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This is the tenth volume of theHistory of theReformation of the Sixteenth Century, and the fifth ofthe Second Series. The first series described thehistory of that great epoch from its commencementdown to the Confession of Augsburg (1530). Thesecond will include the years intervening betweenthat period and the triumph of the Reformation invarious parts of Europe. It is not always easy to fixthe latter limit, which varies according to locality.

Nevertheless, a rule laid down by the author in hisfirst volume sensibly limits the work he has undertaken.'The history of one of the greatest revolutionsthat has ever been accomplished in humanaffairs, and not the history of a mere party, is theobject of the present undertaking. The history ofthe Reformation is distinct from that of Protestantism.'One or two volumes coming, God willing,after this one will bring it to a conclusion. Theauthor divided the history into two series for theconvenience of the public, but he does not separatethem. Together they form a single work.

The course that he will probably pursue in futurewill better express the unity of the great event which{iv}has made the sixteenth century famous. Streams atfirst flow apart; they afterwards unite with eachother in succession and form a single river. Therecomes a moment when the waters undergo the law ofconcentration: the same phenomenon is manifestedin a history like ours. After following up successivelythe facts of the Reformation in Germany,German Switzerland, France, England, WesternSwitzerland and elsewhere, we shall concentrate ournarrative a little, and present the progress of thegreat transformation in a single picture.

New countries and new men will come before us.In our next volume we shall travel through Scotland,Denmark, Sweden, Hungary, and other parts ofEurope, retracing the great features of their religioushistory. We shall even return to Luther andMelanchthon, whose society is at once so healthy andso pleasant; and also see Calvin at his work inGeneva.

One circumstance, besides that already indicated,warns the author to restrict his labor, and mightsuddenly interrupt it. Time is growing short for him,and he cannot complete his work without the aid ofHim who is the master of our days.

This volume begins with England. A faithfulhistory of the Reformation is now perhaps morenecessary to that country than to any other. Thegeneral opinion on the Continent, excepting that ofthe blind partisans of popery, is that the cause ofReform is won, and that there is no need to defendit. Strange to say this is not entirely true withregard to England—a country so dear to the friendsof truth and liberty. Nay, even among Anglicanministers, a party has been formed enthusiastic inbehalf of rites, sacerdotal vestments, and superstitious{v}Roman doctrines, and violent in their attacks uponthe Reformation. The excesses in which some of itsmembers have indulged are unprecedented. One ofthem has instituted a comparison between the Reformersand the leaders during the Reign of Terror—Danton,Marat, and Robespierre, for instance—anddeclares the superiority of the latter.[1]'The Reformation,'says this Anglican priest in another place,'was not a Pentecost; I regard it as a Deluge, an actof divine vengeance.' In the presence of such opinionsand of others which, though less marked, are notless fatal, the history of the Reformation may furnishsome wholesome lessons.

The history of England is succeeded in this volumeby a narrative of the events which led to the triumphof the Reformation in Geneva. That history oughtto interest the Protestants of every country, the littlecity having afterwards played so considerable a partin the propagation of evangelical truth and in thestruggles of Protestantism with Popery.

For the purpose of his narrative, the author hascontinued to consult the most authentic sources:original documents, letters written by the persons ofwhom this history speaks or by their contemporaries,and the chronicles, annals, and books published atthat epoch. He has made use of such collections ofdocuments as have been printed; frequently he hashad recourse to MSS. of the period which have notyet been published.

We live in a literary age when criticism sways thesceptre. Criticism is good and necessary: it purifieshistory and clears the paths to the palace of truth.But if dogmatic epochs have their excesses, critical{vi}epochs have theirs also. It was said a long whileago that 'those who run too hastily after truth shootbeyond it.' The men who desire to renovate historyare like those who desire to renovate cities. Thelatter begin by pulling down a few ugly houses whichdisfigure the neighborhood and impede the traffic;but at last they lay their hands on solid and usefuledifices, buildings whose destruction is regretted byevery one. Wise men will, in critical ages, takemoderation and equity for their rule. These haveoften been wanting in recent days. There is a criticismcalled by the Germanshypercriticism, which notonly denies what is false, but even what is true. TheHoly Scriptures have been the special object of itsattack. It has denied the authenticity of the writingsof St. John, St. Paul, Isaiah and other sacredwriters, and the truth of many of the facts which theyrecord. If the sacred books have not been sparedby this criticism, writings purely human, the facts ofhistory, have not escaped unassailed. There havebeen numerous instances of this in Germany andelsewhere.

Several facts which belong to the history of theReformation of France and French Switzerland havebeen recently called in question both in reviews andpamphlets. The author has felt it his duty to provethe historical reality of his statements, not only inthe Preface to the French edition of this volume, butin the February Number of theRevue Chrétienne(1869) published in Paris by M. Meyrueis. He hasnot thought it necessary to give these details in theEnglish edition, because the statements which calledthem forth are unknown in England. It will besufficient to indicate the principal points which havebeen denied with too much precipitancy, and the{vii}correctness of which the author has proved by thesoundest demonstration.

The first fact relates to Le Fèvre of Etaples. Theauthor stated in his History that that theologian, thewriter of a remarkable translation of the Holy Scripturesinto French, had taught the great doctrine ofthe Reformation—justification by faith through grace—asearly as 1512, that is to say, four or five yearsbefore Luther. This having been disputed, theauthor proved it by the existence of Le Fèvre'sCommentaryon the Epistles of St. Paul published in 1512,in which that doctrine is distinctly taught, and whichis preserved in theBibliothèque Impériale at Paris.He added other proofs derived from the writings ofFarel and Beza, as also from the learned criticRichard Simon, Bayle, &c.

The second fact concerns William Farel. Theauthor said in his History that this Reformer, themost zealous evangelist of that period, had imbibedthe evangelical doctrines at Paris from the lessons ofhis master, Le Fèvre of Etaples, and that he wasconverted between 1512 and 1514—before the beginningof the Reformation properly so called. Thatpoint having been denied, the author proved it bythe positive declarations of Le Fèvre and Farel. Thelatter says pointedly: 'This took place in the time ofLouis the Twelfth.' Now Louis XII. died in 1515.

The third fact relates to Thomas ab Hofen, thefriend of Zwingle, and deputy from Berne to Genevain 1527. The author wrote in his History that thislayman was, properly speaking, the first who laboredto spread the Gospel in Geneva. As that statementhad been impugned, the author proved it by theGerman and Latin letters of Zwingle and of AbHofen himself.{viii}

The fourth fact concerns Robert Olivetan, Calvin'scousin, and author of the first translation of the Bibleinto French. It has been doubted whether he wastutor in the family of a Genevese councillor in 1532,and whether he 'evangelized' at that time in Geneva.The author proved his statement by the positivetestimony of the reformer Froment, in hisActes etGestes de Genève, and by extracts from the officialrecords of the Genevese Council. He has demonstratedthat Olivetan preceded in Geneva as apreacher of the Gospel, not only Calvin but Fareland Froment.

Lastly, the fifth fact relates to Calvin. A Genevesewriter denied a few years back that Calvin, whenreturning from Italy, passed through Aosta, wherethere exists, however, a monument erected to commemoratehis flight. The author hopes he hasproved that the universal opinion, which makes theReformer pass through that city, is well founded, andthat the contrary opinion has no weight.

This last point is discussed in the Preface to theFrench edition of this volume: the four others areexamined at length in an article entitledCritiqued'une Critique, published in theRevue Chrétienne ofParis.

There are individuals who, when they meet withfacts in a history that have not been previouslydiscussed in an archæological dissertation, or withcircumstances that had hitherto been unknown, immediatelyimagine that such facts have no foundation.This is a curious aberration. If an historian writes—notaccording to second-hand authorities, but afteroriginal materials—it is quite natural that he shouldcome upon things that have not been noticed before.This has happened to the author of theHistory of the{ix}Reformation. True history, no doubt, possesses coloringand life; but it describes such events only as arefounded on the firm basis of truth.

There are writers at this day who carry theirarchæological predilections further still and wouldlike to substitute chronicles for history, giving us abody without a soul. But authors of distinguishedmerit have protested against such an error.

A great critic, M. Sainte Beuve, says: 'There isone kind of history founded on documentary evidence,state papers, diplomatic transactions, and the correspondenceof ambassadors; and there is another kindwith quite a different aspect—moral history, writtenby the actors and the eye-witnesses.'

An eminent man (Le Comte d'Haussonville) whoby his last work,L'Eglise Romaine et le premierEmpire, has taken an honorable position among historians,indorses this judgment. 'M. Sainte Beuveis right,' he says; 'the latter kind of history is thebest, by which I mean the most instructive, the mostprofitable, the only one which serves to unseal theeyes, open the understanding, combat deplorablecredulity, and avoid disagreeable mystifications.What concerns us, is to know men, "by lifting thecurtain which hides them," according to the happyexpression of Saint-Simon.'

Another celebrated writer has said: 'Real historyappears only when the historian begins to distinguish,across the gulf of time, the living andacting man—the man endued with passions, thecreature of habit—with voice and physiognomy,with gestures and dress, distinct and complete, likethe one from whom we have just parted in thestreet. Language, Legislation, Catechisms, are abstractthings; the complete thing is the man acting,{x}the visible corporeal man, who walks, fights, toils,hates, and loves.

'Why is not history studied more closely? Init men would find human life, domestic life withits varied and dramatic scenes; the human heartwith its fiercest as well as its tenderest passions,and moreover a sovereign charm—the charm ofreality.'

Lastly, we read in the studies of M. Daunou, oneof the most accredited masters of historical composition,that 'history which is naturallypicturesqueanddramatic has become in modern timesdull andcold, and no longer presents those living imagesof men and things which ancient genius loved totrace.'

History had freed herself from the restraint whichthe Middle Ages had imposed on her, to preventher from speaking naturally and with life, as menspeak; and perhaps the lessons of the illustriousacademician and peer of France, whom we have justquoted, may have contributed to this change. Butfor some time observers have been asking whetherthere is not reason to fear a return of the MiddleAges; whether men are not again attempting tofasten a gag on history. One might at times beled to say that archæologists are of opinion thathistory might be suppressed as a matter of luxury,a useless ornament, and be replaced by documents,diplomas, and extracts from registers strungtogether.

Is it just that an historian should have the antiquariescrying out against him from every side,because, while keeping faithfully to documents, hedraws something from them that has life or light?Is it just that when a character feels, moves, and{xi}speaks, rejoices or grieves, the Areopagus shoulddeclare him to be a fictitious being who could neverhave existed, and a pure product of the imagination?You believe that our ancestors were people like ourselves,with hearts that beat with passion and grief.—Byno means; they were icy shades like those wanderingon the banks of the Styx. Hitherto menhad said: This being feels and moves, thereforehe lives; but according to the new school, life isa fable. Nothing is authentic but what is wearisome.A man and a history are not looked upon as realliving beings, unless they are colorless, stark, andcold.

Of this we have had many instances. One time weincurred this reproach: Your imagination, we weretold, invents features which give animation to thesubject, but about which you could know nothing.The following passage was quoted: 'When Fryththe reformer,' wrote the critic, 'was taken as a prisoneron foot to the episcopal court at Croydon, yousay that "he had a calm and cheerful look, and therest of the journey was accomplished in pious andagreeable conversation." How could you know that?'the objector went on. 'Were you of the party tosee the appearance of his face?' We immediatelytook down the eighth volume of Foxe'sActs and Monuments,the appendix to which contains an account ofFryth's journey written by an eye-witness. Weopened the book and found these words: 'And sowith a cheerful and merry countenance, he wentwith them, spending the time in pleasant andgodly communication.' What we were chargedwith having invented, was an almost literal transcriptof a document more than three hundred yearsold.{xii}

If archæology were to be substituted for history,we do not think the public would be overpleasedwith the authors of the transformation. The investigationsof palæographers are not the edifice, but thematerials prepared for its construction. History isabove archæology, as the house is above its foundations.The building raised by the architect is theend. In it men find a pleasant dwelling-place, shelteredfrom the inclemency of the seasons. But it isa good thing to excavate, to dig out fragments ofrock from the bosom of the earth; it is advantageous,when you build, to have stones, and good stones too.The historian who sets little store by archæology betraysa superficial mind; the archæologist who setslittle store by history betrays a mind whose cultivationis still incomplete. But we need not fear thismovement; it has no chance of success. Real historywill never perish.

We insert this protest in the present volume, notbecause of anything that may concern us personally;but as this history has been favorably received, wefeel bound to prove that we have always followedthe most respectable authorities, and although liableto error, we have conscientiously endeavored to givea truthful narrative—true in its facts and in the spiritby which it is animated.

When will debates and contests cease? Happilythere is something in the world which the attacks ofmen can neither batter down nor even shake, andwhich is sufficient to give peace to the soul. Theholy words which the prophets of God have writtenwill exist for ever, because the Light of Life is inthem, and because from age to age many hearts,longing for the highest blessings, have found, and{xiii}still find, in them everlasting life. They delight us,not only on account of their divine origin, but becausethey fully satisfy all the wants of our existence.We say to this heavenly and living truth, which thedivine words reveal to us: I was naked and thoudidst clothe me. I was thirsty, and thou didst giveme to drink. I was hungry, and thou gavest memeat. How is it that so many men, perishing withthirst, do not come to these waters? Writers ofgreat power in pagan antiquity, such as Celsus, Porphyry,and Julian, attacked Christianity in the earlyages, employing the same idle objections as are stillused in our days. They knew not that it containedan imperishable strength. For eighteen hundredyears it has withstood all attacks, and since ourglorious Reformation it has received a new impulse.The nations who cover the most distant seas withtheir ships have scattered everywhere the seed ofGod. Their footsteps have reached to the ends ofthe world, and the crouching nations rise up at theirapproach. Perhaps unbelief was never more commonin Europe among the lower strata of society; but atthe same time believers were never so numerousthroughout the world.It is a great multitude whichno man can number.

And even were infidelity and atheism to increasemore and more, that should not lead us to forsakeThee, thou Saviour of the world! If earthly wisdomgives its votaries a light which scorches and wastesthe soul, Thou givest a light which uplifts, vivifies,and delights. In the midst of struggles Thou implantestpeace in our hearts. In the depths ofsorrows Thou givest a powerful and living consolation.At the approach of that death which is theterror of men, Thou fillest our souls with the firm{xiv}and lively hope of reaching, by the path of Thycross, life with Thee in the glorious and invisibleworld. To whom should we go, O Christ? Thouhast the words of eternal life, and we have believedand have known, that Thou art the Christ, the Sonof the living God.

The parliament of 1534 had greatly advanced thecause of the Reformation. The voices of the mostenlightened men of England had been heard in it withstill greater power than in 1529; and accordingly anhistorian,[2]Sreferring to the meeting of 1534, speaksof it as 'that great session.' Those enlightened men,however, formed but a small minority, and amongthem were many who, from a want of independence,never voted on the side of liberty but when the kingauthorized them. The epoch was a critical one forthe nation. It might as easily fall back to the pope, asadvance towards the Gospel. Hesitating between theMiddle Ages and modern times, it had to choose eitherlife or death. Would it make a vigorous effort andreach those bracing heights, like travellers scaling the{2}rugged sides of the Alps? England appeared too weakfor so daring a flight. The mass of the people seemedchained by time-worn prejudices to the errors andpractices of Rome. The king no doubt had politicalviews which raised him above his age; but a slave tohis passions, and the docile disciple of scholasticism, hedetested a real Reformation and real liberty. Theclergy were superstitious, selfish, and excitable; andthe advisers of the crown knew no other rule than thewill of their master. By none of these powers, therefore,could a transformation be accomplished. Thesafety of England came from that sovereign hand, thatmysterious power, which was already stirring thewestern world. The nation began to feel its energeticimpulse. A strange breeze seemed to be filling the sailsand driving the bark of the state towards the harbor,notwithstanding the numerous shoals that lay around it.

The thought which at that time mainly engrossedthe minds of the most intelligent men of England—menlike Cranmer, Cromwell, and their friends—was thenecessity of throwing off the papal authority. Theybelieved that it was necessary to root out the foreignand unwholesome weed, which had spread over the soilof Britain, and tear it up so thoroughly that it couldnever grow again. Parliament had declared that allthe powers exercised by the bishop of Rome in Englandmust cease and be transferred to the crown; and thatno one, not even the king, should apply to Rome forany dispensation whatsoever. A prelate had preachedevery Sunday at St. Paul's Cross that the pope was notthe head of the Church. On the other hand, thepontiff, who was reckoning on Henry's promised explanationsand satisfactory propositions, seeing that themessenger whom he expected from London did notarrive, had solemnly condemned that prince on the 23rdMarch, 1534.[3]But immediately startled at his own{3}boldness, Clement asked himself with agony how hecould repair this wrong and appease the king. He sawit was impossible, and in the bitterness of his heart exclaimed:'Alas! England is lost to us!'

=THE KING CONDEMNED AT ROME.=

Two days after the famous consistory in whichHenry's condemnation had been pronounced, an Englishcourier entered Rome, still in a state of agitation andtrouble, and went straight to the papal palace. 'Whatis his business?' people said; 'and what can give himsuch boldness? The Englishman was bringing to theministers of the Vatican the long-expected act by whichthe King of England declared himself prepared to enterinto an arrangement with the pope, provided thecardinals of the imperial faction were excluded.[4] Themessenger at the same time announced that Sir EdwardCarne and Revett, two envoys from Henry VIII., wouldsoon arrive to conclude the business.[5] CardinalFarnese, who erelong succeeded Clement under the titleof Paul III., and the more moderate prelates of thesacred college, waited upon the pope at once, andbegged him to summon the consistory without delay.It was just what Clement desired; but the imperialists,more furious than ever, insisted on the confirmation ofthe sentence condemning Henry, and spared no meansto ensure success. Monks went about repeating certainstories which their English brethren sent them, andwhich they furthermore exaggerated. They assertedthat the English people were about to rise in a bodyagainst the king and throw themselves at the feet of theholy father. The pope ratified the sentence, and theconsistory, taking one more step, ordered the emperorto carry it out.

It has been said that a delay of two days was thecause of the Reformation of England. That is a mistake.{4}The Reformation came from the Holy Scriptures,from God, from His mighty grace, and not from princes,their passions, or delays. Even had the pontifical courtat last conceded to Henry the divorce he asked for, thatprince would probably not have renounced the rightshe had acquired, and which made him sole and truemonarch of England. Had he done so, it is doubtfulwhether he was strong enough to check the Reformation.The people were in motion. Christian truth hadreappeared among them: neither pontifical agitationsnor concessions could stop the rapid current that wascarrying them to the pure and living waters of theGospel.

=DISMAY OF THE ENGLISH ENVOYS.=

However, Sir Edward Carne and William Revett,Henry's envoys, arrived in Italy full of hope, andpledged themselves (as they wrote to the king) to reconcileEngland and the papacy 'in conformity to hisHighness's purpose.'[6]Having learnt on reachingBologna, that the bishop of Paris, who was instructedto support them, was in that city, they hurried to himto learn the exact state of affairs. The bishop was oneof those enlightened catholics who believed that the extremeultramontane party was exposing the papacy togreat danger, and who would have prevented schism inthe Church, by giving some satisfaction to Germanyand England. Hence the envoys from Henry VIII.found the prelate dejected and embarrassed. 'All isover,' he told them. 'The pope has pronounced sentenceagainst his Majesty.' Carne and Revett werethunderstruck; the burden was too heavy for them.[7]'All our hopes have vanished in a moment,' they said.Du Bellay assured them that he had spared no painslikely to prevent so precipitate and imprudent an act on{5}the part of a pope.[8]'But the imperialists,' he said,'moved heaven and earth, and constrained Clement VII.to deliver a sentence in opposition to his own convictions.'The ambassador of Francis I. added that therewas still one gleam of hope. 'Raincé, secretary to theFrench embassy at Rome, with an oath, wished himselfat perdition,'[9]said Du Bellay rather coarsely, 'if ourholy father does not patch up all that has beendamaged.' The Englishmen desired to go to the popeforthwith, in order to prevent the execution of the sentence.'Do nothing of the kind,' said the French bishop.'Do not go to Rome on any pretext whatsoever.'[10]

Perhaps Du Bellay wanted first to know what his masterthought of the matter. Carne, undecided what todo, despatched a messenger to Henry VIII. to ask fororders; and then, ten days later, wishing to do something,he appealed from the bishop of Rome ill-informedto the bishop of Rome better informed.[11]

=PEOPLE AND CLERGY AGAINST ROME.=

When the King of England received his ambassador'smessage, he could hardly restrain his anger. At thevery moment when he had made a concession, whichappeared to him the height of condescension, Rometreated him with contempt and sacrificed him to CharlesV. Even the nation was aroused. The pope, it was said,commissions a foreign prince to execute his decrees;soldiers newly raised in Germany, and brimful of insultsand threats, are preparing to land in Great Britain![12]National pride arrayed the people on the King's side.Henry no longer hesitated; his offended honor demandedreparation: a complete rupture alone couldsatisfy it. He wrote a treatise entitled: 'On the powerof Christian kings over their Churches, against the{6}tyranny and horrible impiety of the pope.'[13]This bookagainst the pope, and the very different one that he hadformerly written against Luther, are the two claims ofthis prince to theological renown. Consulting merelyhis own interests, he threw himself now on one side,now on the other. Many writers supported him. 'Thepope,' said Dr. Samsons, dean of the Chapel Royal, 'hasno more power in England than the Archbishop of Canterburyin Rome. It was only by tacit consent that thepope crept into the kingdom, but we intend to drivehim out now by express consent.'[14]The two houses ofparliament were almost unanimously of that opinion.The privy council proposed to call upon the lord mayorto see that anti-Romish doctrines were taught in everyhouse in London. Lastly, the people showed theiropposition after their fashion, indulging in games andmasquerades, in which a cardinal at one time, the popeat another, were represented. To call a man a 'papist'or 'a priest of the pope' was one of the greatest insults.[15]Even the clergy declared against Rome. Onthe 31st March the lower house of convocation discussedwhether the Roman pontiff had in England, accordingto Scripture, a higher jurisdiction than any otherforeign bishop.[16]Thirty-three voted in the negative,only four in the affirmative. The king immediatelyforwarded the same question to all the ecclesiasticalcorporations of the kingdom. The friends of theGospel were filled with joy. The pope had made agreat mistake when, imitating the style of ancient Rome,he had hurled the bolts of the Vatican, as Jupiter had{7}in days of old launched the thunders of the Capitol. Agreat revolution seemed to be working itself out unopposedin this island, so long the slave of the Romanpontiffs. There was just at this time nothing to befeared from without: Charles V. was overwhelmed withbusiness; the King of Scotland was on better termswith his uncle of England, and Francis I. was preparingfor a friendly interview with Henry VIII.[17]And yet the danger had never been greater; but themine was discovered in March 1534, before the matchcould be applied to it.

