum est, sequimur; si vero canonicum non est, in quantum sine peccato nostro, portamus." In taking this line Gregory was undoubtedly influenced by his deep reverence for the emperor, whom he regarded as the representative ofGod in all things secular, and must still be treated with all possible respect, even when he encroached on the borders of thepapal authority.

On his side, although he certainly regarded himself as "superior in place and rank" to theexarch (Epistle 2.14), Gregory objected strongly to the interference ofecclesiastical authorities in matters secular. As supreme guardian ofChristianjustice, thepope was always ready to intercede for, or protect anyone who sufferedunjust treatment (Epistles1.35;1.36;1.47; 1.59;3.5; 5.38;9.4; 9.46;9.55; 9.113; 9.182; 11.4), but at the same time he used the utmost tact in approaching the imperial officials. InEpistle 1.39, xxxix a, he explains for the benefit of hisSicilian agent the precise attitude to be adopted in such matters.

Still, in conjunction with all this deference, Gregory retained a spirit of independence which enabled him, when he considered itnecessary, to address even the emperor in terms of startling directness. Space makes it impossible to do more than refer to the famousletters to the Emperor Phocas on his usurpation and the allusions in them to themurderedEmperor Maurice (Epistles13.34,13.41,13.42). Every kind of judgement has been passed upon Gregory for writing theseletters, but the question remains a difficult one. Probably thepope's conduct herein was due to two things: first, hisignorance of the way in which Phocus had reached the throne; and second, his view that the emperor wasGod's representative on earth, and therefore deserving of all possible respect in his official capacity, his personalcharacter not coming into the question at all. It should be noted, also, that he avoids any direct flattery towards the new emperor, merely using the exaggerated phrases of respect then customary, and expressing the high hopes he entertains of the new regime. Moreover, his allusions toMaurice refer to the sufferings of the people under his government, and do not reflect on the dead emperor himself.

Had the empire been sound instead of in a hopelessly rotten state when Gregory becamepope, it is hard to say how his views might have worked out in practice. As it was, his line of strong independence, his efficiency, and hiscourage carried all before them, and when he died there was no longer any question as to who was the first power inItaly.

Missionary work

Gregory'szeal for theconversion of theheathen, and in particular of theAngles, has been mentioned already, and there is no need to dwell at length on the latter subject, as it has been fully treated underSAINT AUGUSTINE OF CANTERBURY. Injustice to the greatpope, however, it must be added that he lost no opportunity for the exercise of his missionaryzeal, making every effort to root outpaganism inGaul,Donatism inAfrica, and theSchism of theThree Chapters in NorthItaly and Istria.

In his treatment ofheretics,schismatics, andpagans his method was to try every means — persuasions, exhortations, threats — before resorting to force; but, if gentler treatment failed, he had no hesitation in accordance with theideas of his age, in resorting to compulsion, and invoking the aid of thesecular arm therein. It is curious, therefore, to find him acting as a champion and protector of theJews. In Epistle 1.14, he expressly deprecates the compulsorybaptism ofJews, and many instances appear in which he insists on theirright to liberty of action, so far as thelaw permitted, both in civil affairs and in the worship of thesynagogue (Epistles1.34;2.6; 8.25; 9.38; 9.195; 13.15). He was equally strong, however, in preventing theJews from exceeding therights granted to them by the imperiallaw, especially with regard to the ownership by them ofChristianslaves (Epistles2.6; 3.37;4.9;4.21;6.29; 7.21;8.21; 9.104; 9.213; 9.215). We shall probably beright, therefore, in attributing Gregory's protection of theJews to his respect forlaw andjustice, rather than to anyideas oftoleration differing from those current at thetime.

Gregory and monasticism

Although the firstmonk to becomepope, Gregory was in no sense an original contributor tomonastic ideals or practice. He tookmonasticism as he found it established bySt. Benedict, and his efforts and influence were given to strengthening and enforcing the prescriptions of that greatest ofmonastic legislators. His position did indeed tend to modifySt. Benedict's work by drawing it into a closer connection with the organization of theChurch, and with thepapacy in particular, but this was not deliberately aimed at by Gregory. Rather he was himself convinced that themonastic system had a very special value for theChurch, and so he did everything in his power to diffuse and propagate it. His ownproperty wasconsecrated to this end, he urged manywealthy people to establish or supportmonasteries, and he used the revenues of thepatrimony for the same purpose.