A dangerous political and clerical conspiracy hadbeen for some time silently organizing in the convents.It was possible, no doubt, to find here and there in thecloisters monks who were learned, pious, and loyal;but the greater number were ignorant and fanatic, andterribly alarmed at the dangers which threatened theirorder. Their arrogance, grossness, and loose mannersirritated the most enlightened part of the nation; theirwealth, endowments, and luxury aroused the envy ofthe nobility. A religious and social transformation wastaking place at this memorable epoch, and the monksforesaw that they would be the first victims of therevolution. Accordingly they were resolved to fight tothe uttermost,pro aris et focis, for their altars andhomes. But who was to take the first step in theperilous enterprise—who to give the signal?

As in the days of the Maid of Orleans, it was a youngwoman who grasped the trumpet and sounded thecharge. But if the first was a heroine, the other was anecstatic—nay, a fanatic.

=ELIZABETH BARTON'S MIRACLES.=

There lived in the village of Aldington in Kent ayoung woman of singular appearance. Although of anage which is usually distinguished by a fresh and clearcomplexion, her face was sallow and her eyes haggard.{8}All of a sudden she would be seized with a trembling ofthe whole body; she lost the use of her limbs and ofher understanding, uttered strange and incoherentphrases, and fell at last stiff and lifeless to the ground.She was, moreover, exemplary in her conduct. Thepeople declared her state to be miraculous, and Master,the rector of the parish, a cunning and grasping priest,noticing these epileptic attacks, resolved to take advantageof them to acquire money and reputation. He suggestedto the poor sufferer that the extraordinary wordsshe uttered proceeded from the inspiration of Heaven,and declared that she would be guilty if she kept secretthis wonderful work of God. A monk of Canterbury,named Bocking, joined the priest with the intention ofturning the girl's disease to the profit of the Romishparty. They represented to Elizabeth Barton—suchwas the name of the Kentish maiden—that the cause ofreligion was exposed to great danger in England; thatit was intended to turnout the monks and priests; butthat God, whose hand defends His Church by the humblestinstruments, had raised her up in theseinauspicious days to uphold that holy ark, which king,ministers, and parliament desired to throw down. Suchlanguage pleased the girl: on the faith of the priests,she regarded her attacks as divine transports; a feelingof pride came over her; she accepted the part assignedher. On a sudden her imagination kindled, she announcedthat she had held communications with saintsand angels, even with Satan himself. Was this sheerimposture or enthusiasm? There was, perhaps, a littleof both; but in her eyes, the end justified the means.When speaking, she affected strange turns, unintelligiblefigures, poetical language, and clothed her visions inrude rhymes, which made the educated smile, buthelped to circulate her oracles among the people. Erelongshe set herself unscrupulously above the truth,{9}and inspired by a feverish energy, did not fear to excitethe people to bloodshed.

There was somewhere out in the fields in one part ofthe parish, a wretched old chapel that had been long deserted,and where a coarse image of the Virgin still remained.Master determined to make it the scene of alucrative pilgrimage. He suggested the notion to ElizabethBarton, and erelong she gave out that the Virginwould cure her of her disorder in that holy consecratededifice. She was carried thither with a certain pomp,and placed devoutly before the image. Then a crisiscame upon her. Her tongue hung out of her mouth, hereyes seemed starting from their sockets, and a hoarsesepulchral voice was heard speaking of the terrors ofhell; and then, by a singular transformation, a sweetand insinuating voice described the joys of paradise.[18]At last the ecstasy ended, Elizabeth came to herself, declaredthat she was perfectly cured, and announced thatGod had ordered her to become a nun and to take Bockingas her confessor. The prophecy of the Kentishmaiden touching her own disease being thus verified,her reputation increased.

Elizabeth Barton's accomplices imagined that the newprophetess required a wider stage than the fields ofAldington, and hoped that, once established in theecclesiastical metropolis of England, she would see herfollowers increase throughout the kingdom. Immediatelyafter her cure, the ventriloquist entered the conventof the Holy Sepulchre at Canterbury, to which Bockingbelonged. Once in this primatial city, her oracles and hermiracles were multiplied. Sometimes in the middle of thenight, the door of her cell opened miraculously: it wasa call from God, inviting her to the chapel to conversewith Him. Sometimes a letter in golden characters was{10}brought to her by an angel from heaven.[19]The monkskept a record of these wonders, these oracles; and selectingsome of them, Master laid the miraculous collection,this bible of the fanatics, before Archbishop Warham.The prelate, who appeared to believe in the nun's inspiration,presented the document to the king, whohanded it to Sir Thomas More, and ordered the wordsof the Kentish maiden to be carefully taken down andcommunicated to him. In this Henry VIII. showedprobably more curiosity and distrust than credulity.

Elizabeth and her advisers were deceived, and thoughtthey might enter into a new phase, in which they hopedto reap the reward of their imposture. The Aldingtongirl passed from a purely religious to a political mission.'Unhappily,' says an ultramontane writer, 'she quittedheaven for earth, and busied herself with worldly things.'[20]This is what her advisers were aiming at. All, and especiallyFriar Bocking, who contemplated restoring theauthority of the papacy—even were it necessary to theirend to take the king's life—began to denounce in herpresence Henry's tolerance of heresy and the new marriagehe desired to contract. Elizabeth eagerly joinedthis factious opposition. 'If Henry marries AnneBoleyn,' she told Bishop Fisher, 'in seven months' timethere will be no king in England.' The circle of her influenceat once grew wider. The Romish party unitedwith her. Abel, Queen Catherine's agent, entered intothe conspiracy; twice Elizabeth Barton appeared beforethe pope's legates; Fisher supported her, and SirThomas More, one of the most cultivated men of hisday, though at first little impressed in her favor, admittedafterwards the truth of her foolish and guiltyrevelations.

=THE NUN BEFORE HENRY.=

One thing was yet wanting, and that was very essentialin the eyes of the supporters of the movement:{11}Elizabeth must appear before Henry VIII. as Elijahappeared before Ahab: they expected great results fromsuch an interview. At length they obtained permission,and the Kentish maiden prepared herself for it by exerciseswhich over excited her. When brought into thepresence of the prince, she was at first silent and motionless,but in a moment her eyes brightened and seemedto flash fire; her mouth was drawn aside and stretched,[21]while from her trembling lips there fell a string of incoherentphrases. 'Satan is tormenting me for the sinsof my people,' she exclaimed, 'but our blessed Ladyshall deliver me by her mighty hand.... O times!O manners!... Abominable heresies, impious innovations!...King of England, beware that you touch notthe power of the holy Father.... Root out the newdoctrines.... Burn all over your kingdom the NewTestament in the vulgar tongue. Henry, forsake AnneBoleyn and take back your wife Catherine.... If youneglect these things, you shall not be king longer thana month, and in God's eyes you will not be so even foran hour. You shall die the death of a villain, and Mary,the daughter of Catherine, shall wear your crown.'[22]

This noisy scene produced no effect on the king.Henry, though prompt to punish, would not reply toElizabeth's nonsense, and was content to shrug hisshoulders. But the fanatical young woman was notdiscouraged: if the king could not be converted, thepeople must be roused. She repeated her threats inthe convents, castles, and villages of Kent, the theatreof her frequent excursions. She varied them accordingto circumstances. The king must fall: but at one timeshe announced it would be by the hands of his subjects;at another, of the priests; and at a third, by the{12}judgment of God. One point alone was unchanged inher utterances: Henry Tudor must perish. Erelong,like a prophetess lifted above the ordinary ministers ofGod, she reprimanded even the sovereign pontiff himself.She thought him too timid, and taking him totask,[23]declared that if he did not bring Henry's plans tonaught, 'the great stroke of God which then hung overhis head' would inevitably fall upon him.[24]

This boldness added to the number of her partisans.Monks, nuns, and priests, knights, gentlemen, andscholars, were carried away by her. Young folksespecially and men of no culture eagerly embraced thismad cause. There were also men of distinction whodid not fear to become her defenders. Bishop Fisherwas gained over: he believed himself certain of theyoung woman's piety. Being a man of melancholytemperament and mystic tendency, a lover of themarvellous, he thought that the soul of Elizabeth mightwell have a supernatural intercourse with the InfiniteBeing. He said in the House of Lords: 'How could Ianticipate deceit in a nun, to whose holiness so manypriests bore witness?' The Roman catholics triumphed.A prophetess had risen up in England, like Deborah inIsrael.

One eminent and large-hearted catholic, Sir ThomasMore, had however some doubts; and the monks whowere Elizabeth's advisers set every engine at work towin him over. During the Christmas of 1532, FatherRisby, a Franciscan of Canterbury, arrived at Chelseato pass the night there. After supper, he said: 'Whata holy woman this nun of Kent is! It is wonderful tosee all that God is doing through her.'—'I thank Godfor it,' coldly answered More.—'By her mediation shesaved the cardinal's soul,' added the monk. The conversationwent no farther. Some time later a fresh{13}attempt was made: Father Rich, a Franciscan of Richmond,came and told More the story of the letterwritten in letters of gold and brought by an angel.'Well, father,' said the chancellor, 'I believe the nun ofKent to be a virtuous woman, and that God is workinggreat things by her;[25]but stories like that you have toldme are not part of ourCredo, and before repeating them,one should be very sure about them.' However, as theclergy generally countenanced Elizabeth, More couldnot bear the idea of forming a sect apart, and went tosee the prophetess at Sion monastery. She told him asilly story of the devil turned into a bird.[26]More wassatisfied to give her a double ducat and commend himselfto her prayers. The chancellor, like other nobleintellects among the catholics, was prepared to admitcertain superstitions; but he would have had the nunkeep in her religious sphere; he feared to see hertouch upon politics. 'Do not speak of the affairs ofprinces,' he said to her. 'The relations which the lateDuke of Buckingham had with a holy monk were ingreat part the cause of his death.' More had beenChancellor of England, and perhaps feared the duke'sfate.

=A CONSPIRACY FORMED.=

Elizabeth Barton did not profit by this lesson. Sheagain declared that, according to the revelations fromGod, no one should deprive the Princess Mary of therights she derived through her birth, and predictedher early accession. Father Goold immediately carriedthe news to Catherine. The nun and her advisers,who chided the pope only through their zeal for thepapacy, had communications with the nuncio; theythought it necessary for him to join the conspiracy.They agreed upon the course to be adopted: at a giventime, monks were to mingle with the people and excite a{14}seditious movement.[27]Elizabeth and her accomplicescalled together such as were to be the instruments oftheir criminal design. 'God has chosen you,' said thenun to these friars, 'to restore the power of the Romanpontiff in England.' The monks prepared for this meritoriouswork by devout practices: they wore sackclothnext their skin, they fastened iron chains round theirbodies, fasted, watched, and made long prayers. Theywere seriously intent on disturbing the social order andbanishing the Word of God.

The violent Henry VIII.—easy-tempered for once inhis life—persisted in his indifference. The seven monthsnamed by the prophetess had gone by, and the daggerwith which she had threatened him had not touched him.He was in good health, had the approbation of parliament,saw the nation prosper under his government,and possessed the wife he had so passionately desired.Everything appeared to succeed with him, which disconcertedthe fanatics. To encourage them Elizabethsaid: 'Do not be deceived. Henry is no longer reallyking, and his subjects are already released from everyobligation towards him. But he is like King John, who,though rejected by God, seemed still to be a king inthe eyes of the world.'[28]

The conspirators intrigued more than ever: not contentwith Catherine's alliance, they opened a communicationwith Margaret Plantagenet, Countess of Salisbury,niece of Edward IV., and with her children the representativesof the party of the White Rose. Hitherto thislady had refrained from politics; but her son ReginaldPole, having united with the pope and quarrelled withHenry VIII., they prevailed upon her to carry over to{15}the Princess Mary, whose household she directed, theforces of the party of which she was the head.

=THE CONSPIRATORS ARRESTED.=

The conspirators believed themselves sure of victory;but at the very moment when they imagined themselveson the point of restoring the papacy in England, theirwhole scheme suddenly fell to the ground. The countrywas in danger: the state must interfere. Cranmer andCromwell were the first to discover the approachingstorm. Canterbury, the primate's archiepiscopal city, wasthe centre of the criminal practices of the Kentish girl.One day the prioress of the Holy Sepulchre received thefollowing note from Cranmer: 'Come to my palace nextFriday; bring your nun with you. Do not fail.'[29]Thetwo women duly came; Elizabeth's head was so turnedthat she saw in everything that happened the opportunityof a new triumph. This time she was deceived.The prelate questioned her; she obstinately maintainedthe truth of her revelations, but did not convince thearchbishop, who had her taken to Cromwell, by whomshe was sent to the Tower with five other nuns of herparty. At first Elizabeth proudly stuck to her characterof prophetess; but imprisonment, the searchingquestions of the judges, and the grief she felt on seeingher falsehoods discovered, made her give way at last.The unhappy creature, a blind tool of the priests, was notentirely wanting in proper feeling. She began to understandher offence and to repent of it: she confessed everything.'I never had a vision in all my life,' she declared;[30]'whatever I said was of my own imagination;I invented it to please the people about me and to attractthe homage of the world.' The disorder, which hadweakened her head, had much to do with her aberrations.Master, Bocking, Goold, Deering, and othersguiltier than her, appeared before the Star Chamber.Elizabeth's confession rendered their denials impossible,and they acknowledged having attempted to get up an{16}insurrection with a view of re-establishing the papacy.They were condemned to make a public disavowal oftheir impostures, and the following Sunday at St. Paul'swas appointed for that purpose. The bishop of Bangorpreached; the nun and her accomplices, who wereexposed on a platform in front of him, confessed theircrimes before the people, and were then led back tothe Tower.[31]

Personages far more illustrious than these were involved.Besides an epileptic girl and a few monks, thenames of Fisher and of More were in the indictment.Cromwell urged both the bishop and the statesman topetition the king for pardon, assuring them they wouldobtain it. 'Good Master Cromwell,' exclaimed SirThomas More, who was much excited and ashamed ofhis credulity, 'my poor heart is pierced at the idea thathis Majesty should think me guilty. I confess that I didbelieve the nun to be inspired; but I put away far fromme every thought of treason. For the future, neithermonk nor nun shall have power to make me faithless tomy God and my king.' Cranmer, Cromwell, and thechancellor prevailed on Henry VIII. to strike More'sname out of the bill. The illustrious scholar escaped thecapital punishment with which he was threatened. Hisdaughter, Margaret Roper, came in a transport of joyto tell him the news: 'In faith, Meg,' said More with asmile, 'quod differtur non aufertur, what is put off is notput away.'[32]

The case of the bishop of Rochester was more serious:he had been in close communication with all thoseknaves, and the honest but proud and superstitiouschurchman would not acknowledge any fault. Cromwell,who desired to save the old man, conjured him togive up all idea of defending himself; but Fisher obstinatelywrote to the House of Lords that he had seen no{17}deception in the nun. The name of the king's old tutorwas left, therefore, in the bill of attainder.[33]

=THE CRIMINALS CONVICTED.=

The bill was introduced into the House of Lords onthe 21st February, and received the royal assent on the21st March. The prisoners were brought together inthe Star Chamber to hear their sentence. Their friendshad still some hope; but the Bull which the pope hadissued against Henry VIII. on the 23rd of March, endangeringthe order of succession, made indulgencedifficult. The king and his ministers felt it their dutyto anticipate, by a severe example, the rebellion whichthe partisans of the pontiff were fomenting in the kingdom.Sentence of death was pronounced upon all thecriminals.

During this time the unfortunate Elizabeth saw allthe evils she had caused rise up before her eyes: shewas grieved and agitated, she was angry with herselfand trembled at the idea of the temporal and eternalpenalties she had deserved. Death was about to endthis drama of fanaticism. On the 20th April the falseprophetess was carried to Tyburn with her accomplices,in the midst of a great crowd of people. On reachingthe scaffold, she said: 'I am the cause not only of myown death, which I have richly deserved, but of the deathof all those who are going to suffer with me. Alas! Iwas a poor wretch without learning,[34]but the praises ofthe priests about me turned my brain, and I thought Imight say anything that came into my head. Now Icry to God and implore the king's pardon.' These wereher last words. She fell—she and her accomplices—underthe stroke of the law.

These were the means to which fervent disciples ofRome had recourse to combat the Reformation in England.Such weapons recoil against those who employthem. The blindest partisans of the Church of the{18}popes continued to look upon this woman as a prophetess,and her name was in great favor during thereign of Mary. But the most enlightened Roman catholicsare now careful not to defend the imposture.[35]The fanatical episode was not without its use: it madethe people understand what these pretended visionsand false miracles were, through which the religiousorders had acquired so much influence; and so far contributedto the suppression of the monasteries withinwhose walls such a miserable deception had been concocted.

The maid of Kent having been executed, her partisansrallied round another woman, who representedthe Romish system in its highest features, as ElizabethBarton had represented it in its more vulgar phase.After the nun came the queen.

=QUEEN CATHERINE'S FIRMNESS.=

Catherine had always claimed the honors due to theQueen of England, and her attendants yielded them toher. 'We made oath to her as queen,' they said, 'andthe king cannot discharge our consciences.' WheneverLord Mountjoy, royal commissioner to the daughter ofFerdinand and Isabella, called her 'princess,' she raisedher head haughtily and said to him: 'You shall answer{19}for this before God.'[36]'Ah!' exclaimed Mountjoy, frettedby the vexations of his office, 'I would a thousand timesrather serve the king in the most dangerous cause!'Mary having also received an injunction to drop hertitle of princess, made answer: 'I shall believe no suchorder, unless I see his Majesty's signature.' The mostnotable partisans of Roman catholicism, and even theambassador of Charles V., paid the queen frequentvisits. Henry became uneasy, and shortly before Christmas1533 he took measures to remove her from herfriends. Catherine opposed everything. Suffolk wroteto the king: 'I have never seen such an obstinatewoman.' But there was a man quite as obstinate, andthat was Henry.

His most cherished desires had not been satisfied: hehad no son. Should he chance to die, he would leavetwo daughters, Mary and Elizabeth; the former supportedby the partisans of the old times, the latter bythose of the new. Civil war would probably decide towhom the crown should belong. It was necessary toprevent such a misfortune. The Lords and Commons,therefore, petitioned the king, no doubt at his instigation,that his marriage with Lady Catherine should bedeclared null, and her child illegitimate; that his marriagewith Queen Anne should be recognized as valid,and the children issuing from it alone entitled to succeed.All classes of people immediately took thestatutory oath; even the monks bowed their heads.They said: 'Bound to render to our king Henry VIII.and to him alone after Jesus Christ,[37]fidelity and worship,we promise inviolable obedience to our said lord aswell as to our most serene Queen Anne, his wife, and totheir children; and we profess perpetual respect forthe holy and chaste marriage which they have legitimately{20}contracted.'[38]This forced testimony, borne toAnne by the monastic orders, is one of the numerousmonuments of the despotism of Henry VIII. and of themoral weakness of the monks.

But in this oath of allegiance the king had meditateda more important object—to banish the papacy fromEngland. The monks bound themselves not only torecognize the prescribed order of succession, but furtherto substitute the primacy of the king for that of thepope. 'We affirm,' they said, 'that King Henry is thehead of the Anglican Church, that the Roman bishop,falsely styled pope and sovereign pontiff, has no moreauthority than any other bishop; and we promise topreach Christ simply and openly according to the ruleof Scripture and of the orthodox and catholic doctors.'A sign, a word from the State was sufficient to makethe papal army pass from the camp of Rome to thecamp of the king.