He was relentless in correcting abuses and enforcingdiscipline, the letters on such matters being far too numerous for mention here, and the points on which he insists most are precisely those, such as stability andpoverty, on whichSt. Benedict's recent legislation had laid special stress. Twice only do we find anything like direct legislation by thepope. The first point is that of the age at which anun might be madeabbess, which he fixes at "not less than sixty years" (Epistle 4.11). The second is his lengthening of the period ofnovitiate.St. Benedict had prescribed at least one year (Reg. Ben., lviii); Gregory (Epistle 10.9) orders two years, with special precautions in the case ofslaves who wished to becomemonks.

More important was his line of action in the difficult question of the relation betweenmonks and theirbishop. There is plenty of evidence to show that manybishops took advantage of their position to oppress and burden themonasteries in theirdiocese, with the result that themonksappealed to thepope for protection. Gregory, while always upholding thespiritual jurisdiction of thebishop, was firm in support of themonks against any illegal aggression. All attempts on the part of abishop to assume new powers over themonks in hisdiocese were condemned, while at times thepope issued documents, called Privilegia, in which he definitely set forth certain points on which themonks were exempt fromepiscopal control (Epistles5.49;7.12;8.17; 12.11; 12.12; 12.13). This action on Gregory's part undoubtedly began the long progress by which themonastic bodies have come to be under the direct control of theHoly See.

It should be mentioned that in Gregory's day the current view was thatecclesiastical work, such as thecure of souls, preaching, administering thesacraments, etc., was not compatible with themonastic state, and in this view thepope concurred. On the other hand a passage in Epistle 12.4, where he directs that a certainlayman "should betonsured either as amonk or asubdeacon", would suggest that thepope held themonastic state as in some way equivalent to theecclesiastical; for his ultimateintention in this case was to promote thelayman in question to theepiscopate.

Death, canonization, relics, emblem

The last years of Gregory's life were filled with every kind of suffering. Hismind, naturally serious, was filled with despondent forebodings, and his continued bodily pains were increased and intensified. His "sole consolation was thehope that death would come quickly" (Epistle 13.26). The end came on 12 March, 604, and on the same day hisbody was laid to rest in front of thesacristy in theportico ofSt. Peter's Basilica. Since then therelics have been moved several times, the most recent translation being that byPaul V in 1606, when they were placed in thechapel ofClement V near the entrance of the modernsacristy. There is some evidence that the body was taken toSoissons inFrance in the year 826, but probably only some largerelic is meant.

Venerable Bede (Hist. Eccl., II, i) gives the epitaph placed on histomb which contains the famous phrase referring to Gregory asconsul Dei. Hiscanonization by popularacclamation followed at once on his death, and survived a reaction against his memory which seems to have occurred soon afterwards.

Inart the greatpope is usually shown in fullpontifical robes with thetiara and doublecross. Adove is his special emblem, in allusion to the well-known story recorded byPeter the Deacon (Vita, xxviii), who tells that when thepope was dictating hishomilies onEzechiel a veil was drawn between his secretary and himself. As, however, thepope remained silent for long periods at a time, the servant made a hole in the curtain and, looking through, beheld adove seated upon Gregory's head with its beak between his lips. When thedove withdrew its beak theholypontiff spoke and the secretary took down his words; but when he became silent the servant again applied his eye to the hole and saw thedove had replaced its beak between his lips. Themiracles attributed to Gregory are very many, but space forbids even the barest catalogue of them.

Conclusion

It is beyond the scope of this notice to attempt any elaborate estimate of the work, influence, andcharacter of Pope Gregory the Great, but some short focusing of the features given above is only just.

First of all, perhaps, it will be best to clear the ground by admitting frankly what Gregory was not. He was not a man of profound learning, not aphilosopher, not a conversationalist, hardly even atheologian in the constructive sense of the term. He was a trained Roman lawyer and administrator, amonk, a missionary, a preacher, above all a physician ofsouls and a leader ofmen. His great claim to remembrance lies in the fact that he is the real father of themedievalpapacy (Milman).

With regard to things spiritual, he impressed uponmen'sminds to a degree unprecedented the fact that theSee of Peter was the one supreme, decisive authority in theCatholicChurch. During his pontificate, he established close relations between theChurch ofRome and those ofSpain,Gaul,Africa, and Illyricum, while his influence in Britain was such that he is justly called the Apostle of theEnglish. In theEastern Churches, too, thepapal authority was exercised with a frequency unusual before histime, and we find no less an authority than thePatriarch ofAlexandria submitting himself humbly to thepope's "commands". The system ofappeals toRome was firmly established, and thepope is found to veto or confirm thedecrees ofsynods, to annul the decisions ofpatriarchs, and inflict punishment onecclesiastical dignitaries precisely as he thinks right.