The 'famous question,'[39]that of the Romish jurisdiction,was also put before the two universities. On the2nd May Cambridge declared, that 'all its doctors havingcarefully examined the Holy Scriptures, had not discoveredthe primacy of the pope in them.' The clergy ofthe province of York, led by the archbishop Edward Lee,a churchman full of talent, activity, and vanity, stoutlyresisted at first; but eventually the prelate wrote to theking on the 2nd June that 'according to the unanimousopinion of his clergy, the pope in conformity with theHoly Scriptures had no more authority in England thanany other foreign ecclesiastic.'[40]Henry, not contentwith the proclamations of his council and the declarationsof parliament, required for his separation fromRome the suffrage of the Church; and the Church, probably{21}more from weakness than conviction, gave it. However,without reckoning the members of the clergy who,like the primate, wanted no pope, there were manybishops who, at heart, were not sorry to be liberatedfrom the perpetual encroachments of the Roman court.

=RESISTANCE AGAINST INVASION.=

A rumor from the continent suddenly disquieted theking among all his easy triumphs; a more formidableenemy than those monks and bishops was rising againsthim. It was reported that the emperor was not onlyrecruiting soldiers in Flanders, but was forwarding considerablenumbers from Bohemia, Germany, Italy, andSpain for the invasion of England.[41]Francis I. couldnot permit this kingdom, so close to his own, to be occupiedby the armies of Charles V. his constant enemy;he determined therefore to have an interview withHenry, and to that intent sent over the Seigneur De laGuiche, his chamberlain and counsellor.[42]Henry repliedthat it would be difficult to leave England just ata time when pope and emperor spoke of invading him;the more so as he must leave his 'most dearly belovedqueen' (Anne Boleyn) and his young daughter, thePrincess Elizabeth; as well as another daughter andher mother, the aunt of Charles V., whose partisanswere conspiring against him. 'Ask my good brotherthe king,' said Henry to De la Guiche, 'to collect a fleetof ships, galleys, and barks to prevent the emperor'slanding. And in case that prince should invade eitherFrance or England, let us agree that the one who is notcalled upon to defend his own kingdom shall march into{22}Charles's territories.' However, Henry consented togo as far as Calais.[43]

There was another invasion which, in Henry's eyes, wasmuch more to be dreaded. That king—a greater kingperhaps than is ordinarily supposed—maintained thatno prince, whether his name was Charles or Clement,had any business to meddle with his kingdom. Theact of the 23rd March, by which the pope had condemnedhim, had terminated his long endurance: Clement VII.had declared war against him and Henry VIII. acceptedit. A man, though he be ordinarily the slave of hispassions, has sometimes impulses which belong to greatcharacters. Henry determined to finish with the popeas the pope had finished with him. He will declarehimself master in his own island; dauntlessly he willbrave Rome and the imperial power ready to assailhim. Erelong the fire which consumed him appearedto kindle his subjects. The political party, at the headof which were Suffolk and Gardiner, was ready to giveup the papacy, even while maintaining the dogmas ofcatholicism. The evangelical party desired to go farther,and drive the catholic doctrines out of England. Thesetwo hostile sections united their forces against the commonenemy.

At the head of the evangelicals, who were eventuallyto prevail under the son of Henry VIII., were two menof great intelligence, destined to be powerful instrumentsin the enfranchisement of England. Cranmer,the ecclesiastical leader of the party, gave way too easilyto the royal pressure; but being a moderate theologian,a conscientious Christian, a skilful administrator, andindefatigable worker, he carefully studied the Scriptures,the Fathers, and even the Schoolmen; he tooknote of their sayings, and strengthened by their opinions,continued the work of the Reformation with calmnessand perseverance. Beside him stood Cromwell, the lay{23}leader of protestant feeling. Gifted in certain respectswith a generous character, he loved to benefit thosewho had helped him in adversity; but too attentive tohis own interests, he profited by the Reformation to increasehis riches and honors. Inferior to Cranmer inmoral qualities, he had a surer and a wider glance thanthe primate; he saw clearly the end for which he muststrive and the means necessary to be employed, andcombined much activity with his talents. These leaderswere strongly supported. A certain number of ministersand lay members of the Church desired an evangelicalreform in England. Latimer, a popular orator,was the tribune commissioned to scatter through the nationthe principles whose triumph Cranmer and Cromwellsought. He preached throughout the whole extent ofthe province of Canterbury; but if his bold languageenlightened the well-disposed, it irritated the priestsand monks. His great reputation led to his beinginvited to preach before the king and queen. Cranmer,fearing his incisive language and sarcastic tone, beggedhim to say nothing in the pulpit that would indicate anysoreness about his late disgrace. 'In your sermon letnot any sparkle or suspicion of grudge appear to remainin you.[44]If you attack with the Word of God any sinor superstition, do it without passion.' Latimer preached,and Anne Boleyn was so charmed by his evangelicalsimplicity, Christian eloquence, and apostolic zeal, thatshe made him her chaplain. Latimer takes his place bythe side of Cranmer among the reformers of the EnglishChurch.

=THE PAPAL AUTHORITY ABOLISHED.=

The evangelical and the political parties being thusagreed to support the prince, Henry determined tostrike the decisive blow. On the 9th June, 1534, aboutthree months after he had been condemned at Rome,he signed at Westminster the proclamation 'for theabolishing of the usurped power of the pope.'[45]The{24}king declared: 'That having been acknowledged nextafter God, supreme head of the Church of England, heabolished the authority of the bishop of Rome throughouthis realm, and commanded all bishops to preachand have preached, every Sunday and holy day, thesweet and sincere Word of the Lord; to teach that thejurisdiction of the Church belongs to him alone, and toblot out of all canons, liturgies, and other works thename of the bishop of Rome and his pompous titles, sothat his name and memory be never more rememberedin the kingdom of England, except to his contumelyand reproach.[46]By so doing you will advance thehonor of God Almighty, manifest the imperial majesty ofyour sovereign lord, and procure for the people unity,tranquillity, and prosperity.'

=THE CHURCH, A STATE-DEPARTMENT.=

Would these orders be executed? If there remainedin any university, convent, parish, or even in anywretched presbytery, a breviary in which the name ofthepope was written; if on the altar of any poor countrychurch a missal was found with these four lettersunerased—it was a crime. If every weed be not pluckedup, thought the king's counsellors, the garden will soon beentirely overrun. The obstinacy of the clergy, theirstratagems, their pious frauds were a mystery to nobody.Henry was persuaded, and his counsellors still more so,that the bishops would make no opposition; they resolvedtherefore to direct the sheriffs to see that theking's orders were strictly carried out. 'We commandyou,' said that prince, 'under pain of our high indignation,to put aside all human respect, to place God'sglory solely before you, and, at the risk of exposingyourselves to the greatest perils, to make and order diligentsearch to be made.[47]Inform yourselves whether{25}in every part of your county the bishop executes ourcommands without veil or dissimulation. And in caseyou should observe that he neglects some portion, orcarries out our orders coldly, or presents this measurein a bad light, we command you strictly to inform usand our council with all haste.

'If you hesitate or falter in the commission we giveyou, rest assured that being a prince who loves justice,we will punish you with such severity that all our subjectswill take care for the future not to disobey ourcommands.'

Everybody could see that Henry was in earnest,and immediately after this energetic proclamation, thosewho were backward hastened to make their submission.The dean and chapter of St. Paul's made their protestagainst the pope on the 20th June. On the 27th theUniversity of Oxford, in an act where they described theking as 'that most wise Solomon,' declared unanimouslythat it was contrary to the Word of God to acknowledgeany superiority whatsoever in the bishop of Rome. Agreat number of churches and monasteries set theirseals to similar declarations.[48]

Such was the first pastoral of the prince who claimednow to govern the Church. He seemed desirous ofmaking it a mere department of the State. Henryallowed the bishops to remain, but he employed thefunctionaries of police and justice to overlook their episcopate;and that office was imposed upon them in suchterms that they must necessarily look sharp after thetransgressors. First and foremost the king wanted hisown way in his family, in the State, and in the Church.The latter was to him as a ship which he had just captured:the captain was driven out, but for fear lest heshould return, he threw overboard all who he thoughtmight betray him. With haughty head and naked{26}sword Henry VIII. entered the new realm which he hadconquered. He was far from resembling Him whomthe prophets had announced:Behold thy king comethunto thee, meek and lowly.

=FORM THE CHURCH SHOULD TAKE.=

The power in the Church having been taken from thepope, to whom should it have been committed?

Scripture calls the Christian people a holy nation,a royal priesthood;[49]words which show that, after God,the authority belongs to them. And, in fact, the firstact of the Church, the election of an apostle in the placeof Judas, was performed by the brethren assembled inone place.[50]When it became necessary to appoint deacons,the twelve apostles once more summoned 'themultitude of the disciples.'[51]And later still, the evangelists,the delegates of the flocks, were selected by thevoice of the churches.[52]

It is a principle of reason, that authority, where a corporatebody is concerned, resides in the totality of itsmembers. This principle of reason is also that of theWord of God.

When the Church became more numerous it wascalled upon to delegate (at least partially) a power that itcould no longer exercise wholly of itself. In the apostolicage the Christians, called to form this delegation,adopted the forms with which they were familiar. Afterthe pattern of the council of elders, which existed in theJewish synagogues, and of the assembly of decurions,which exercised municipal functions in the cities of thepagans,[53]the Christian Church had in every town acouncil, composed of men of irreproachable life, vigilant,prudent, apt to teach,[54]but distinct from those whowere called doctors, evangelists, or ministers of theWord.[55]Still the Christians never entertained the idea{27}of giving themselves a universal chief, after the image ofthe emperor. Jesus Christ and his Word were amplysufficient. It was not until many centuries later thatthis anti-Christian institution appeared in history.

The authority, which in England had been takenaway from the pope, should return in accordance withscriptural principles to the members of the Church;and if, following the example of the primitive Christians,they had adopted the forms existing in their own countryin the sixteenth century, they would have placed asdirectors of the Church—Christ remaining their soleking—one or two houses or assemblies, authorized toprovide for the ecclesiastical administration, the maintenanceof a pure faith, and the spiritual prosperity ofthat vast body. These assemblies would have beencomposed, as in the primitive times, of a majority ofChristian laymen, with the addition of ministers; andboth would have been elected by believers whose faithwas in conformity with that of the Church.[56]

But was there at that time in England a sufficientnumber of enlightened Christians to become membersof these assemblies, and even to hold the electionswhich were to appoint them? It is doubtful. Theywere not to be found even in Germany. 'I have nobodyto put in them,' said Luther; 'but if the thingbecomes feasible, I shall not be wanting in my duty.'[57]This form of government not being possible in Englandthen, according to the Reformer's expression, twoother forms offered themselves. If the first wereadopted, the authority would be remitted to the clergy;but that would have been to perpetuate the doctrinesand rites of popery and to lead back infallibly to thedomination of Rome. The most dangerous governmentfor the Church is the government of priests: they commonlyrob it of liberty, spontaneousness, evangelicalfaith, and life.{28}

There remained no alternative then but to confidethe supreme authority in the Church to the State; andthis is what was generally done in the sixteenth century.But men of the greatest experience in these mattershave agreed that the government of the religious societyby the civil power can only be a temporary expedient,and have universally proclaimed the great principle,'that the essence of all society is to be governed byitself.'[58]To deny this axiom would be utterly contrarynot only to liberty, but, further still, contrary to justice.

We must not forget when we speak of the relationsbetween Church and State, that there are three differentsystems:—the government of the Church by the State;the union of the Church, governing itself, with theState; and their complete separation. There is noreason for pronouncing here upon the relative value ofthe two last systems.

Two persons were at this time specially dreaded by theRoman party: one was at the summit of the grandeursof the world, the other at the summit of the grandeursof faith—the queen and Tyndale. The hour of trialwas approaching for both of them.

There existed another reformation than that of whichthe sheriffs were to be the agents; there were otherreformers than Henry VIII. One man, desirous of reviving{29}the Church of Christ in England, had made thetranslation of the Holy Scriptures the work of his life.Tyndale had been forced to leave his country; but hehad left it only to prepare a seed which, borne on thewings of the wind, was to change the wildernesses ofGreat Britain into a fruitful garden.

=TYNDALE AT ANTWERP.=

The retired teacher from the vale of the Severn hadsettled in 1534 as near as possible to England—at Antwerp,whence ships departed frequently for Britishharbors. The English merchants, of whom there weremany in that city, welcomed him with fraternal cordiality.Among them was a friend of the Gospel, Mr.Thomas Poyntz, whose brother filled an office in theking's household. This warm-hearted Christian had receivedTyndale into his house, and the latter wasunremittingly occupied in translating the Old Testament,when an English ship brought the news of themartyrdom of Fryth, his faithful colleague. Tyndaleshed many tears, and could not make up his mind tocontinue his work alone. But the reflection that Frythhad glorified Jesus Christ in his prison, aroused him:he felt it his duty to glorify God in his exile. The lossof his friend made his Saviour still more precious tohim, and in Jesus he found comfort for his mind. 'Ihave lost my brother,' he said, 'but in Christ, all Christiansand even all the angels are father and mother,sister and brother, and God himself takes care of me.O Christ, my Redeemer and my shield! thy blood, thydeath, all that Thou art and all that Thou hast done—Thouthyself art mine!'[59]

=TYNDALE'S CHARITY AND ZEAL.=

Tyndale, strengthened by faith, redoubled his zeal inhis Master's service. That indefatigable man was notcontent to study the Scriptures with eagerness: hedesired to combine with learning the charity thatworketh. The English merchants of Antwerp, havinggiven him a considerable sum of money, he consecrated{30}it to the poor; but he was not content with meregiving. Besides Sunday he reserved two days in theweek, which he called his 'days of recreation.' OnMonday he visited the most out of the way streets ofAntwerp, hunting in garrets for the poor English refugeeswho had been driven from their country onaccount of the Gospel; he taught them to bear Christ'sburden, and carefully tended their sick. On Saturday,he went out of the city, visiting the villages and solitaryhouses, and 'seeking out every hole and corner.'[60]Should he happen to meet some hard-working fatherburdened with children, or some aged or infirm man, hehastened to share his substance with the poor creatures.'We ought to be for our neighbor,' he said, 'whatChrist has been for us.' This is what Tyndale calledhis 'pastime.'[61]On Sunday morning he went to amerchant's house where a large room had been preparedfor evangelical worship, and read and explained theScriptures with so much sweetness and unction and insuch a practical spirit that the congregation (it was said)fancied they were listening to John the Evangelist.[62]During the remainder of the week the laborious doctorgave himself entirely to his translation. He was notone of those who remain idle in the hope that gracemay abound. 'If we are justified by faith,' he said, 'itis in order that we may do Christian works.'

There came good news from London to console himfor the death of Fryth. In every direction people wereasking for the New Testament; several Flemish printersbegan to reprint it, saying: 'If Tyndale should print2000 copies, and we as many, they would be few enoughfor all England.' Four new editions of the sacred bookissued from the Antwerp presses in 1534.

There was at that time living in the city a man little{31}fitted to be Tyndale's associate. George Joye, a fellowof Cambridge, was one of those active but superficialpersons, with little learning and less judgment, who arenever afraid to launch out into works beyond theirpowers. Joye, who had left England in 1527, noticingthe consideration which Tyndale's labors brought totheir author, and being also desirous of acquiring gloryfor himself, began, though he knew neither Hebrew norGreek, to correct Tyndale's New Testament accordingto the Vulgate and his own imagination. One day whenTyndale had refused to adopt one of his extravagantcorrections, Joye was touched to the quick: 'I am notafraid to cope with him in this matter,' he said, 'for allhis high learning in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.'[63]Tyndaleknew more than these. 'He is master of sevenlanguages,' said Busche, Reuchlin's disciple: 'Hebrew,Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish, English, French, and sothoroughly, that whichever he is speaking one mightbelieve it to be his mother tongue.'[64]

In the month of August Joye's translation appearedat Antwerp: he had advertised it as 'clearer and morefaithful.' Tyndale glanced over the leaves of the workthat had been so praised by its author, and was vexedto find himself so unskilfully 'corrected.' He pointedout some of Joye's errors, and made this touching andsolemn declaration: 'I protest in the presence of Godand Jesus Christ, and before the whole assembly ofbelievers, that I have never written anything throughenvy, to circulate any error, or to attract followers tome. I have never had any other desire than to lead mybrethren to the knowledge of Christ. And if in what Ihave written or translated there should be anythingopposed to God's word, I beg all men to reject it as Ireject it myself, before Christ and his assembly.'{32}

It was in November 1534 that Tyndale made thisnoble protest.

While Joye was waging this petty war against Tyndale,every ship that came from London to Antwerpbrought the cheering news that the great war seemed tobe dying out in England, and that the king and thosearound him were drawing towards protestantism. Achange had been worked in Anne's mind analogous tothat which had been wrought in her position. She hadbeen ambitious and worldly, but from the moment sheascended the throne, her character had expanded; shehad become queen, she wished to be the mother of herpeople, especially of those who trod in the paths of HolyScripture. In the first transports of his affection,Henry had desired to share all the honors of sovereigntywith her, and she had taken this high positionmore seriously than Henry had intended. When hesaw her whom he had placed by his side imagine thatshe had any power, the selfish and jealous monarch knithis brows: this was the beginning of the storm thatdrove Anne Boleyn from the throne to the scaffold.She ventured to order Cromwell to indemnify the merchantswho had suffered loss for having introduced theNew Testament into England. 'If a day passes,' peoplesaid, 'without her having an opportunity of doing aservice to a friend of the Gospel, she is accustomed tosay with Titus, "I have lost a day."' Harman, amerchant of Antwerp and a man of courage, who hadhelped Tyndale to publish the Gospel in English, hadbeen kept seven months in prison by Wolsey andHacket.[65]Although set at liberty, he was still deprivedof his privileges and compelled to suspend business.He came over to England, but instead of applying eitherto the lord chancellor or to Cromwell for the restorationof his rights, he went straight to the queen. Anne,{33}who was then at Greenwich palace, was touched by hispiety and sufferings, and probably without taking councilof the king, she dictated the following message tothe prime minister, which we think worth quoting atfull.

By the Queen.

This intervention of the queen in favor of a persecutedevangelical was much talked about. Some ascribed herconduct to the interests of her own cause, others tohumanity: most of the friends of the Reformationregarded it as a proof that Anne was gained over totheir convictions, and Tyndale manifested his gratitudeto the queen by presenting her with a handsome copyof his New Testament.

=DISPLEASURE OF THE KING.=

What gave such joy to Tyndale annoyed the kinggreatly. Such a private order as this coming from the{34}queen singularly displeased a monarch whose will itwas that no business should be discussed except in hiscouncil. There was also in this order, at least in Henry'seyes, a still greater evil. The evangelical reformation,which Henry had so stoutly combated and which hedetested to the last, was making great progress in England.On the 4th of July, 1533, Fryth, the friend ofHarman and Tyndale, was burnt at Smithfield, as beingone of its followers; and ten months later, on the 14thof May, 1534, Harman, the friend of Tyndale and Fryth,had been declared 'a good Christian' by the queen.Anne dared profess herself the friend of those whomthe king hated. Did she design to make a revolution—tooppose the opinions of her lord the king? Thatletter did not remain without effect: it was reportedthat the friends of the Word of God, taking advantageof these favorable dispositions, were printing at Antwerpsix separate editions of the New Testament, andwere introducing them into England.

=SNARES LAID FOR TYNDALE.=

It was not only the king who was irritated, the angerof the Romish party was greater still; but as they darednot strike the queen, they looked about for another victim.Neither Bishop Fisher, Sir Thomas More, norHenry VIII. appear to have had any part in this newcrime. Gardiner, now bishop of Winchester, gave aforce to the episcopal body of which it had long beendeprived; and several prelates, 'incensed and inflamedin their minds,' says a document,[67]called to remembrancethat the best means of drying up the waters of ariver is to cut off its springs. It was from Tyndale thatall those writings proceeded—those Gospels which, intheir opinion, were leading England astray. Themoment seemed favorable for getting rid of him: hewas actually in the states of Charles V., that great enemyof the Reformation. Gardiner and his allies determined{35}to send into the Low Countries two persons with instructionsto keep an eye upon the reformer, to take himunawares, and have him put to death. For this purposethey selected a very clever monk of StratfordAbbey and a zealous young papist, who had the look ofa gentleman, and who (they hoped) would soon gainTyndale's heart by his amiability.

It was about the end of the year 1534, while the reformerwas still living at Antwerp in the house ofThomas Poyntz, when one day, dining with anothermerchant, he observed among the guests a tall youngman of good appearance whom he did not know. 'Heis a fellow-countryman,' said the master of the house,'Mr. Harry Philips, a person of very agreeable manners.'[68]Tyndale drew near the stranger and wascharmed with his conversation. After dinner, just asthey were about to separate, he observed another personnear Philips, whose countenance from being less openpleaded little in his favor. It was 'Gabriel, his servant,'he was told. Tyndale invited Philips to comeand see him: the young layman accepted the invitation,and the candid reformer was so taken with him, that hecould not pass a day without him—inviting him at onetime to dinner, at another to supper. At length Philipsbecame so necessary to him that he prevailed upon him,with Poyntz's consent, to come and live in the samehouse with him. For some time they had lost sight ofGabriel, and on Tyndale's asking what had become ofhim, he was informed that he had gone to Louvain, thecentre of Roman clericalism in Belgium. When Tyndaleand Philips were once lodged beneath the sameroof, their intimacy increased: Tyndale had no secretsfrom his fellow-countryman. The latter spent hours inthe library of the hellenist, who showed him his booksand manuscripts, and conversed with him about his pastand future labors, and the means that he possessed for{36}circulating the New Testament throughout England.The translator of the Bible, all candor and simplicity,supposing no evil, thinking nothing but good of hisneighbor, unbosomed himself to him like a child.

Philips, less of a gentleman than he appeared, wasthe son of a tax-gatherer in Devonshire; and the pretendeddomestic, a disguised monk, was that crafty andvicious churchman, who had been brought from Stratfordand given to the so-called gentleman—apparentlyas a servant, but really as his counsellor and master.Neither Wolsey, More, nor Hacket had succeeded ingetting hold of Tyndale; but Gardiner, a man ofinnate malice and indirect measures, familiar with allholes and corners, all circumstances and persons, knewhow to go to work without noise, to watch his preyin silence, and fall upon it at the very moment when hewas least expected. Two things were required inorder to catch Tyndale: a bait to attract him, and abird of prey to seize him. Philips was the bait, andthe monk Gabriel Dunne the bird of prey. The noble-heartedPoyntz, a man of greater experience than thereformer, had been for some time watching with inquisitiveeye the new guest introduced into his house.It was of no use for Philips to try to be agreeable,there was something in him which displeased theworthy merchant.[69]'Master Tyndale,' he said one dayto the reformer, 'when did you make that person'sacquaintance?'—'Oh! he's a very worthy fellow,' repliedthe doctor, 'well-educated and a thorough gentleman.'Poyntz said no more.

Meanwhile the monk had returned from Louvain,where he had gone to consult with some leaders of theultramontane party. If he and his companion couldgain Mr. Poyntz, it would be easy to lay hold of Tyndale.They thought it would be sufficient to show themerchant that they had money, imagining that every{37}man was to be bought. One day Philips said to Poyntz:'I am a stranger here, and should feel much obliged ifyou would show me Antwerp.' They went out together.Philips thought the moment had come to letPoyntz know that he was well supplied with gold, andeven had some to give to others. 'I want to makeseveral purchases,' he said, 'and you would greatlyoblige me by directing me. I want the best goods. Ihave plenty of money,' he added.[70]He then took astep farther, and sounded his man to try whether hewould aid him in his designs. As Poyntz did not seemto understand him, Philips went no farther.

=IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT CONSULTED.=

As stratagem did not succeed, it was necessary toresort to force. Philips by Gabriel's advice set out forBrussels in order to prepare the blow that was to strikeTyndale. The emperor and his ministers had neverbeen so irritated against England and the Reformation.The troops of Charles V. were in motion, and peopleexpected to hear every moment that war had brokenout between the emperor and the king.[71]On arrivingat Brussels the young Englishman appeared at courtand waited on the government: he declared that hewas a Roman catholic disgusted with the religious reformsin England and devoted to the cause of Catherine.He explained to the ministers of Charles V. that theyhad in the Low Countries the man who was poisoningthe kingdom; and that if they put Tyndale to death,they would save the papacy in England. The emperor'sministers, delighted to see Englishmen making commoncause with them against Henry VIII., conceded toGardiner's delegate all that he asked. Philips, sparingno expense to attain his end,[72]returned to Antwerp,{38}accompanied by the imperial prosecutor and otherofficers of the emperor.

It was important to arrest Tyndale without havingrecourse to the city authorities, and even without theirknowledge. Had not the hanseatic judges the strangeaudacity to declare, in Harman's case, that they couldnot condemn a man without positive proof? The monk,who probably had not gone to Brussels, undertook toreconnoitre the ground. One day, when Poyntz wassitting at his door,[73]Gabriel went up to him and said:'Is Master Tyndale at home? My master desires tocall upon him.' They entered into conversation.Everything seemed to favor the monk's designs: helearnt that in three or four days Poyntz would be goingto Bar-le-Duc, where he would remain about six weeks.It was just what Gabriel wanted, for he dreaded thepiercing eye of the English merchant.

=TREACHERY OF PHILIPS.=

Shortly after this, Philips arrived in Antwerp withthe prosecutor and his officers. The former wentimmediately to Poyntz's house, where he found onlythe wife at home. 'Does Master Tyndale dine at hometo-day?' he said. 'I have a great desire to dine withhim. Have you anything good to give us?' 'What wecan get in the market,' she replied laconically.[74]'Good,good,' said the perfidious papist as he turned away.

The new Judas hurried to meet the officers, andagreed with them upon the course to be adopted.When the dinner-hour drew near, he said: 'Come along,I will deliver him to you.' The imperial prosecutorand his followers, with Philips and the monk, proceededtowards Poyntz's house, carefully noting everything andtaking the necessary measures not to attract observation.The entrance to the house was by a long narrow passage.Philips placed some of the agents a little way down the{39}street; others, near the entrance of the alley. 'I shallcome out with Tyndale,' he told the agents; 'and theman I point out with my finger, is the one you willseize.' With these words Philips entered the house; itwas about noon.

The creature was exceedingly fond of money; he hadreceived a great deal from the priests in England for thepayment of his mission; but he thought it would beonly right to plunder his victim, before giving him up todeath. Finding Tyndale at home, he said to him, aftera few compliments: 'I must tell you my misfortune.This morning I lost my purse between here and Mechlin,[75]and I am penniless. Could you lend me some money?'Tyndale, simple and inexperienced in the tricks of theworld,[76]went to fetch the required sum, which wasequivalent to thirty pounds sterling. The delightedPhilips put the gold carefully in his pocket, and thenthought only of betraying his kind-hearted friend. 'Well,Master Tyndale,' he said, 'we are going to dine together.''No,' replied the doctor, 'I am going to dine out to-day;come along with me, I will answer for it that you will bewelcome.' Philips joyfully consented; promptitude ofexecution was one element of success in his business.The two friends prepared to start. The alley by whichthey had to go out was (as we have said) so narrow thattwo persons could not walk abreast. Tyndale, wishingto do the honors to Philips, desired him to go first. 'Iwill never consent,' replied the latter, pretending to bevery polite.[77]'I know the respect due to you—it is foryou to lead the way.' Then taking the doctor respectfullyby the hand, he led him into the passage. Tyndale,who was of middle height, went first, while Philips, whowas very tall, came behind him. He had placed two{40}agents at the entrance, who were sitting at each side ofthe alley. Hearing footsteps they looked up and sawthe innocent Tyndale approaching them without suspicion,and over his shoulders the head of Philips. Hewas a lamb led to slaughter by the man who was aboutto sell him. The officers of justice, frequently so hardhearted,experienced a feeling of compassion at thesight.[78]But the traitor, raising himself behind thereformer, who was about to enter the street, placed hisforefinger over Tyndale's head, according to the signalwhich had been agreed upon, and gave the men a significantlook, as if to say to them, 'This is he!' Themen at once laid hands upon Tyndale who, in his holysimplicity, did not at first understand what they intendeddoing. He soon found it out; for they orderedhim to move on, the officers following him, and he wasthus taken before the imperial prosecutor. The latterwho was at dinner invited Tyndale to sit down withhim. Then ordering his servants to watch him carefully,the magistrate set off for Poyntz's house. He seizedthe papers, books, and all that had belonged to the reformer;and returning home, placed him with the bootyin a carriage, and departed. The night came on, andafter a drive of about three hours they arrived in frontof the strong castle of Vilvorde, built in 1375 by dukeWenceslaus, situated two or three leagues from Brusselson the banks of the Senne, surrounded on all sides bywater and flanked by seven towers. The drawbridgewas lowered, and Tyndale was delivered into the handsof the governor, who put him into a safe place. The reformerof England was not to leave Vilvorde, as Lutherleft the Wartburg. This occurred, as it would appear,in August 1535.[79]{41}

=TYNDALE IMPRISONED.=

The object of his mission once attained, Philips, fearingthe indignation of the English merchants, escapedto Louvain. Sitting in taverns or at the tables of monks,professors, and prelates—sometimes even at the courtof Brussels, he would boast of his exploit, and desiringto win the favor of the imperialists would call Henry VIII.a tyrant and a robber of the State.[80]

The English merchants of Antwerp, being reasonablyoffended, immediately called upon the governor of theEnglish factory to take measures in favor of their countryman;but the governor refused. Tyndale, deprivedof all hope, sought consolation in God. 'Oh! what ahappy thing it is to suffer for righteousness' sake,' hesaid.[81]'If I am afflicted on earth with Christ, I havejoy in the hope that I shall be glorified with Him inheaven. Trials are a most wholesome medicine, and Iwill endure them with patience. My enemies destineme for the stake, but I am as innocent as a new-bornchild of the crimes of which they accuse me. My Godwill not forsake me. O Christ, thy blood saves me, asif it had been mine own that was shed upon the cross.God, as great as He is, is mine with all that He hath.'[82]

Tyndale in his prison at Vilvorde was happier thanPhilips at court. If we carefully study the history ofthe reformers, we recognize at once that they were notsimply masters of a pure doctrine, but also men of loftysouls, Christians of great morality and exalted spirituality.We cannot say as much of their adversaries;what a contrast here between the traitor and his victim!The calumnies and insults of the enemies of protestantismwill deceive nobody. If it is sufficient to read theBible with a sincere heart in order to believe it; it issufficient also to know the lives of the reformers inorder to honor them.

=INSTRUCTIONS TO THE CLERGY.=

While the Roman papacy was triumphing in the LowCountries, a lay papacy was being established in England.Henry VIII. gave his orders like a sovereignbishop,summus episcopus, and the majority of thepriests obeyed him. They believed that such an extraordinarystate of things would be but of short duration,and thought that it was not worth the trouble of dyingin battle against what would perish of itself. Theymuttered with their lips what the king ordered them,and waited for the coming deliverance.

Every preacher was bound to preach once at leastagainst the usurpations of the papacy; to explain onthat occasion the engagements made by the pope withthe king of England, the duplicity shown by Clement,and the obligation by which the monarch was bound tothwart so much falsehood and trickery. The ministersof the Church were ordered to proclaim the Word ofChrist purely, but to say nothing about the adoration ofsaints, the marriage of priests, justification by works andother doctrines rejected by the reformers, which theking intended to preserve. The secular clergy generallyobeyed.

There were however numerous exceptions, particularlyin the north of England, and the execution ofHenry's orders gave rise to scenes more or less riotous.Generally speaking, the partisans of Rome did not{43}merit a very lively interest; but we must give due creditto those who ventured to resist a formidable power inobedience to conscientious principles. There were hereand there a few signs of opposition. On the 24th ofAugust Father Ricot, when preaching at Sion Monastery,called the king, according to his orders, 'the headof the Church;' but added immediately after, that hewho had given the order was alone responsible beforeGod, and that he 'ought to take steps for the dischargeof his conscience.' The other monks went farther still:as soon as they heard Henry's new title proclaimed,there was a movement among them. Father Lache,who far from resembling his name was inflexible even toimpudence, got up; eight other monks rose with himand left the chapel 'contrary to the rule of their religion'and to the great scandal of all the audience.[83]These nine friars, boldly quitting the church one afteranother, were the living protest of the monks of England.That their desire was not to acknowledge JesusChrist alone as head, is intelligible: they wanted tomaintain the dominion of the pope in the Church, andin the State also. The king pope would have none ofthese freaks of independence. Bedell, who had receivedCromwell's order to inspect this convent, proposed tosend the nine monks to prison, 'to the terrible exampleof their adherents.'[84]

The priests, finding that they must act with prudence,avoided a repetition of such outbreaks and began secretlyto school their penitents in the confessional, biddingthem employ mental reservations, in order toconciliate everything. They set the example themselves:'I have abjured the popein the outward man, but notin the inward man,' said one of them to some of hisparishioners.[85]The confessor at Sion Monastery had{44}proclaimed the king's new title and even preached uponit; yet when one of his penitents showed much uneasinessbecause he had heard Latimer say that thepope himself could not pardon sin: 'Do not be afraid,'said the confessor; 'the pope is assuredly the head ofthe Church. True, king and parliament have turnedhim out of office here in England; but that will notlast long. The world will change again, you will see,and that too before long.'—'But we have made oath tothe king as head of the Church,' said some persons to apriest. 'What matters!' replied he. 'An oath that isnot very strictly made may be broken the same way.'

These mental reservations, however, made manyecclesiastics and laymen too feel uneasy. They longedfor deliverance: they were on the look out; they turnedtheir eyes successively towards Ireland which hadrisen for the pope, and towards the Low Countries,whence an imperial fleet was to sail for the subjugationof England. Men grew excited. In the convents therewere fanatical and visionary monks who, maddened bythe abuses of power under which they suffered, andfired by persecution, dreamt of nothing but reactionand vengeance, and expressed their cruel wishes indaring language. One of them named Maitland, belongingto the Dominican convent in London, exclaimedpresumptuously, as if he were a prophet: 'Soon I shallbehold a scaffold erected.... On that scaffold willpass in turn the heads of all those who profess the newdoctrine, and Cranmer will be one of them.... Theking will die a violent and shameful death, and the queenwill be burnt.' Being addicted to the black art, Maitlandpretended to read the future by the help of Satanicbeings. All were not so bold: there were the timidand fearful. Several monks of Sion House, despairingof the papacy, were making preparations to escape andhide themselves in some wilderness or foreign cloister.'If we succeed,' they said, 'we shall be heard of no{45}more, and nobody will know where we are.' This beingtold to Bedell, Cromwell's agent, he was content tosay: 'Let them go; the loss will not be great.'Roman-catholicism was, however, to find more honorablechampions.

=MORE REFUSES TO TAKE THE OATH.=

Two men, a layman and a bishop, celebrated throughoutChristendom, Fisher and Sir Thomas More, wereabout to present an opposition to the king which probablyhe had not expected. Since More had fathomedthe king's intentions, and resigned the office of chancellor,he often passed whole nights without sleep, shudderingat the future which threatened him, and wateringhis bed with tears. He feared that he was not firmenough to brave death. 'O God!' he exclaimed duringhis agitated vigils, 'come and help me. I am so weakI could not endure a fillip.'[86]His children wept, hiswife stormed against her husband's enemies, and hehimself employed a singular mode of preparing hisfamily for the fate that awaited him. One day, whenthey were all at table, a serjeant entered the room andsummoned him to appear before the king's commissioners.'Be of good cheer,' said More; 'the time isnot yet come. I paid this man in order to prepare youfor the calamity that hangs over you.' It was not longdelayed.

Shortly after the condemnation of Elizabeth Bartonthe nun, Sir Thomas More, Fisher, and many other influentialmen were summoned to the archbishop's palaceto take the oath prescribed in the Act of Succession.More confessed, received the sacrament, and forbiddinghis wife and children to accompany him, as was theircustom, to the boat which was to carry him to Lambeth,he proceeded in great emotion towards the place wherehis future would be decided. His startled familywatched him depart. The ex-chancellor taking his seatin the boat along with his son-in-law William Roper,{46}endeavored to restrain his tears and struggled but withoutsuccess against his sorrow. At length his face becamemore serene, and turning to Roper, he whisperedin his ear, 'I thank our Lord, my son; the field iswon.'[87]On his arrival at Lambeth palace, where bishopFisher and a great number of ecclesiastics assembled,More, who was the only layman, was introduced first.The chancellor read the form to him: it stated in thepreamble that the troubles of England, the oceans ofblood that had been shed in it and many other afflictions,originated in the usurped power of the popes;that the king was the head of the Anglican Church, andthat the bishop of Rome possessed no authority out ofhis own diocese. 'I cannot subscribe that form,' saidMore, 'without exposing my soul to everlasting damnation.I am ready to give my adhesion to the Act ofSuccession which is a political act—but without thepreamble.' 'You are the first man who has refused,'said the chancellor. 'Think upon it.' A great numberof bishops, doctors, and priests who were successivelyintroduced, took the required oath. But Moreremained firm, and so did bishop Fisher.[88]

Cranmer, who earnestly desired to save these twoconscientious men, asked Cromwell to accept the oaththey proposed,[89]and the latter consulted the king uponit. 'They must give way,' exclaimed Henry, 'or I willmake an example of them that shall frighten others.'As the king was inexorable, they were attainted by actof parliament for refusing to take the required oath,and sent to the Tower. This was in December 1534.[90]

The family of Sir Thomas More was plunged inaffliction. His daughter Margaret having obtainedpermission to see him, hurried to the Tower, penetrated{47}to his cell, and incapable of speaking, fell weeping intohis arms. 'Daughter,' said More, restraining himselfwith an effort, 'let us kneel down.' He repeated theseven penitential Psalms, and then rising up, said:'Dear Meg, those who have put me here think theyhave done me a high displeasure, but God treats me asHe treats his best friends.'[91]Margaret, who thoughtof nothing but to save her father, exclaimed: 'Takethe oath! death is hanging over your head.' 'Nothingwill happen to me but what pleases God,' replied SirThomas More. His daughter left the Tower overwhelmedwith grief. His wife, who also went to seehim, chancellor Audley, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk,Cromwell, and other of the king's counsellors were notmore successful than Margaret. Bishop Fisher metsimilar solicitations with a similar refusal.

=RESISTANCE OF THE CARTHUSIANS.=

As the king's government did not wish to hurry onthe trial of these illustrious men, they turned from thechiefs to the followers. The Carthusians of Londonwere in great odor of sanctity; they never spoke exceptat certain times, ate no meat, and affirmed thatGod had visited them in visions and miracles. Theirhouse was not free from disorders, but many of themonks took their vocation seriously. When the royalcommissioners visited them to tender the oath of succession,Prior Haughton, a man of small stature butagreeable appearance and noble carriage, appearedbefore them. The commissioners required him toacknowledge Henry's second marriage to be lawful;Haughton at first sought a loophole, and answeredthat the king might be divorced and married withouthim or his monks having anything to say to it. 'It isthe king's command,' answered the commissioners,'that you and your brethren acknowledge by oath thelawfulness of his union. Call the monks together.'[92]The Carthusians appeared, and all refused to take the{48}oath. The prior and proctor were consequently sentto the Tower. The bishop of London used all his influenceto make them change their opinions, and succeededin persuading them that they might take theoath, by making several reservations. They thereforereturned to the Charter House and prevailed upontheir brethren to do as they had done.

Immediately all was confusion in the monastery.Several monks in deep distress could not tell whichcourse to follow; others, more decided, exclaimed thatthey would not yield at any price. 'They are mindedto offer themselves in sacrifice to the great idol of Rome,'wrote Bedell to Cromwell.[93]At last, when the soldiersappeared to take the rebels to the Tower, the terrifiedmonks lost heart, and took the oath to the new marriageof Henry VIII. 'so far as it was lawful.' The bittercup was removed, but not for long.

Whilst England was separating from Rome, Clement VII.was dying of vexation.[94]The hatred felt by theRomans towards him[95]was only equalled by the joythey experienced at the election of his successor. AlexanderFarnese, the choice of the French party, was aman of the world, desirous of putting down the protestants,recovering England, reforming the Church, andabove all enriching his own family. When Da Casale,Henry's envoy, presented his homage: 'There is nothingin the world,' said Paul III. to him, 'that I havemore at heart than to satisfy your master.' It was toolate.

=HENRY REJECTS THE PAPACY.=

Clement's behavior had produced an evil influence onthe character of the Tudor king. The services renderedby this prince to the papacy had been overlooked, his{49}long patience had not been rewarded: he fancied himselfdespised and deceived. His pride was irritated,his temper grew fiercer, his violence for some timerestrained, broke out, and unable to reach the pope, herevenged himself on the papacy. Until now, he hadscarcely been worse than most of the sovereigns ofChristendom: from this moment, when he proclaimedhimself head of the Church, he became harsh, andcared for nothing but gratifying his evil inclinations,his despotic humors, his blood-thirsty cruelty. As aprince, he had at times shown a few amiable qualities;as apope, he was nothing but a tyrant.