Nor is his work less noteworthy in its effect on the temporal position of thepapacy. Seizing the opportunity which circumstances offered, he made himself inItaly a power stronger than emperor orexarch, and established a political influence which dominated the peninsula for centuries. From thistime forth the varied populations ofItaly looked to thepope for guidance, andRome as thepapal capital continued to be the centre of theChristian world.

Gregory's work as atheologian andDoctor of the Church is less notable. In the history ofdogmatic development he is important as summing up the teaching of the earlierFathers and consolidating it into a harmonious whole, rather than as introducing new developments, new methods, new solutions of difficult questions. It was precisely because of this that his writings became to a great extent thecompendium theologiae or textbook of theMiddle Ages, a position for which his work in popularizing his great predecessors fitted him well. Achievements so varied have won for Gregory the title of "the Great", but perhaps, among our English-speaking races, he ishonoured most of all as thepope wholoved the bright-facedAngles, and taught them first to sing theAngels' song.

His writings

Genuine, doubtful, spurious

Of the writings commonly attributed to Gregory the following are now admitted as genuine on all hands: "Moralium Libri XXXV"; "Regulae Pastoralis Liber"; "Dialogorum Libri IV"; "Homiliarum in Ezechielem Prophetam Libri II"; "Homiliarum in Evangelia Libri II"; "Epistolarum Libri XIV". The following are almost certainly spurious: "In Librum Primum Regum Variarum Expositionum Libri VI"; "expositio super Cantica Canticorum"; "Expositio in VII Psalmos Poenitentiales"; "Concordia Quorundam Testimoniorum S. Scripturae". Besides the above there are attributed to Gregory certainliturgicalhymns, the Gregorian Sacramentary, and theAntiphonary. (SeeANTIPHONARY;SACRAMENTARY.)

Works of Gregory; complete or partial editions; translations, recensions, etc.

"Opera S. Gregorii Magni" (Editio princeps, Paris, 1518); ed. P. Tossianensis (6 vols., Rome, 1588-03); ed. P. Goussainville (3 vols., Paris, 1675); ed. Cong. S. Mauri (Sainte-Marthe) (4 vols., Paris, 1705); the last-named re-edited with additions by J. B. Gallicioli (17 vols., Venice, 1768-76) and reprinted inMigne, P.L., LXXV-LXXIX. "Epistolae", ed. P. Ewald and L. M. Hartmann in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Epist.", I, II (Berlin, 1891-99); this is the authoritative edition of the text of the Epistles (all references given above are to this edition); Jaffe, "Regesta Pontif," (2nd ed., Rome, 1885), I, 143-219; II, 738; Turchi, "S. Greg. M. Epp. Selectae" (Rome, 1907); P. Ewald, "Studien zur Ausgabe des Registers Gregors I." in "Neues Archiv", III, 433-625; L.M. Hartmann in "Neues Archiv", XV, 411, 529; XVII, 493; Th. Mommsen in "Neues Archiv", XVII, 189; English translation: J. Barmby, "Selected Epistles" in "Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers", 2nd Series, XII, XIII (Oxford and New York, 1895, 1898), "Regula Pastoralis Curae", ed. E. W. Westhoff (Munster, 1860); ed.H. Hurter, S.J., in "SS. Patr. Opuse. Select.", XX; ed. A.M. Micheletti (Tournai, 1904); ed. B. Sauter (Freiburg, 1904); English translations: "King Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care", ed. H. Sweet (London, 1871); "The Book of Pastoral Care" (tr. J. Barmby) in "Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers", 2nd Series, XII (Oxford and New York, 1895). "Dialogorum Libri IV": very many editions of the whole work have appeared, and also of Bk. II, "Of the Life and Miracles of St. Benedict", separately; an old English translation has been reprinted byH. Coleridge, S.J., (London, 1874); L. Wiese, "Die Sprache der Dialoge" (Halle, 1900); H. Delehaye, "S. Gregoirele Grand dans Phagiographie Grecque" in "Analecta Bolland." (1904), 449-54; B. Sauter, "Der heilige Vater Benediktus nach St. Gregor dem Grossen" (Freiburg, 1904). "Hom. XL in Evangelia", ed.H. Hurter in "SS. Patrum Opusc. Select.", series II, Tom. VI (Innsbruck, 1892). G. Pfeilschifter Gregors der Gr." (Munich, 1900). "Magna Moralia", Eng. tr. in "Library of the Fathers" (4 vols., Oxford, 1844); Prunner, "Gnade und Sunde nach Gregors expositio in Job" (Eichstätt, 1855).

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