Henry VIII. observing the agitation his pretensionscaused in England, and wishing to strengthen his newauthority, had caused several bills concerning theChurch to be brought into the parliament, which meton the 3rd of November, 1534. The ministers who haddrafted them, far from being protestants, were zealouspartisans of scholastic orthodoxy. It was the cunningGardiner, a furious Catholic; the duke of Norfolk whoassisted in the king's movements against Rome, only toprevent him from falling into the arms of the reformers;and the politic Cromwell, who, despite his zeal againstthe pope, declared at his death, possibly giving a particularmeaning to the words, that he died in thecatholic faith.[96]

The first act passed by parliament was the ratificationof the king's new title, already officially recognized bythe clergy. Henry's ministers knew how to make thelaw strict and rigorous. 'It is enacted,' so ran the act,'that our lord the king be acknowledged sole andsupreme head on earth of the Church of England; thathe shall possess not only the honors, jurisdictions, andprofits attached to that dignity, but also full authorityto put down all heresies and enormities, whatever be{50}the customs and the laws that may be opposed to it.'[97]Shortly after, on the 1st of February, parliament stillmore imperious, enacted that 'whoever should do anythingtending to deprive the king or his heirs of any oftheir titles, or should call him heretic, schismatic, usurper,&c., should be guilty of high treason.'[98]

=THE KING, NOT HEAD OF THE CHURCH.=

Thus Henry VIII. united the two swords in hishand.—'A Mohammedan union,' says a modern historian.[99]This writer might have contented himselfwith calling it 'a papal union.' Whether a pope claimsto be king, or a king claims to be pope, it comes tonearly the same thing. At the time when the Reformationwas emancipating the long-enslaved Church, anew master was given it, and what a master! Theconsciences of Christians revolted against this order ofthings. One day—it was some time later—Cranmerwas asked: 'Who is the supreme head of the Church ofEngland?'—'Christ,' was the reply, 'as He is of theuniversal Church.'—'But did you not recognize the kingas supreme head of the Church?'—'We recognized himas head ofall the people of England,' answered Cranmer,'ofchurchmen as well as oflaymen.'[100]—'What! not ofthe Church?' 'No!Supreme head of the Church neverhad any other meaning than what I tell you.' This isexplicit. If the title given Henry only signified that hewas king of the clergy as well as of the laity, and thatthe former were under the jurisdiction of the royalcourts as well as the latter, in all matters of commonlaw, there can be nothing fairer. But how was it thatCranmer did not find as much courage in Henry's lifetimeto speak according to his conscience, as when examinedin 1555 by Brokes, the papal sub-delegate? An{51}interpretative document drawn up by the government atalmost the same time as the act of parliament, corroborateshowever the explanation made by Cranmer; itsaid: 'The title of supreme head of the Church givesthe king no new authority: it does not signify that hecan assume any spiritual power.'[101]This documentdeclares that the wordsreform abuses and heresies,indicate the authority which the king possesses tosuppress the powers which the bishop of Rome or otherbishops have usurped in his realm. 'We heartilydetest,' said Fulke, master of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge,'the notion that the king can do what he likes inmatters of religion.'[102]Even Elizabeth refused the titleof head of the Church.[103]Probably these are factswhich are not generally known.

In England it was reserved for Catholics as well asfor evangelicals to give the world, amid great misery,remarkable examples of Christian virtues. Latimer andothers preached the truth courageously; martyrs likeBilney, Tewkesbury, and Fryth had laid down theirlives for the Gospel. Now in the other party, laymen,monks, and priests, with unquestionably a less enlightenedpiety, were about to furnish proofs of their sincerity.{52}There were Roman martyrs also. Two armieswere in presence; many fell on both sides; but therewas a sensible difference between this spiritual war andthe wars of nations. Those who bit the dust did notfall under the weapons of a hostile army; there was athird power, the king-pope, who took his station betweenthe two lines, and dealt his blows now to theright, now to the left. Leaders of the pontifical armywere to be smitten in the struggle in which so manyevangelicals had already fallen.

=MORE'S WRETCHED CONDITION.=

Sir Thomas More, while in prison, strove to banishafflicting thoughts by writing a history of Christ's passion.One day when he came to these words of theGospel:Then came they and laid hands on Jesus, andtook Him, the door opened, and Kingston, the governorof the Tower, accompanied by Rich, the attorney-general,appeared. 'Sir Thomas,' said Rich, 'if an act of parliamentordered all Englishmen to acknowledge me astheir king, would you acknowledge me?'—'Yes, sir.'[104]—'And if an act of parliament ordered all Englishmento recognize me as pope?'—'Parliament has no authorityto do it,' answered More. Sir Thomas held that an actof parliament was sufficient to dethrone a king of England:it is to a great grandson of More's that we areindebted for this opinion, which a grand-nephew ofCromwell put in practice a hundred years later. WasHenry VIII. exasperated because More disposed sofreely of his crown? It is possible, but be that as itmay, the harshness of his imprisonment was increased.Suffering preceded martyrdom. The illustrious scholarwas forced to pick up little scraps of paper on which towrite a few scattered thoughts with a coal.[105]This wasnot the worst. 'I have neither shirt nor sute,'[106]hewrote to the chief secretary of state, 'nor yet otherclothes that are necessary for me to wear, but that be{53}ragged and rent too shamefully. Notwithstanding, Imight easily suffer that if that would keep my bodywarm. And now in my age my stomach may not awaybut with a few kind of meats; which, if I want, I decayforthwith, and fall into crases and diseases of my body,and cannot keep myself in health.... I beseech yoube a good master unto me in my necessity, and let mehave such things as are necessary for me in mine age.Restore me to my liberty out of this cold and painfulimprisonment. Let me have some priest to hear myconfession against this holy time, and some books to saymy devotions more effectually. The Lord send you amerry Christmas.

'At the Tower, 23rd December.'

It is a relief to hope that this scandalous neglect proceededfrom heedlessness and not from cruelty. Hisrequests were granted.

While these sad scenes were enacted in the Tower,there was great confusion in all England, where themost opposite parties were in commotion. When thetraditional yoke was broken, every man raised up hisown banner. The friends of More and Fisher wishedto restore the papacy of the Roman bishop; Henry VIII.,Cromwell, and the court thought how to establish thesupremacy of the king; finally, Cranmer and a few menof the same stamp, endeavored to steer between thesequicksands, and aspired to introduce the reign of HolyScripture under the banner of royalty. This contestbetween forces so different, complicated too by the passionsof the sovereign, was a terrible drama destined towind up not in a single catastrophe, but in many. Illustriousvictims, taken indiscriminately from all parties,were to fall beneath the oft-repeated blows and beburied in one common grave.

The prudent Cranmer lived in painful anxiety. Surroundedby enemies who watched every step, he fearedto destroy the cause of truth, by undertaking reforms{54}as extensive as those on the continent. The naturaltimidity of his character, the compromises he thoughtit his duty to make with regard to the hierarchy, hisfear of Henry VIII., his moderation, gentleness, andplasticity of character and in some respects of principle,prevented his applying to the work with the decision ofa Luther, a Calvin, or a Knox. Tyndale, if he hadpossessed the influence that was his due, would haveaccomplished a reform similar to that of those greatleaders. To have had him for a reformer would, inWickliffe's native land, have been the source of greatprosperity; but such a thing was impossible: his countrygave him—not a professor's chair but exile. Cranmermoved forward slowly: he modified an evangelicalmovement by a clerical concession. When he hadtaken a step forward, he stopped suddenly, and apparentlydrew back; not from cowardice, but because hisextreme prudence so urged him. The boldness of aFarel or a Knox is in our opinion far more noble; andyet this extreme moderation saved Cranmer andprotestantism with him. Near a throne like that ofHenry's, it was only a man of extreme precaution whocould have retained his position in the see of Canterbury.If Cranmer should come into collision with theTudor's sceptre, he will find that it is a sword. Godgives to every people and to every epoch the mannecessary to it. Cranmer was this man for England, atthe time of her separation from the papacy. Notwithstandinghis compromises, he never abandoned thegreat principles of the Reformation; notwithstandinghis concessions, he took advantage of every opportunityto encourage those who shared his faith to march towardsa better future. The primate of England helda torch in his hand which had not the brilliancy of thatborne by Luther and Calvin, but the tempest that blewupon it for fifteen or twenty years could not extinguishit. Sometimes he was seized with terror: as he heard{55}the lion roar, he bent his head, kept in the background,and concealed the truth in his bosom; but again herose and again held out to the Church the light he hadsaved from the fury of the tyrant. He was a reed andnot an oak—a reed that bent too easily, but through thisvery weakness he was able to do what an oak with allits strength would never have accomplished. The truthtriumphed.

=TRANSLATION OF THE SCRIPTURES.=

At this time Cranmer thought himself in a positionto take a step—the most important step of all: heundertook to give the Bible to the laity. When theconvocation of clergy and parliament had assembled,he made a proposition that the Holy Scriptures shouldbe translated into English by certain honorable andlearned men, and be circulated among the people.[107]Topresent Holy Scripture as the supreme rule instead ofthe pope, was a bold act that decided the evangelical reformation.Stokesley, Gardiner, and the other bishopsof the catholic party cried out against such a monstrousdesign: 'The teaching of the Church is sufficient,' theysaid; 'we must prohibit Tyndale's Testament and theheretical books which come to us from beyond the sea.'The archbishop saw that he could only carry his pointby giving up something: he consented to a compromise.Convocation resolved on the 19th of December, 1534, tolay Cranmer's proposal before the king, but with theaddition that the Scriptures translated into the vulgartongue should only be circulated among the king'ssubjects in proportion to their knowledge, and that allwho possessed suspected books should be bound to givethem up to the royal commissioners: others might havecalled this resolution a defeat, Cranmer looked upon it asa victory. The Scriptures would no longer be admittedstealthily into the kingdom, like contraband goods: theywould appear in broad daylight with the royal sanction.This was something.{56}

Henry granted the petition of Convocation, buthastened to profit by it. His great fixed idea was todestroy the Roman papacy in England, not because ofits errors, but because he felt that it robbed princes ofthe affection and often of the obedience of their subjects.'If I grant my bishops what they ask for,' he said, 'inmy turn I ask them to make oath never to permit anyjurisdiction to be restored to the Roman bishop in mykingdom; never to call himpope, universalbishop, ormost holy lord, but only bishop of Rome, colleague andbrother, according to the ancient custom of the oldestbishops.'[108]All the prelates were eager to obey the king;but the archbishop of York, secretly devoted to theRoman Church, added, to acquit his conscience, 'thathe took the oath in order to preserve the unity of thefaith and of the Catholic Church.'[109]

Cranmer was filled with joy by the victory he hadwon. 'If we possess the Holy Scriptures,' he said, 'wehave at hand a remedy for every disease. Beset as weare with tribulations and temptations, where can we findarms to overcome them? In Scripture. It is the balmthat will heal our wounds, and will be a more preciousjewel in our houses than either gold or silver.'[110]Hetherefore turned his mind at once to the realization ofthe plan he had so much at heart. Taking for groundworkan existing translation (doubtless that by Tyndale),he divided the New Testament into ten portions, hadeach transcribed separately, and transmitted them tothe most learned of the bishops, praying that theymight be returned to him with their remarks. He eventhought it his duty not to omit such decided catholics asStokesley and Gardiner.

=SEDITIOUS PRIESTS AND PREACHERS.=

The day appointed for the return and examination of{57}these various portions having arrived (June 1553),Cranmer set to work, and found that theActs of theApostles were wanting: they had fallen to the lot of thebishop of London. When the primate's secretary wentto ask for the manuscript, Stokesley replied in a verybad humor: 'I do not understand my lord of Canterbury.By giving the people the Holy Scriptures, hewill plunge them into heresy. I certainly will not givean hour to such a task. Here, take the book back tomy lord.' When the secretary delivered his message,Thomas Lawness, one of Cranmer's friends, said with asmile: 'My lord of London will not take the trouble toexamine the Scriptures, persuaded that there is nothingfor him in the Testament of Jesus Christ.' Many of theportions returned by the other bishops were pitiable.The archbishop saw that he must find colleagues betterdisposed.

Cranmer had soon to discharge another function. Aspopery and rebellion were openly preached in thedioceses of Winchester and London,[111]the metropolitanannounced his intention to visit them. The two bishopscried out vehemently, and Gardiner hurried to theking: 'Your Grace,' he said, 'here is a new pope!' Allwho had anything to fear began to reproach the primatewith aspiring to honors and dominion. 'God forgiveme,' he said with simplicity, 'if there is any title in theworld I care for more thanthe paring of an apple.[112]Neither paper, parchment, lead, nor wax, but the veryChristian conversation of the people, are the letters andseals of our office.' The king supported Cranmer,knowing that certain of the clergy preached submissionto the pope. The visitation took place. Even in Londonpriests were found who had taken the oath prescribedby Henry VIII., and who yet 'made a god of{58}the Roman pontiff,[113] setting his power and his lawsabove those of our Lord.' 'I command you,' said theking, 'to lay hold of all who circulate those perniciousdoctrines.'

Francis I. watched these severities from afar. Hefeared they would render an alliance between Franceand England impossible. He therefore sent Bryon,high-admiral of France, to London, to reconcile theking with the pope, to strengthen the bonds that unitedthe two countries, and at the same time, he prevailedupon Paul III. to withdraw the decree of Clement VII.against Henry VIII.[114]But success did not crown hisefforts: the king of England had no great confidence inthe sincerity of the pope or of the French king. He waswell pleased to be no longer confronted by a foreignauthority in his own dominions, and thought that hispeople would never give up the Reformation. Insteadof being reconciled with the Roman pontiff, he found itmore convenient to imitate the pope, and to break outagainst those subjects who refused to recognize him,the king, as head of the Church.

=RESOLUTION OF THE CARTHUSIANS.=

He first attacked the Carthusians, the most respectableof the religious orders in England, and whom heconsidered as the most dangerous. Where there wasthe most goodness, there was also the most strength;and that strength gave umbrage to the despotic Tudorking.

Monastic life, abominable in its abuses, was, even inprinciple, contrary to the Gospel. But we must confessthat there was a certain harmony between the wants ofsociety in the Middle Ages and conventual establishments.Many and various motives drove into the{59}cloisters the men that filled them; and if some werecondemnable, there were others whose value deserves tobe appreciated. It was these earnest monks who, evenwhile defending the royalty of the pope, rejected mostenergetically the papacy of the king: this was enoughto draw down upon them the royal vengeance. Oneday a messenger from the court brought to the Charter-Houseof London an order to reject the Roman authority.The monks, summoned by their prior, remainedsilent when they heard the message, and their featuresalone betrayed the trouble of their minds.[115]'My heartis full of sorrow,' said Prior Haughton. 'What are weto do? If we resist the king, our house will be shut up,and you young men will be cast into the midst of theworld, so that after commencing here in the spirit youwill end there in the flesh. But, on the other hand, howcan we obey? Alas! I am helpless to save those whomGod has entrusted to my care!' At these words theCarthusians 'fell all a-weeping;'[116]and then taking couragefrom the presence of danger they said: 'We willperish together in our integrity; and heaven and earthshall cry out against the injustice that oppresses us.'—'Wouldto God it might be so,' exclaimed the Superior;'but this is what they will do. They will put me todeath—me and the oldest of us—and they will turn theyounger ones into the world, which will teach them itswicked works. I am ready to give up my life to saveyou; but if one death does not satisfy the king, then letus all die!'—'Yes, we will all die,' answered thebrethren.—'And now let us make preparation by ageneral confession,' said the prior, 'so that the Lordmay find us ready.'

Next morning the chapel-doors opened and all the{60}monks marched in. Their serious looks, their palecountenances, their fixed eyes seemed to betoken menwho were awaiting their last moments. The prior wentinto the pulpit and read the sixtieth Psalm: 'O God,thou hast cast us off.' On coming to the end, he said:'My brethren, we must die in charity. Let us pardonanother.' At these words Haughton came down fromthe pulpit, and knelt in succession before every brother,saying: 'O my brother, I beg your forgiveness of all myoffences!' The other monks, each in his turn, madethis last confession.

Two days afterwards they celebrated the mass of theHoly Ghost. Immediately after the elevation, themonks fancied they heard 'a small hissing wind.'[117]Their hearts were filled with a tender affection: theybelieved that the Holy Ghost was descending uponthem, and the prior, touched by this surprising grace,burst into tears. Enthusiasm mingled extraordinaryfantasies with their pious emotions.

The king had evidently not much to fear in thisquarter. His crown was threatened by more formidableenemies. In various parts, especially in Lincolnshireand Yorkshire,[118]there were daring partisans of thepapacy to be found who endeavored to stir up thepeople to revolt; and thousands of Englishmen in theNorth were ready to help them by force of arms. Atthe same time Ireland wished to transport her soldiersacross St. George's Channel and hurl the king from histhrone. The decision with which Fisher, Sir ThomasMore, and the Carthusians resisted Henry had not immediateinsurrection for its object, but it encouraged themultitude to revolt. The government thinking, therefore,that it was time to strike, sent the Carthusians anabsolute order to acknowledge the royal supremacy.{61}

=ROME AND LIBERTY INCOMPATIBLE.=

At this time there was in reality no liberty on oneside or the other. Rome, by not granting it, was consistentwith herself; but not so the protestantism thatdenies it. The Reformation, acknowledging no othersovereign Lord and Teacher than God, must of necessityleave the conscience to that Supreme Master, man havingnothing to do with it. But the Roman Church,acknowledging a man as its head, and honoring thepope as the representative of God on earth, claims authorityover the soul. Men may say in vain that theyare in harmony with God and His Word: that is notthe question. The great business is to be in accord withthe pope. That old man, throned in the Vatican on thetraditions of the School and the bulls of his predecessors,is their judge: they are bound to follow exactly hisline, without wavering either to the right or the left.If they reject an article, a jot of a papal constitution,they must be cast away. Such a system, the enemy ofevery liberty, even of the most legitimate, rose in thesixteenth century like a high wall to separate Romeand the new generation. It threatened to destroy in thefuture that power which had triumphed in the past.

After the festival of Easter 1535, the heads of twoother Carthusian houses—Robert Laurence, prior ofBelleval, and Augustine Webster, prior of Axholm—arrivedin London in obedience to an order they hadreceived, and, in company with Prior Haughton, waitedupon Cromwell. As they refused to acknowledge theroyal supremacy, they were sent to the Tower. A weeklater, they consented to take the oath, adding: 'So faras God's law permits.'—'No restrictions,' answeredCromwell. On the 29th of April they were placed ontheir trial, when they said: 'We will never believe anythingcontrary to the law of God and the teaching ofour holy mother Church.' At first the jury expressedsome interest in their behalf; but Haughton uselesslyembittered his position. 'You can only produce in{62}favor of your opinion,' he said, 'the parliament of onesingle kingdom; for mine, I can produce all Christendom.'The jury found the three prisoners guilty ofhigh-treason.[119]Thence the government proceeded tomore eminent victims.

Fisher and More, confined in the same prison, werenow treated with more consideration.[120]It was said,however, that these illustrious captives were endeavoring,even in the Tower, to excite the people to revolt.The king and Cromwell could hardly have believed it,but they imagined that if these two leading men gaveway, their example would carry the recalcitrants withthem: they were therefore exposed to a new examination.But they proved as obstinate as their adversaries,and perhaps more skilful. 'I have no more to do withthe titles to be given to popes and princes,' said SirThomas; 'my thoughts are with God alone.'[121]

The court hoped to intimidate these eminent personagesby the execution of the three priors, which tookplace on the 4th May, 1535. Margaret hurried to herfather's side. Before long the procession passed underhis window, and the affectionate young woman usedevery means to draw Sir Thomas away from the sight;but he would not avert his eyes. When all was over,he turned to his daughter: 'Meg,' he said, 'you sawthose saintly fathers; they went as cheerfully to deathas if they were bridegrooms going to be married.'[122]

=EXECUTION OF THE CARTHUSIANS.=

The prisoners walked calmly along: they wore theirclerical robes, the ceremony of degradation not havingbeen performed, no doubt to show that a papal consecrationcould not protect offenders. Haughton, priorof the London Charter-House, mounted the ladder first.'I pray all who hear me,' he said, 'to bear witness for{63}me in the terrible day of judgment, that it is not out ofobstinate malice or rebellion that I disobey the king,but only for the fear of God.' The rope was nowplaced round his neck. 'Holy Jesus!' he exclaimed,'have mercy on me,' and he gave up the ghost. Theother priors then stepped forward. 'God has manifestedgreat grace to us,' they said, 'by calling us to diein defence of the catholic faith. No, the king is nothead of the Church of England.' A few minutes laterand these monks, dressed in the robes of their order,were swinging in the air. This was one of the crimescommitted when the unlawful tiara of the pontiffs wasplaced unlawfully on the head of a king of England.Other Carthusians were put to death somewhat later.

Meanwhile Henry VIII. desired to preserve a balancebetween papists and heretics. The Roman tribunalsstruck one side only, but this strange prince gloried instriking both sides at once. An opportunity of doing sooccurred. Some anabaptists from the Low Countrieswere convicted on the 25th of May: two of them weretaken to Smithfield and twelve others sent to differentcities, where they suffered the punishment by fire. Allof them went to death with cheerful hearts.[123]

The turn of the illustrious captives was at hand.

Not long after the death of the Carthusians, Cromwellpaid More a visit. Henry VIII. loved his formerchancellor, and desired to save his life. 'I am yourfriend,' said Cromwell, 'and the king is a good andgracious lord towards you.' He then once again invitedMore to accept the act of parliament which proclaimedthe king's supremacy; and the same steps weretaken with Fisher. Both refused what was asked.From that moment the execution of the sentence couldnot be long delayed. More felt this, and as soon as theSecretary of State had left him, he took a piece of coaland wrote some verses upon the wall, expressive of thepeace of his soul.

=FISHER'S LAST DAYS.=

Henry and his minister seemed however to hesitate.It had not troubled them much to punish a few papistsand obscure anabaptists; but to put to death an ex-chancellorof the realm and an old tutor of the king—bothpersonages so illustrious and so esteemed throughoutChristendom—was another thing. Several weekspassed away. It was an act of the pope's that hastenedthe death of these two men. About the 20th of May,Paul III. created a certain number of cardinals: JohnDu Bellay, Contarini, Caracciolo, and lastly, Fisher,bishop of Rochester. The news of this creation burstupon Rome and London like a clap of thunder. DaCasale, Henry's agent at the papal court, exclaimed thatit was offering his master the greatest affront possible:{65}the matter was the talk of the whole city.[124]'Yourholiness has never committed a more serious mistakethan this,' said Da Casale to the pope.[125]Paul tried tojustify himself. As England desired to become reconciledwith the Vatican, he said, it seemed to him thathe could not do better than nominate an English cardinal.When Fisher heard the news, he said piously:'If the cardinal's hat were at my feet, I would notstoop to pick it up.' But Henry did not take thematter so calmly: he considered Paul's proceedings asan insolent challenge. Confer the highest honors on aman convicted of treason—is it not encouraging subjectsto revolt? Henry seemed to have thought that itwould be unnecessary to take away the life of an oldman whose end could not be far off; but the pope exasperatedand braved him. Since they place Fisheramong the cardinals in Rome, in England he shall becounted among the dead. Paul may, as long as helikes, send him the hat; but when the hat arrives, thereshall be no head on which to place it.[126]

On the 14th of June, 1535, Thomas Bedell and otherofficers of justice proceeded to the Tower. The bishopwould give no answer to the demand that he shouldrecognize the king as head of the Church. Sir ThomasMore, when questioned in his turn, replied: 'My onlystudy is to meditate on Christ's passion.'[127]'Do youacknowledge the king as supreme head of the Church?'asked Bedell. 'The royal supremacy is established bylaw.'—'That law is a two-edged sword,' returned theex-chancellor. 'If I accept it, it kills my soul; if I rejectit, it kills my body.'[128]

Three days later the bishop was condemned to be{66}beheaded. When the order for his execution arrived,the prisoner was asleep: they respected his slumber.At five o'clock the next morning, 22nd of June, 1535,Kingston entering his cell, aroused him and told himthat it was the king's good pleasure he should be executedthat morning. 'I most humbly thank hisMajesty,' said the old man, 'that he is pleased to relieveme from all the affairs of this world. Grant me only anhour or two more, for I slept very badly last night.'Then turning towards the wall, he fell asleep again.Between seven and eight o'clock he called his servant,took off the hair-shirt which he wore next his skin tomortify the flesh, and gave it to the man. 'Let no onesee it,' he said. 'And now bring me my best clothes.'—'Mylord,' said the astonished servant, 'does not yourlordship know that in two hours you will take them offnever to put them on again?'—'Exactly so,' answeredFisher; 'this is my wedding-day, and I ought to dressas if for a holiday.'[129]

=FISHER'S CHRISTIAN DEATH.=

At nine o'clock the lieutenant appeared. The oldman took up his New Testament, made the sign of thecross, and left the cell. He was tall, being six feet high,but his body was bent with age, and his weakness sogreat that he could hardly get down the stairs. He wasplaced in an arm-chair. When the porters stoppednear the gate of the Tower to know if the sheriffs wereready, Fisher stood up, and leaning against the wallopened his Testament, and lifting his eyes to heaven, hesaid: 'O Lord! I open it for the last time. Grant thatI may find some word of comfort to the end that I mayglorify thee in my last hour.' The first words he sawwere these:And this is life eternal, that they might knowthee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hastsent.[130]Fisher closed the book and said: 'That will do.Here is learning enough to last me to my life's end.'[131]{67}

The funeral procession was set in motion. Clouds hidthe face of the sun; the day was gloomy; the streetsthrough which they passed seemed dull and in harmonywith men's hearts. A large body of armed men surroundedthe pious old man, who kept repeating in a lowtone the words of his Testament:Hæc est autem vitaæterna, ut cognoscant te solum Deum et quem misisti JesumChristum. They reached Smithfield. 'We will helpyou to ascend,' said his bearers at the foot of thescaffold. 'No, sirs,' he replied, and then added in acheerful tone: 'Come, feet! do your duty, you have notfar to go.'[132]Just as he mounted the scaffold, the sunburst out and shone upon his face:They looked untohim and were lightened, he cried,and their faces were notashamed.[133]It was ten o'clock. The noble bearing andpiety of the aged bishop inspired all around him withrespect. The executioner knelt before him and beggedhis forgiveness. 'With all my heart,' he made answer.Having laid aside his robe and furred gown, he turnedto the people, and said with gravity and joy: 'Christians,I give my life for my faith in the holy catholicChurch of Christ. I do not fear death. Assist me,however, with your prayers, so that when the axe falls Imay remain firm. God save the king and the kingdom!'The brightness of his face at this moment struck thespectators. He fell on his knees and said: 'EternalGod, my hope is in thy deliverance.' The executionerapproached and bound his eyes. The bishop raised hishands, uttered a cry towards heaven, and laid his headon the block. The doomsman seized his heavy axe, andcut off the head at one blow. It was exposed byHenry's orders on London bridge; but soldiers carriedthe body to Barking church-yard, where they dug alowly grave for it with their halberds. Doubts have{68}been thrown upon the details of this death; we believethem to be authentic, and it is a pleasure by reportingthem to place a crown on the tomb of a Roman-catholicbishop whose end was that of a pious man.

It was now the turn of Sir Thomas More. On the1st of July, 1535, he was summoned before the courtof King's Bench. The former Chancellor of Englandquitted his prison in a frieze cloak, which had grownfoul in the dungeon, and proceeded on foot throughthe most frequented streets of London on his road toWestminster. His thin pale face; his white hair, theeffect not of time but of sorrow and imprisonment; thestaff on which he leant,[134]for he walked with difficulty,made a deep impression on the people. When hearrived at the bar of that tribunal over which he hadso often presided, and looked around him, thoughweakened by suffering, with a countenance full of mildness,all the spectators were moved. The indictmentwas long and perplexed:[135]he was accused of high-treason.Sir Thomas, endeavoring to keep on his feet,said: 'My Lords, the charges brought against me areso numerous, that I fear, considering my great weakness,I shall be unable to remember them all.' Hestopped: his body trembled and he was near falling. Achair was brought him, and after taking his seat, hecontinued: 'I have never uttered a single word inopposition to the statute which proclaims the king headof the Church.'—'If we cannot produce your words,'said the king's attorney, 'we can produce your silence.'—'Noone can be condemned for his silence,' noblyanswered More. 'Qui tacet consentire videtur, Silencegives consent, according to the lawyers.'[136]

=SIR THOMAS MORE SENTENCED.=

Nothing could save him: the jury returned a verdict{69}of guilty. 'Now that all is over,' said the prisoner, 'Iwill speak. Yes, the oath of supremacy is illegal. TheGreat Charter laid down thatthe Church of England isfree, so that its rights and liberties might be equallypreserved.'[137]—'The Church must befree,' said the lawyers:'it is not therefore the slave of the pope.'—'Yes,free,' retorted More; 'it is not therefore the slave of theking.' The chancellor then pronounced sentence, condemninghim to be hanged at Tyburn, and then quartered,while still alive. Henry spared his illustrioussubject and old friend from this cruel punishment, andordered that he should be merely beheaded. 'God saveall my friends from his Majesty's favor,' said SirThomas, 'and spare my children from similar indulgences....I hope, my lords,' said the ex-chancellor,turning meekly towards his judges, 'that though youhave condemned me on earth, we may all meet hereafterin heaven.'

Sir William Kingston approached; armed guardssurrounded the condemned man, and the sad processionmoved forward. One of the Tower wardens marched infront, bearing an axe with the edge turned towardsMore;[138]it was a token to the people of the prisoner'sfate. As soon as he crossed the threshold of the court,his son, who was waiting for him, fell at his feet distractedand in tears: 'Your blessing, father,' he exclaimed,'your blessing!' More raised him up, kissed himtenderly, and blessed him. His daughter Margaret wasnot there: she had fainted immediately on hearing of herfather's condemnation.[139]He was taken back to prisonin a boat, perhaps to withdraw this innocent and illustriousman, treated like a criminal, from the eyes of thecitizens of London. When they got near the Tower, the{70}governor, who had until then kept his emotion under,turned to More and bade him farewell, the tears runningdown his cheeks.[140]'My dear Kingston,' said thenoble prisoner, 'do not weep; we shall meet again inheaven.'—'Yes!' said the lieutenant of the Tower, adding:'you are consoling me, when I ought to consoleyou.' An immense crowd covered the wharf at whichthe boat was to land. Among this crowd, so eager forthe mournful spectacle, was a young woman, tremblingwith emotion and silently waiting for the procession: itwas Margaret. At length she heard the steps of theapproaching guards, and saw her father appear. Shecould not move, her strength failed her; she fell on herknees just where she had stood. Her father, whorecognized her at a distance, giving way to the keenestemotions, lifted up his hands and blessed her. Thiswas not enough for Margaret. The blessing had causeda strong emotion in her, and had restored life to hersoul. Regardless of her sex, her age, and the surroundingcrowd, that feeble woman, to whom at this suprememoment filial piety gave the strength of many men, saysa contemporary,[141]flew towards her father, and burstingthrough the officers and halberdiers by whom he wassurrounded,[142]fell on his neck and embraced him, exclaiming:'Father, father!' She could say no more;grief stopped her voice: she could only weep, and hertears fell on her father's bosom.[143]The soldiers haltedin emotion; Sir Thomas, the prey at once of the tenderestlove and inexpressible grief, felt as if a swordhad pierced his heart.[144]Recovering himself, however,{71}he blessed his child, and said to her in a voice whoseemotion he strove to conceal: 'Daughter, I am innocent;but remember that however hard the blow withwhich I am struck, it comes from God. Submit thywill to the good pleasure of the Lord.'

=MORE AND HIS DAUGHTER.=

The captain of the escort, wishing to put an end to ascene that might agitate the people, bade two soldierstake Margaret away; but she clung to her father witharms that were like bars of iron, and it was with difficultythat she could be removed.[145]She had been hardlyset on the ground a few steps off, when she sprang upagain, and thrusting those who had separated her fromhim she so loved, she broke through the crowd oncemore, fell upon his neck, and kissed him several timeswith a convulsive effort. In her, filial love had all thevehemence of passion. More, whom the sentence ofdeath had not been able to move, lost all energy, andthe tears poured down his cheeks. The crowd watchedthis touching scene with deep excitement, and 'theywere very few in all the troop who could refrain fromweeping; no, not the guards themselves.'[146]Even thesoldiers wept, and refused to tear the daughter againfrom her father's arms. Two or three, however, of theless agitated stepped forward and carried Margaretaway. The women of her household, who had accompaniedher, immediately surrounded her and bore heraway from a sight of such inexpressible sadness. Theprisoner entered the Tower.

Sir Thomas spent six more days and nights in prison.We hear certainly of his pious words, but the pettypractices of an ascetic seemed to engross him too much.His macerations were increased: he walked up anddown his cell, wearing only a winding-sheet as if he{72}were already a corpse waiting to be buried.[147]He oftenscourged himself for a long time together, and withextraordinary violence. Yet at the same time he indulgedin Christian meditations. 'I am afflicted,' hewrote to one of his friends, 'shut up in a dungeon; butGod in His mercy will soon deliver me from this worldof tribulation. Walls will no longer separate us, and weshall have holy conversations together, which no jailerwill interrupt.'[148]On the 5th of July, desiring to bid hisdaughter a last farewell, More took a piece of charcoal(he had nothing else), and wrote to her: 'To-morrowis St. Thomas's day, and my saint's day; accordingly, Idesire extremely that it may be the day of my departure.My child, I never loved you so dearly as when last youkissed me. I like when daughterly love has no leisureto look unto worldly courtesy.[149]... Farewell, mydearly beloved daughter; pray for me. I pray for youall, to the end that we may meet in heaven.'

Thus one of the closest and holiest affections, that ofa father for his daughter, and of a daughter for herfather, softened the last moments of this distinguishedman. Sir Thomas sent Margaret his hair-shirt andscourge, which he desired to conceal from the eyes ofthe indifferent. What an inheritance!

That night he slept quietly, and the next morningearly (6th of July, 1535), a fortnight after the death ofthe bishop, Sir Thomas Pope, one of his familiar friends,came to inform him that he must hold himself in readiness.'I thank the king,' said More, 'for shutting meup in this prison, whereby he has put me in a conditionto make suitable preparation for death. The only favorI beg of him is, that my daughter may be present at my{73}burial.' Pope left the cell in tears. Then the prisonerput on a fine silk robe which his wealthy friend Bonvisi,the merchant of Lucca, had given him. 'Leave thatdress here,' said Kingston, 'for the man to whom it fallsby custom is only a jailer.'—'I cannot look upon thatman as a jailer,' answered More, 'who opens the gatesof heaven for me.'

=EXECUTION OF SIR THOMAS MORE.=

At nine o'clock the procession quitted the Tower.More was calm, his face pale, his beard long and curly;he carried a crucifix in his hand, and his eyes wereoften turned towards heaven. A numerous and sympathizingcrowd watched him pass along—a man onetime so honored, lord chancellor, lord chief-justice,president of the house of Lords—whom armed menwere now leading to the scaffold. Just as he was passingin front of a house of mean appearance, a poorwoman standing at the door, went up to him and offeredhim a cup of wine to strengthen him: 'Thank you,' hesaid gently, 'thank you; Christ drank vinegar only.'On arriving at the place of execution: 'Give me yourhand to help me up,' he said to Kingston, adding: 'Asfor my coming down, you may let me shift for myself.'[150]He mounted the scaffold. Sir Thomas Pope, at theking's request, had begged him to make no speech,fearing the effect this illustrious man might produceupon the people. More desired however to say a fewwords, but the sheriff stopped him. 'I die,' he wascontent to say, 'in the faith of the catholic Church, anda faithful servant of God and the king.' He then kneltdown and repeated the fifty-first Psalm:[151]Have mercyupon me, O God, according to thy loving-kindness: accordingunto the multitude of thy tender mercies blot out mytransgressions. When he rose up, the executioner beggedhis forgiveness: 'Why do you talk of forgiveness?'replied More; 'you are doing me the greatest kindness{74}I ever received from man.' He desired the man not tobe afraid to do his office, and remarked that his neckwas very short. With his own hands he fastened abandage over his eyes, and then laid his head on theblock. The executioner, holding the axe, was preparingto strike, when More stopped him, and putting hisbeard carefully on one side, said: 'This at least has notcommitted treason.' Such words, almost jesting, nodoubt, startle us at such a moment; but strong menhave often been observed to manifest the calmness oftheir souls in such a manner. More probably fearedthat his long beard would embarrass the executioner,and deaden the blow. At length that head fell, throughwhich so many noble thoughts had passed; that keenclear eye was closed; those eloquent lips were the lipsof a corpse. The head was exposed on London bridge,and Margaret discharged the painful duty her fatherhad bequeathed her, by piously burying his body.

=HENRY'S VICTIMS.=

Thus, at the cost of his life, this eminent man protestedagainst the aberrations of a cruel prince, whousurped the title given by the Bible to Jesus Christalone. The many evangelical martyrs who had beensacrificed in different countries and who were to besacrificed, showed in general, to a greater extent thanFisher and More, an ardent love for the Saviour, a livelyhope of eternal life; but none showed greater calmnessthan they. These two good men wanted discernmentas to what constitutes the pure Gospel; their pietybound them too much, as we have said, to monasticpractices; they had (and More especially) in the daysof their power persecuted the disciples of the Lord, andthough they rejected the usurpations of the king, hadacted as fanatical defenders of those of the pope. Butat a time when there were so many cringing bishops andservile nobles—when almost every one bent the headtimidly before the mad popery of Henry VIII., these twofirmly held up theirs. More and Fisher were companions{75}in misfortune with Bilney and Fryth: the sameroyal hand struck them all. Our sympathies are for thevictims, our aversion for the executioner.

The death of these two celebrated men caused animmense sensation. In England, the people and eventhe nobility were struck with astonishment. Could it betrue, men asked, that Thomas More, whom Henry hadknown since he was nine years old, with whom he usedto hold friendly conversations by night on the terraceof his country-house, at whose table he used to love tosit down familiarly, whom he had chosen, although alayman and a knight only, to succeed the powerfulWolsey:—could it be true that by the king's orders hehad perished by the axe? Could it be true that Fisherhad met with the same fate—that venerable old man offourscore years, who had been his preceptor, the trustyfriend of his grandmother, and to whose teaching heowed the progress he had made in learning? Menbegan to see that resistance to a Tudor was the scaffold.Every one trembled, and even those who had not knownthe two victims could not restrain their tears.[152]

The horror which these executions caused among theenlightened men of the continent was displayed withmore liberty and energy. 'I am dead,' exclaimedErasmus, 'since More is dead: for, as Pythagoras says,we had but one soul between us.'[153]—'OEngland! O dearly beloved country,' said Reginald Pole; 'he wasnot only Margaret's father, but thine also!'—'This yearis fatal to our order,' said Melanchthon the reformer;'I hear that More has been killed and others also. Youknow how such things wring my heart.'[154]—'Webanish such criminals,' said Francis I. sharply to the English{76}ambassador, 'but we do not put them to death.'—'If Ihad two such lights in my kingdom,' said Charles V., 'Iwould sooner give two of my strongest cities than sufferthem to be extinguished.' At Rome in particular theanger was terrible. They were still flattering themselvesthat Henry VIII. would return to his old sympathies;but now there was no more hope! The kinghad put to death a prince of the Church, and as he hadsworn, the cardinal's hat could find no head to wear it.A consistory was immediately summoned: Cardinal deTournon's touching letter was read, and all who heardit were moved even to tears. The embarrassed andspeechless agents of England knew not what to do; andas they reported, there was everything to be feared.

Perhaps nobody was so confounded as the pontiff.Paul III. was circumspect, prudent, deliberative, andtemporizing; but when he thought the moment arrived,when he believed further manœuvring was not required,he no longer hesitated, but struck forcibly. It is knownthat he had two young relations whom, in his blind tenderness,he had created cardinals, notwithstanding theiryouth and the emperor's representations. 'Alas!' heexclaimed, 'I feel as mortally injured, as if my twonephews had been killed before my eyes.'[155]His mostdevoted partisans, and above all a cardinal of his creationput to death! There was a violent movement in hisheart; he worked himself into a fury; he desired tostrike the prince whose cruel deeds had wounded himso deeply. His anger burst out in a thunder-clap. Onthe 30th of August he issued a bull worthy of Gregory VII.,which the more zealous partisans of the papacywould like to remove from the papal records.[156]'LetKing Henry repent of his crimes,' said the pontiff; 'wegive him ninety days and his accomplices sixty to appear{77}at Rome. In case of default, we strike him withthe sword of anathema, of malediction, and of eternaldamnation;[157]we take away his kingdom from him; wedeclare that his body shall be deprived of ecclesiasticalburial; we launch an interdict against his States; werelease his subjects from their oath of fidelity; we callupon all dukes, marquises and earls to expel him andhis accomplices from England; we unbind all Christianprinces from their oaths towards him, command themto march against him and constrain him to return to theobedience due to the Holy Apostolic See, giving themall his goods for their reward, and he and his to betheir slaves.'[158]

Anger had the same effect upon the pontiff asinebriety; he had lost the use of his reason, and allowedhimself to be carried away to threats and excesses ofwhich he would have been ashamed, had he been sober.Accordingly the drunkenness was hardly over, beforethe unfortunate Paul hastened to hide his bull, andcarefully laid aside his thunderbolts in the arsenal, freeto bring them out later.

=HENRY'S PALTRY EXCUSES.=

Henry VIII., more calm than the pope, having heardof his discontent, feared to push him to extremities;and Cromwell, a month after the date of the bull,instructed Da Casale to justify the king to the Vatican.'Fisher and More,' he was to say, 'had on all points ofthe internal policy of England come to conclusionsdiametrically opposed to the quiet and prosperity of thekingdom. They had held secret conversations withcertain men notorious for their audacity, and had pouredinto the hearts of these wretches the poison which theyhad first prepared in their own.[159]Could we permit{78}their crime, spreading wider and wider, to give a death-blowto the State? Fisher and More alone opposedlaws which had been accepted by the general consentof the people, and were necessary to the prosperity ofthe kingdom. Ourmildest of sovereigns could not longertolerate an offence so atrocious.'[160]

Even these excuses accuse and condemn Henry. NeitherMore nor Fisher had entered into a plot againstthe State; their resistance had been purely religious;they were free to act according to their consciences. Itmight have been necessary to take some prudentialmeasures in an age as yet little fitted for liberty; butnothing could excuse the scaffold, erected by the king'sorders, for men who were regarded with universalrespect.

The death of the late tutor and friend of the princewas to be followed by a measure less cruel but far moregeneral. The pope who treated kings so rudely shouldnot be surprised if kings treated the monks severely.Henry knew—had indeed been a close witness of theirlazy and often irregular lives. One day, when he washunting in the forest of Windsor, he lost his way, perhapsintentionally, and about the dinner hour knockedat the gate of Reading Abbey. As he represented himselfto be one of his Majesty's guards, the abbot said:{79}'You will dine with me;' and the king sat down to atable covered with abundant and delicate dishes. Afterexamining everything carefully: 'I will stick to thissirloin,' said he, pointing to a piece of beef of which heeat heartily.[161]The abbot looked on with admiration. 'Iwould give a hundred pounds,' he exclaimed, 'to eatwith as much appetite as you; but alas! my weak andqualmish stomach can hardly digest the wing of achicken.'—'I know how to bring back your appetite,'thought the king. A few days later some soldiersappeared at the convent, took away the abbot, and shuthim up in the Tower, where he was put upon bread andwater. 'What have I done,' he kept asking, 'to incurhis Majesty's displeasure to such a degree?' After afew weeks, Henry went to the state prison, and concealinghimself in an ante-room whence he could see theabbot, ordered a sirloin of beef to be set before him.The famished monk in his turn fell upon the joint, and(according to tradition) eat it all. The king nowshowed himself: 'Sir abbot,' he said, 'I have cured youof your qualms; now pay me my wages. It is a hundredpounds, you know.' The abbot paid and returned toReading; but Henry never after forgot the monks'kitchen.

=STATE OF THE MONASTERIES.=

The state of the monasteries was an occasion of scandal:for many centuries all religious life had died outin most of those establishments. The monks lived,generally, in idleness, gluttony, and licentiousness, andthe convents which should have been houses of saintshad become in many cases mere sties of lazy gormandizersand impure sensualists. 'The only law theyrecognize,' said Luther, speaking of these cloisters, 'isthat of the seven deadly sins.' History encounters herea twofold danger: one is that of keeping back what isessential, the scandalous facts that justify the suppression{80}of monasteries; the other is that of saying thingsthat cannot be named. We must strive to steerbetween these two quicksands.

All classes of society had become disgusted with themonasteries: the common people would say to themonks: 'We labor painfully, while you lead easy andcomfortable lives.' The nobility regarded them withlooks of envy and irony which threatened their wealth.The lawyers considered them as parasitical plants, whichdrew away from others the nutriment they required.These things made the religious orders cry out withalarm: 'If we no longer have the pope to protect us, itis all over with us and our monasteries.' And they setto work to prevent Henry from separating from thepope: they circulated anonymous stories, seditioussongs, trivial lampoons, frightful prophecies and bitingsatires against the king, Anne Boleyn, and the friendsof the Reformation. They held mysterious interviewswith the discontented, and took advantage of the confessionalto alarm the weak-minded. 'The supremacyof the pope,' they said, 'is a fundamental article of thefaith: none who reject it can be saved.' People beganto fear a general revolt.

When Luther was informed that Henry VIII. hadabolished the authority of the pope in his kingdom, buthad suffered the religious orders to remain, he smiled atthe blunder: 'The king of England,' he said, 'weakensthe body of the papacy but at the same time strengthensthe soul.'[162]That could not endure for long.

=CROMWELL'S ADVICE.=

Cromwell had now attained high honors and was tomount higher still. He thought with Luther that thepope and the monks could not exist or fall one withoutthe other. After having abolished the Roman pontiff, itbecame necessary to abolish the monasteries. It was hewho had prevailed on the king to take the place of head{81}of the Church; and now he wished him to be so really.'Sire,' he said to Henry, 'cleanse the Lord's field fromall the weeds that stifle the good corn, and scatter everywherethe seeds of virtue.[163]In 1525, 1528, 1531 and1534 the popes themselves lent you their help in thesuppression of monasteries; now you no longer requiretheir aid. Do not hesitate, Sire: the most fanaticalenemies of your supreme authority are to be found inthe convents. There is buried the wealth necessary tothe prosperity of the nation. The revenues of the religiousorders are far greater than those of all the nobilityof England. The cloister schools have fallen into decay,and the wants of the age require better ones. To suppressthe pope and to keep the monks is like deposingthe general and delivering the fortresses of the countryup to his army. Sire, imitate the example of theprotestants and suppress the monasteries.'

Such language alarmed the friends of the papacy, whostoutly opposed a scheme which they believed to besacrilegious. 'These foundations were consecrated toAlmighty God,' they told the king; 'respect thereforethose retreats where pious souls live in contemplation.'[164]'Contemplation!' said Sir Henry Colt smiling; 'tomorrow,Sire, I undertake to produce proofs of the kindof contemplation in which these monks indulge.' Whereupon,says an historian, Colt, knowing that a certainnumber of the monks of Waltham Abbey had a fondnessfor the conversation of ladies, and used to pass thenight with the nuns of Chesham Convent, went to anarrow path through which the monks would have topass on their return, and stretched across it one of thestout nets used in stag-hunting. Towards daybreak, asthe monks, lantern in hand, were making their way{82}through the wood, they suddenly heard a loud noisebehind them—it was caused by men whom Colt hadstationed for the purpose—and instantly blowing outtheir lights they were hurrying away, when they fellinto the toils prepared for them.[165]The next morning, hepresented them to the king, who laughed heartily attheir piteous looks. 'I have often seen better game,' hesaid, 'but never fatter. Certainly,' he added, 'I canmake a better use of the money which the monks wastein their debaucheries. The coast of England requiresto be fortified, my fleet and army to be increased, andharbors to be built for the commerce which is extendingevery day.[166]All that is well worth the trouble of suppressinghouses of impurity.'

The protectors of the religious orders were not discouraged,and maintained that it was not necessary toshut all the convents, because of a few guilty houses.

=REVIVING INFLUENCE OF THE LAITY.=

Dr. Leighton, a former officer of Wolsey's, proposed amiddle course: 'Let the king order a general visitationof monasteries,' he said, 'and in this way he will learnwhether he ought to secularize them or not. Perhapsthe mere fear of this inspection will incline the monksto yield to his Majesty's desires.' Henry chargedCromwell with the execution of this measure, and forthat purpose named him vicegerent and vicar-general,conferring on him all the ecclesiastical authority whichbelonged to the king.[167]'You will visit all the churches,'he said, 'even the metropolitan, whether the see bevacant or not; all the monasteries both of men andwomen; and you will correct and punish whoever maybe found guilty.' Henry gave to his vicar precedenceover all the peers, and decided that the layman shouldpreside over the assembly of the clergy instead of the{83}primate; overlook the administration not only of thebishops but also of the archbishops; confirm or annulthe election of prelates, deprive or suspend them, andassemble synods. This was at the beginning of September1535. The influence of the laity thus re-entered theChurch, but not through the proper door. They cameforward in the name of the king and his proclamations,whilst they ought to have appeared in the name ofChrist and of His Word. The king informed the primate,and through him all the bishops and archdeacons,that as the general visitation was about to commence,they should no longer exercise their jurisdiction.[168]Theastonished prelates made representations, but they wereunavailing: they and their sees were to be inspected bylaymen. Although the commission of the latter did notcontain the required conditions, namely the delegationof the flocks, this act was a pretty evident sign that therestoration of the members of the Church to their functionswas at that time foreseen and perhaps evenregarded by many as one of the most essential parts ofthe Reformation of England.

The monks began to tremble. Faith in the conventsno longer existed—not even in the convents themselves.Confidence in monastic practices, relics, and pilgrimageshad grown weaker; the timbers of the monasteries wereworm-eaten, their walls were just ready to fall, and theedifice of the Middle Ages, tottering on its foundations,was unable to withstand the hearty blows dealt againstit. When an antiquary explores some ancient sepulchre,he comes upon a skeleton, apparently well preserved,but crumbling into dust at the slightest touch of thefinger; in like manner the puissant hand of the sixteenthcentury had only to touch most of these monasticinstitutions to reduce them to powder. The real dissolverof the religious orders was neither Henry VIII.{84}nor Cromwell: it was the devouring worm which, foryears and centuries, they had carried in their bosom.

The vicar-general appointed his commissioners[169]andthen assembled them as a commander-in-chief calls hisgenerals together. In the front rank was Dr. Leighton,his old comrade in Wolsey's household, a skilful manwho knew the ground well and did not forget his owninterests. After him came Dr. Loudon, a man of unparalleledactivity, but without character and a weathercockturning to every wind. With him was Sir RichardCromwell, nephew of the vicar-general, an upright man,though desirous of making his way through his uncle'sinfluence. He was the ancestor of another Cromwell,far more celebrated than Henry VIII.'s vicegerent.Other two were Thomas Legh and John Apprice, themost daring of the colleagues of the king's ministers;besides other individuals of well known ability. Thevicegerent handed to them the instructions for theirguidance, the questions they were to put to the monks,and the injunctions they were to impose on the abbotsand priors; after which they separated on their mission.

The Universities, which sadly needed a reform, werenot overlooked by Henry and his representative. Sincethe time when Garret, the priest of a London parish,circulated the New Testament at Oxford, the sacredvolume had been banished from that city, as well as theBeggar's Petition and other evangelical writings. Slumberhad followed the awakening. The members of theuniversity, especially certain ecclesiastics who, forsakingtheir parishes, had come and settled at Oxford, to enjoythe delights of Capua,[170]passed their lives in idleness andsensuality. The royal commissioners aroused themfrom this torpor. They dethroned Duns Scotus, 'thesubtle doctor,' who had reigned there for three hundredyears, and the leaves of his books were scattered to the{85}winds. Scholasticism fell; new lectures were established;philosophical teaching, the natural sciences,Latin, Greek, and divinity were extended and developed.The students were forbidden to haunt taverns, and thepriests who had come to Oxford to enjoy life, were sentback to their parishes.

=CRANMER DENOUNCES ROME.=

The visitation of the monasteries began with those ofCanterbury, the primatial church of England. In October1535, shortly after Michaelmas, Dr. Leighton, thevisitor, entered the cathedral, and Archbishop Cranmerwent up into the pulpit. He had seen Rome: he hadan intimate conviction that that city exerted a mischievousinfluence over all Christendom; he desired, asprimate, to take advantage of this important opportunityto break publicly with her. 'No,' he said, 'thebishop of Rome is not God's vicar. In vain you willtell me that the See of Rome is calledSancta Sedes, andits bishop entitledSanctissimus Papa: the pope'sholiness is but a holiness in name.[171]Vain-glory, worldlypomp, unrestrained lust, and vices innumerable prevailin Rome. I have seen it with my own eyes. The popeclaims by his ceremonies to forgive men their sins: itis a serious error. One work only blots them out,namely, the death of our Lord Jesus Christ. So long asthe See of Rome endures, there will be no remedy forthe evils which overwhelm us. These many years I haddaily prayed unto God that I might see the power ofRome destroyed.'[172]Language so frank necessarilydispleased the adherents of the pope, and accordingly,when Cranmer alluded to his energetic daily prayer, theSuperior of the Dominicans, trembling with excitement,exclaimed: 'What a want of charity!'

He was not the only person struck with indignationand fear. As soon as the sermon was over, the Dominicansassembled to prevent the archbishop fromcarrying out his intentions. 'We must support the{86}papacy,' they said, 'but do it prudently.' The priorwas selected, as being the most eloquent of the brothers,to reply to Cranmer. Going into the pulpit, he said:'The Church of Christ has never erred. The laws whichit makes are equal in authority to the laws of GodHimself. I do not know a single bishop of Rome whocan be reproached with vice.'[173]Evidently the prior,however eloquent he might be, was not learned in thehistory of the Church.

=MONKISH DEPRAVITIES.=

The visitation of the Canterbury monasteries began.The immorality of most of these houses was manifestedby scandalous scenes, and gave rise to questions whichwe are forced to suppress. The abominable vices thatprevailed in them are mentioned by St. Paul in hisdescription of the pagan corruptions.[174]The commissionershaving taken their seats in one of the halls of theAugustine monastery, all the monks came before them,some embarrassed, others bold, but most of them careless.Strange questions were then put to men who declaredthemselves consecrated to a devout and contemplativelife: 'Are there any among you,' asked thecommissioners, 'who disguising themselves, leave theconvent and go vagabondizing about? Do you observethe vow of chastity, and has any one been convicted ofincontinence? Do women enter the monastery,[175]or livein it habitually?' We omit the questions that followed.The result was scandalous: eight of the brothers wereconvicted of abominable vices. The black sheep havingbeen set apart for punishment, Leighton called theother monks together, and said to them: 'True religiondoes not consist in shaving the head, silence, fasting,and other observances; but in uprightness of soul,purity of life, sincere faith in Christ, brotherly love, and{87}the worship of God in spirit and in truth. Do not restcontent with ceremonies, but rise to sublimer things,and be converted from all these outward practices toinward and deep considerations.'[176]

One visitation still more distressing followed this.The Carthusian monastery at Canterbury, four monks ofwhich had died piously, contained several rotten members.Some of them used to put on lay dresses, andleave the convent during the night. There was onehouse for monks and another for nuns, and the blacksmithof the monastery confessed that a monk had askedhim to file away a bar of the window which separatedthe two cloisters. It was the duty of the monks to confessthe nuns; but by one of those refinements of corruptionwhich mark the lowest degree of vice, the sinand absolution often followed close upon each other.Some nuns begged the visitors not to permit certainmonks to enter their house again.[177]

The visitation being continued through Kent, the visitorscame on the 22nd of October to Langdon Abbey,near Dover. William Dyck, abbot of the monastery ofthe Holy Virgin, possessed a very bad reputation.Leighton, who was determined to surprise him, orderedhis attendants to surround the abbey in such a mannerthat no one could leave it. He then went to the abbot'shouse, which looked upon the fields, and was full ofdoors and windows by which any one could escape.[178]Leighton began to knock loudly, but no one answered.Observing an axe, he took it up, dashed in the door withit, and entered. He found a woman with the monk,and the visitors discovered in a chest the men's clotheswhich she put on when she wished to pass for one of theyounger brethren. She escaped, but one of Cromwell'sservants caught her and took her before the mayor at{88}Dover, where she was placed in the cage. As for theholy father abbot, says Leighton, he was put in prison.A few of the monks signed an act by which they declaredthat their house being threatened with utter ruin,temporal and spiritual, the king alone could find aremedy, and they consequently surrendered it to hisMajesty.[179]

The abbot of Fountains had ruined his abbey bypublicly keeping six women. One night he took awaythe golden crosses and jewels belonging to the monastery,and sold them to a jeweller for a small sum.[180]At Mayden-Bradley, Leighton found another fatherprior, one Richard, who had five women, six sons, anda daughter pensioned on the property of the convent:his sons, tall, stout young men, lived with him andwaited on him. Seeing that the Roman Church prohibitedthe clergy from obeying the commandment ofScripture, which says:A bishop must be the husband ofone wife, these wretched men took five or six. Theimpositions of the monks to extort money injured themin public opinion far more then their debauchery.Leighton found in St. Anthony's convent at Bristol atunic of our Lord, a petticoat of the Virgin, a part ofthe Last Supper, and a fragment of the stone uponwhich Jesus was born at Bethlehem.[181]All these broughtin money.

Every religious and moral sentiment is disgusted athearing of the disorders and frauds of the monks, andyet the truth of history requires that they should bemade known. Here is one of the means—of the blasphemousmeans—they employed to deceive the people.At Hales in Gloucestershire, the monks pretended that{89}they had preserved some of Christ's blood in a bottle.The man whose deadly sins God had not yet pardonedcould not see it, they said; while the absolved sinnersaw it instantaneously. Thousands of penitents crowdedthither from all parts. If a rich man confessed to thepriest and laid his gift on the altar, he was conductedinto the mysterious chapel, where the precious vesselstood in a magnificent case. The penitent knelt downand looked, but saw nothing. 'Your sin is not yet forgiven,'said the priest. Then came another confession,another offering, another introduction into the sanctuary;but the unfortunate man opened his eyes in vain,he could see nothing until his contribution satisfied themonks. The commissioners having sent for the vessel,found it to be a 'crystall very thick on one side and verytransparent on the other.'[182]'You see, my lords,' said acandid friar, 'when a rich penitent appears, we turn thevessel on the thick side; that, you know, opens hisheart and his purse.'[183]The transparent side did notappear until he had placed a large donation on the altar.

=THE FRAUD AT BOXLEY.=

No discovery produced a greater sensation in Englandthan that of the practices employed at Boxley inKent. It possessed a famous crucifix, the image onwhich, carved in wood, gave an affirmative nod withthe head, if the offering was accepted, winked the eyesand bent the body. If the offering was too small, theindignant figure turned away its head and made a signof disapproval.[184]One of the Commissioners took downthe crucifix from the wall, and discovered the pipeswhich carried the wires that the priestly conjuror waswont to pull.[185]Having put the machine in motion, he{90}said: 'You see what little account the monks havemade of us and our forefathers.' The friars trembledwith shame and alarm, while the spectators, says therecord, roared with laughter, like Ajax.[186]The kingsent for the machine, and had it worked in the presenceof the court. The figure rolled its eyes, opened itsmouth, turned up its nose, let its head fall, and bent itsback. 'Upon my word,' said the king, 'I do not knowwhether I ought not to weep rather than laugh, on seeinghow the poor people of England have been fooledfor so many centuries.'

These vile tricks were the least of the sins of thosewretches. In several convents the visitors found implementsfor coining base money.[187]In others theydiscovered traces of the horrible cruelties practised bythe monks of one faction against those of another. Descendinginto the gloomy dungeons, they perceived, bythe help of their torches, the bones of a great numberof wretched people, some of whom had died of hungerand others had been crucified.[188]But debauchery wasthe most frequent case. Those pretended priests of aGod who has said:Be ye holy, for I the Lord am holy,covered themselves with the hypocritical mantle of theirpriesthood, and indulged in infamous impurities. Theydiscovered one monk, who, turning auricular confessionto an abominable purpose, had carried adultery into twoor three hundred families. The list was exhibited, andsome of the Commissioners, to their great astonishment,says a contemporary writer, found the names of theirown wives upon it.[189]

There were sometimes riots, sieges, and battles. The{91}Royal Commissioners arrived at Norton Abbey inCheshire, the abbots of which were notorious for havingcarried on a scandalous traffic with the convent plate.On the last day of their visit, the abbot sent out hismonks to muster his supporters, and collected a bandof two or three hundred men, who surrounded themonastery, to prevent the commissioners from carryinganything away. The latter took refuge in a tower, whichthey barricaded. It was two hours past midnight: theabbot had ordered an ox to be killed to feed his rabble,seated round the fires in front of the convent, and evenin the courtyard. On a sudden Sir Piers Dulton, ajustice of the peace, arrived, and fell with his posseupon the monks and their defenders. The besiegerswere struck with terror, and ran off as fast as they could,hiding themselves in the fish-ponds and out-houses.The abbot and three canons, the instigators of the riot,were imprisoned in Halton Castle.[190]

Fortunately, the king's Commissioners met with conventsof another character. When George Gifford wasvisiting the monasteries of Lincolnshire, he came to alonely district, abounding in water but very poor,[191]wherethe abbey of Woolstrop was situated. The inhabitantsof the neighborhood, notwithstanding their destitution,praised the charity of the recluses. Entering the convent,Gifford found an honest prior and some piousmonks, who copied books, made their own clothes, andpractised the arts of embroidering, carving, painting,and engraving. The visitor petitioned the king for thepreservation of this monastery.

=THE NUNNERIES.=

The Commissioners had particular instructions forthe women's convents. 'Is your house perfectly closed?'they asked the abbess and the nuns. 'Can a man getinto it?[192]Are you in the habit of writing love-letters?'[193]{92}At Litchfield the nuns declared that there was nodisorder in the convent; but one good old woman toldeverything, and when Leighton reproached the prioressfor her falsehood, she replied: 'Our religion compelsus to it. At our admission we swore never to reveal thesecret sins that were committed among us.'[194]Therewere some houses in which nearly all the nuns trampledunder foot the most sacred duties of their sex, and werewithout mercy for the unhappy fruits of their disorders.

Such were frequently in those times the monasticorders of the West. The eloquent apologists whoeulogize their virtues without distinction, and the exaggeratingcritics who pronounce the same sentence ofcondemnation against all, are both mistaken. We haverendered homage to the monks who were upright; wemay blame those who were guilty. The scandals, letus say, did not proceed from the founders of these orders.Sentiments, opposed beyond a doubt to the principlesof the Gospel, although they were well-intentioned, hadpresided over the formation of the monasteries. Thehermits Paul, Anthony, and others of the third andfourth centuries gave themselves up to an anti-Evangelicalasceticism, but still they struggled courageouslyagainst temptation. However, one must be very ignorantnot to see that corruption must eventually issuefrom monastic institutions.Every plant which myheavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted up, is thelanguage of the Gospel.

We do not exaggerate. The monasteries were sometimesan asylum in which men and women, whose heartshad been wrecked in the tempests of life, sought a reposewhich the world did not offer. They were mistaken;they ought to have lived with God, but in the{93}midst of society. And yet there is a pleasure in believingthat behind those walls, which hid so muchcorruption, there were some elect souls who loved God.Such were found at Catesby, at Godstow, near Oxford,and in other places. The Visitors asked for the preservationof these houses.

If the visitation of the convents was a bitter draughtto many of the inmates, it was a cup of joy to the greaternumber. Many monks and nuns had been put intothe convents during their infancy, and were detained inthem against their will. No one ought to be forced, accordingto Cromwell's principles. When the visitationtook place, the Visitors announced to every monk undertwenty-four years of age, and to every nun under twenty-one,that they might leave the convent. Almost all towhom the doors were thus opened, hastened to profitby it. A secular dress was given them, with somemoney, and they departed with pleasure. But great wasthe sorrow among many whose age exceeded the limit.Falling on their knees, they entreated the Commissionersto obtain a similar favor for them. 'The life we leadhere,' they said, 'is contrary to our conscience.'[195]

=REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS.=

The Commissioners returned to London, and madetheir report to the Council. They were distressed anddisgusted. 'We have discovered,' they said, 'not seven,but more than seven hundred thousand deadly sins.[196]...These abominable monks are theravening wolveswhose coming Christ has announced, and who undersheep's clothing devour the flock. Here are the confessionsof the monks and nuns, subscribed with their ownhands.[197]This book may well be calledThe Book ofGod's Judgment. The monasteries are so full of iniquitythat they ought to fall down under such a weight. Ifthere be here and there any innocent cloister, they are{94}so few in number that they cannot save the others.Our hearts melt and all our limbs tremble at the thoughtof the abominations we have witnessed. O Lord! whatwilt Thou answer to the five cities which Thou didstconsume by fire, when they remind Thee of the iniquitiesof those monks, whom Thou hast so long supported?[198]The eloquence of Ptolemy, the memory of Pliny, andthe pen of St. Augustine would not be able to give usthe detestable history of these abominations.'

=DELIBERATIONS OF THE COUNCIL.=

The Council began to deliberate, and many of themembers called for the secularization of a part of themonasteries. The partisans of the religious orders tookup their defence, and acknowledged that there wasroom for reform. 'But,' they added, 'will you depriveof all asylum the pious souls who desire to quit theworld, and lead a devout life to the glory of theirMaker?' They tried even to invalidate in some pointsthe testimony of the Visitors; but the latter declaredthat, far from having recorded lightly those scandalousfacts, they had excluded many.[199]'We have not reportedcertain public scandals,' they said, 'because they seemopposed to the famous charter of the monks—Si noncaste, tamen caute.' Men of influence supported theCommissioners' conclusions; a few members of theCouncil were inclined to indulgence; even Cromwellseemed disposed to attempt the reform of whatever wassusceptible of improvement; but many believed that allamendment was impossible. 'We must, above all things,diminish the wealth of the clergy,' said Dr. Cox; 'for solong as they do not imitate the poverty of Christ, thepeople will not follow their teaching. I have no doubt,'he added, with a touch of irony, 'that the bishops,priests, and monks will readily free themselves from theheavy burden of wealth of every kind, which renders{95}the fulfilment of their spiritual duties impossible.'[200]Other reasons were alleged. 'The income of the monasteries,'said one of the privy-councillors, 'amounts to500,000 ducats, while that of all the nobility of Englandis only 380,000.[201]This disproportion is intolerable,and must be put an end to. For the welfare of his subjectsand of the Church, the King should increase thenumber of bishoprics, parishes, and hospitals. He mustaugment the forces of the State, and prepare to resistthe Emperor, whose fleets and armies threaten us. Shallwe ask the people for taxes, who have already so muchtrouble to get a living, while the monks continue to consumetheir wealth in laziness and debauchery? Itwould be monstrous injustice. The treasures whichthe convents derive from the nation ought no longer tobe useless to the nation.'

In February 1536, this serious matter was laid beforeParliament. It was Thomas Cromwell whose heavyhand struck these receptables of impurity, and whommen called 'the hammer of the monks,'[202]who proposedthis great reform. He laid on the table of the Commonsthat famousBlack Book, in which were inscribedthe misdeeds of the religious orders, and desired thatit should be read to the House. The book is no longerin existence: it was destroyed, in the reign of QueenMary, by those who had an interest in its suppression.But it was then opened before the Parliament of England.There had never before been such a reading inany assembly. The facts were clearly recorded—themost detestable enormities were not veiled: the horribleconfessions of the monks, signed with their own handswere exhibited to the members of the Commons. Therecital produced an extraordinary effect. Men had had{96}no idea of such abominable scandals.[203]The House washorror-stricken, and 'Down with them—down withthem!' was shouted on every side.

The debate commenced. Personally, the memberswere generally interested in the preservation of the monasteries:most of them had some connection with onecloister or another; priors and other heads had relationsand friends in Parliament. Nevertheless the condemnationwas general, and men spoke of those monkishsanctuaries as, in former times, men had spoken of thepriests of Jezebel—'Let us pull down their houses, andoverturn their altars.'[204]There were, however, someobjections. Twenty-six abbots, heads of the great monasteries,sat as barons in the Upper House: these wererespected. Besides, the great convents were less disorderlythan the small ones. Cromwell restricted himselffor the moment to the secularization of 376 cloisters, ineach of which there were fewer than twelve persons.The abbots, flattered by the exception made in theirfavor, were silent, and even the bishops hardly cared todefend institutions which had long been withdrawn fromtheir authority. 'These monasteries,' said Cromwell,'being the dishonor of religion, and all the attempts, repeatedthrough more than two centuries, having shownthat their reformation is impossible, the King, as supremehead of the Church under God, proposes to theLords and Commons, and these agree, that the possessionsof the said houses, shall cease to be wasted for themaintenance of sin, and shall be converted to betteruses.'[205]

=REAL RELIGIOUS HOUSES.=

There was immediately a great commotion throughoutEngland. Some rejoiced, while others wept: superstition{97}became active, and weak minds believed everythingthat was told them. 'The Virgin,' they wereassured, 'had appeared to certain monks, and orderedthem to serve her as they had hitherto done.' 'What!no more religious houses,' exclaimed others, throughtheir tears.[206]'On the contrary,' said Latimer; 'lookat that man and woman living together piously, tranquilly,in the fear of God, keeping His Word and activein the duties of their calling: they forma religious house,one that is truly acceptable to God. Pure religion consistsnot in wearing a hood, but in visiting the fatherlessand the widows, and keeping ourselves unspotted fromthe world. What has hitherto been called a religiouslife was an irreligious life.'[207]'And yet,' said the devout,'the monks had more holiness than those who livein the world.' Latimer again went into the pulpit andsaid: 'When St. Anthony, the father of monkery, livedin the desert, and thought himself the most holy of men,he asked God who should be his companion in heaven,if it were possible for him to have one. "Go to Alexandria,"said the Lord; "in such a street and house youwill find him."[208]Anthony left the desert, sought thehouse, and found a poor cobbler in a wretched shopmending old shoes. The saint took up his abode withhim, that he might learn by what mortifications the cobblerhad made himself worthy of such great celestialhonor. Every morning the poor man knelt down inprayer with his wife, and then went to work. Whenthe dinner-hour arrived, he sat down at a table on whichwere bread and cheese; he gave thanks, ate his mealwith joy, brought up his children in the fear of God,and faithfully discharged all his duties. At this sight,St. Anthony looked inwards, became contrite of heart,and put away his pride. Such is the new sort ofreligious houses,'{98}added Latimer, 'that we desire to have now.'

And yet, strange to say, Latimer was almost the onlyperson among the Evangelicals who raised his voice infavor of the religious bodies. He feared that if theproperty of the convents passed into the greedy handsof Henry's courtiers, the tenants, accustomed to themild treatment of the abbots, would be oppressed bythe lay landlords, desirous of realizing the fruits oftheir estate unto the very last drop. The Bishop ofWorcester, being somewhat enthusiastic, was anxiousthat a few convents should be preserved as houses ofstudy, prayer, hospitality, charity, and preaching.[209]Cranmer, who had more discernment and a more practicalspirit, had no hope of the monks. 'Satan,' he said,'lives in the monasteries; he is satisfied and at hisease, like a gentleman in his inn, and the monks andnuns are his very humble servants.'[210]The primate,however, took little part in this great measure.[211]

=SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES.=

The Bill for the suppression of the monasteries passedthe two Houses on the 4th of February, 1536. It gaveto the king and his heirs all the convents whose annualincome did not exceed £200 sterling. About ten thousandmonks and nuns were secularized. This Actadded to the revenue of the Crown a yearly rental of£32,000 sterling, besides the immediate receipt of£100,000 sterling in silver, jewels, and other articles.The possessions hitherto employed by a few to gratifytheir carnal appetites seemed destined to contribute tothe prosperity of the whole nation.

Unhappily, the shameless cupidity of the monks wasreplaced by a cupidity of a different nature. Petitionspoured in to Cromwell from every quarter. The sayingof Scripture was fulfilled,Wheresoever the carcass is, there{99}will the eagles be gathered together. Thomas Cobham,brother of Lord Cobham, represented that the GreyFriars' monastery at Canterbury was in a convenientposition for him; that it was the city where he was born,and where all his friends lived. He consequently askedthat it should be given him, and Cranmer, whose niecehe had married, supported the prayer.[212]'My goodLord,' said Lord-Chancellor Audley, 'my only salary isthat of the chancellorship; give me a few good convents;I will give you my friendship during my life,and twenty pounds sterling for your trouble.' 'Myspecially dear Lord,' said Sir Thomas Eliot, 'I havebeen the king's ambassador at Rome; my services deservesome recompense. Pray his Majesty to grantme some of the suppressed convent lands. I will giveyour lordship the income of the first year.'

History has to record evils of another nature. Someof the finest libraries in England were destroyed, andworks of great value sold for a trifle to the grocers.Friends of learning on the continent bought many ofthem, and carried away whole shiploads. One manchanged his religion for the sake of a piece of abbeyland. The king lost at play the treasures of which hehad stripped the monastic orders, and used convents asstables for his horses. Some persons had imaginedthat the suppression of the monasteries would lead tothe abolition of taxes and subsidies; but it was not so,and the nation found itself burdened with a poor-lawin addition to the ordinary taxes.[213]There were, however,more worthy cases than those of the king and hiscourtiers. 'Most dread, mighty, and noble prince,'wrote the lord-mayor of London to the king, 'giveorders that the three city hospitals shall henceforwardsubserve not the pleasures of those canons, priests, and{100}monks, whose dirty and disgusting bodies encumberour streets; but be used for the comfort of the sick andblind, the aged and crippled.'

The Act of Parliament was immediately carried out.The earl of Sussex, Sir John St. Clair, Anthony Fitzherbert,Richard Cromwell, and several other commissioners,travelled through England and made known tothe religious communities the statutory dissolution.The voice of truth was heard from a small number ofmonasteries. 'Assuredly,' said the Lincolnshire Franciscans,'the perfection of Christian life does not consistin wearing a gray frock, in disguising ourselves instrange fashion, in bending the body and nodding thehead,[214]and in wearing a girdle full of knots. The trueChristian life has been divinely manifested to us inChrist; and for that reason we submit with one consentto the king's orders.' The monks of the conventof St. Andrew at Northampton acknowledged to thecommissioners that they had taken the habit of theorder to live in comfortable idleness and not by virtuouslabor, and had indulged in continual drunkenness, andin carnal and voluptuous appetites.[215]'We have coveredthe gospel of Christ with shame,' they said. 'Now,seeing the gulf of everlasting fire gaping to swallow usup, and impelled by the stings of our conscience, wehumble ourselves with lowly repentance, and pray forpardon, giving up ourselves and our convent to oursovereign king and lord.'

=SORROW AND DESPAIR.=

But they did not all use the same language. It wasthe last hour for the convents. There was a ceaselessmovement in the cloisters; bursts of sorrow and fear,of anger and despair. What! No more monasteries!no more religious pomps! no more gossip! no morerefectory! Those halls, wherein their predecessors hadpaced for centuries; those chapels, in which they hadworshipped kneeling on the pavement, were to be converted{101}to vulgar uses. A few convents endeavored tobribe Cromwell: 'If you save our house,' said theabbot of Peterborough, 'I will give the king two millionfive hundred marks, and yourself three hundred poundssterling.'[216]But Cromwell had conceived a great nationalmeasure, and wished to carry it out. Neither the eloquenceof the monks, their prayers, their promises, northeir money could move him.

Some of the abbots set themselves in open revoltagainst the king, but were forced to submit at last. Theold halls, the long galleries, the narrow cells of theconvents, became emptier from day to day. The monksreceived a pension in proportion to their age. Thosewho desired to continue in the religious life were sentto the large monasteries. Many were dismissed with afew shillings for their journey and a new gown.[217]'Asfor you,' said the commissioners to the young monksunder twenty-five, 'you must earn a living by the workof your hands.' The same rule was applied to thenuns.

There was great suffering at this period. The inhabitantsof the cloisters were strangers in the world:England was to them an unknown land. Monks andnuns might be seen wandering from door to door, seekingan asylum for the night. Many, who were youngthen, grew old in beggary. Their sin had been great,and so was their chastisement. Some of the monks fellinto a gloomy melancholy, even into frightful despair:the remembrance of their faults pursued them; God'sjudgment terrified them; the sight of their miseries infuriatedthem. 'I am like Esau,' said one of them, 'Ishall be eternally damned.' And he strangled himselfwith his collar. Another stabbed himself with a penknife.Some compassionate people having deprived himof the power of injuring himself, he exclaimed with rage,{102}'If I cannot die in this manner, I shall easily findanother;' and taking a piece of paper, he wrote on it:Rex tanquam tyrannus opprimit populum suum.[218]Thishe placed in one of the church books, where it wasfound by a parishioner, who in great alarm called outto the persons around him. The monk, full of hopethat he would be brought to trial, drew near and said,'It was I who did it: here I am; let them put me todeath.'

Erelong those gloomy clouds, which seemed to announcea day of storms, appeared to break. There weretempests afterwards, but, speaking generally, Englandfound in this energetic act one of the sources of hergreatness, instead of the misfortunes with which shewas threatened. At the moment when greedy eyes beganto covet the revenues of Cambridge and Oxford, arecollection of the pleasant days of his youth was awakenedin Henry's mind. 'I will not permit the wolvesaround me,' he said, 'to fall upon the universities.'Indeed, the incomes of a few convents were employedin the foundation of new schools, and particularly ofTrinity College, Cambridge; and these institutionshelped to spread throughout England the lights of theRenaissance and of the Reformation. An eloquent voicewas heard from those antique halls, saying: 'O mostinvincible prince, great is the work that you have begun.Christ had laid the foundation; the apostles raised thebuilding. But alas! barren weeds had overrun it; thepapal tyranny had bowed all heads beneath its yoke.Now, you have rejected the pope; you have banishedthe race of monks. What more can we ask for? Wepray that those houses of cenobites, where an ignorantswarm of drones was wont to buzz,[219]should behold in{103}their academic halls a generous youth, eager to betaught, and learned men to teach them. Let the lightwhich has been restored to us spread its rays throughall the universe and kindle other torches, so that thedarkness should flee all over the world[220]before thedawn of a new day.'

It was not learning alone that gained by the suppressionof the monasteries. The revenues of thecrown, which were about seven hundred thousandducats, increased by those of the convents which wereabout nine hundred thousand, were more than doubled.This wealth, hitherto useless, served to fortify Englandand Ireland, build fortresses along the coasts, repairthe harbors, and create an imposing fleet. The kingdomtook a step in the career of power. By thereformation of the convents the moral force of the nationgained still more than the material force. Theabolition of the papacy restored to the people thatnational unity which Rome had taken away; and England,freed from subjection to a foreign power, couldoppose her enemies with a sword of might and a frontof iron.

=NATIONAL PROSPERITY.=

Political economy, rural economy, all that concernsthe collection and distribution of wealth, then took astart that nothing has been able to check. The estates,taken from the easy-going monks, produced riches.The king and the nobility, desirous of deriving thegreatest gain possible from the domains that had fallento them, endeavored to improve agriculture. Manymen, until that time useless, electrified by the movementof minds, sought the means of existence. The Reformation,from which the nation expected only purity ofdoctrine, helped to increase the general prosperity,industry, commerce, and navigation. The poor rememberedthat God had commanded man to eat his{104}bread, not in the shade of the monasteries, butin thesweat of his brow. To this epoch we must ascribe theorigin of those mercantile enterprises, of those long anddistant voyages which were to be one day the strengthof Great Britain. Henry VIII. was truly the father ofElizabeth.

Moral, social, and political development was no less againer by the order that was established. At the firstmoment, no doubt, England presented the appearanceof a vast chaos: but from that chaos there sprang a newworld. Forces which had hitherto been lost in obscurecells, were employed for the good of society. The menwho had been dwelling carelessly within or without thecloister walls, and had expended all their activity in listlesslygiving or listlessly receiving alms, were violentlyshaken by the blows from theMalleus monachorum, thehammer of the monks: they aroused themselves, andmade exertions which turned to the public good. Theirchildren, and especially their grandchildren, becameuseful citizens. The third estate appeared. Thepopulation of the cloisters was transformed into anactive and intelligent middle class. The very wealth,acquired, it is true, greedily by the nobility, securedthem an independence, which enabled them to opposea salutary counterpoise to the pretensions of the crown.The Upper House, where the ecclesiastical element hadpredominated, became essentially a lay house by theabsence of the abbots and priors. A public grew up. Anew life animated antique institutions that had remainedalmost useless. It was not, in truth, until later thatmighty England, having become decidedly evangelicaland constitutional, sat down victoriously on the twogreat ruins of feudalism and popery; but an importantstep was taken under Henry VIII. That great transformationextended its influence even beyond the shoresof Great Britain. The blow aimed at the system of theMiddle Ages re-echoed throughout Europe, and everywhere{105}shook the artificial scaffolding. Spain and Italyalone remained almost motionless in the midst of theirancient darkness.

The suppression of the monasteries, begun in 1535,was continued in 1538, and brought to a conclusion in1539 by an Act of Parliament.

=A PROPHECY.=

A voice was heard from these ruined convents, exclaiming:'Praise and thanksgiving to God!For other foundationcan no man lay than Jesus Christ. Whoever believesthat Jesus Christ is thepacifier who turneth away fromour heads the strokes of God's wrath,[221]lays the truefoundation; and on that firm base he shall raise a betterbuilding than that which had the monks for its pillars!'This prophecy of Sir William Overbury's did not failto be accomplished.

Henry VIII. having thrown down thepillar of thepapacy—the monks—felt the necessity of strengtheningthe work he had begun by alliances with the continentalprotestants. He did not turn to the Swiss or the FrenchReformers: their small political importance, as well asthe decided character of their Reform, alienated himfrom them. 'What inconsiderate men they are,' saidCalvin, 'who exalt the king of England. To ascribesovereign authority to the prince in everything, to call{106}him supreme head of the Church under Christ, is in myopinion blasphemy.'[222]

=MELANCHTHON.=

Henry hoped more from Germany than from Switzerland.As early as 1534 three senators of Lubeck hadpresented to him the Confession of Augsburg, and proposedan alliance against the Roman pontiff.[223]AnneBoleyn pressed the king to unite with the protestants,and in the spring of 1535 Barnes was sent to Wittemberg,where he induced the Reformers to claim his master'sprotection. Melanchthon, who was more inclined thanLuther to have recourse to princes, since he did not refuseto unite with Francis I., did not reject the advancesof Henry VIII. 'Sire,' he wrote in March 1535, 'this isnow the golden age for Britain.[224]In times of old, whenthe armies of the Goths had stifled letters in Europe,your island restored them to the universe. I entreat youin the name of Jesus Christ to plead for us before kings.'The illustrious doctor dedicated to this prince the newedition of hisCommon-Places, and commissioned Alesius,a Scotchman, to present it with the hope that he shouldsee England become the salvation of many nations, andeven of the whole Church of Christ.[225]Alesius, who hadtaken refuge in Saxony, was happy to return to thatisland from which the fanaticism of the Scotch clergyhad compelled him flee. He was presented to the uncleof his king, and Henry, delighted with the Scotchman,said to him: 'I name you my scholar,' and directedCranmer to send Melanchthon two hundred crowns.{107}They were accompanied by a letter for the illustriousprofessor, in which the king signed himself:Your friendHenry.

But it was not long before the hopes of a unionbetween Germany and England seemed to vanish.Scarcely had Melanchthon vaunted in his dedication toHenry VIII. the moderation of the king—a moderationworthy (he had said) of a wise prince—when he heardof the execution of Fisher and More. He shrank backwith terror. 'Morus,' he exclaimed, 'has been put todeath, and others with him.' The cruelties of the kingtortured the gentle Philip. The idea that a man of letterslike More should fall by the hands of the executioner,scandalized him. He began to fear for his own life.'I am myself,' he said, 'in great peril.'[226]

Henry did not suspect the horror which his crimewould excite on the continent, and had just read withdelight a passage of Melanchthon's in which the lattercompared him to Ptolemy Philadelphus! He thereforesaid to Barnes: 'Go and bring him back with you.'Barnes returned to Wittemberg in September and deliveredhis message. But the doctor of Germany hadnever received so alarming an invitation before. Heimagined it to be a treacherous scheme. 'The merethought of the journey,' he said, 'overwhelms me withdistress.' Barnes tried to encourage him. 'The kingwill give you a magnificent escort,' he said, 'and evenhostages, if you desire it.'[227]Melanchthon, who hadMore's bleeding head continually before him, wasimmovable. Luther also regarded Barnes with anunfavorable eye, and called himthe black Englishman.[228]

The envoy was more fortunate with the elector. JohnFrederick, hearing that the king of England was{108}desirous of forming an alliance with the princes of Germany,replied that he would communicate this importantdemand to them. He then entertained Barnes at asumptuous breakfast, made him handsome presents, andwrote to Henry VIII. that the desire manifested by himto reform religious doctrine augmented his love forhim, 'for,' he added, 'it belongs to kings to propagateChrist's gospel far and wide.'[229]

Luther also, but from other motives than those of theelector, did not look so closely as Melanchthon; thesuppression of the monasteries prepossessed him in favorof his ancient adversary. The penalties with which theCarthusians and others had been visited did not alarmhim. Vergerio, the papal legate, who was at Wittembergat the beginning of November, invited Luther tobreakfast with him. 'I know,' he said, 'that king Henrykills cardinals and bishops, but ...' and bitinghis lips, he made a significant movement with his hand,as if he wished to cut off the king's head. When relatingthis anecdote to Melanchthon, who was then at Jena,Luther added: 'Would to God that we possessed severalkings of England to put to death those bishops,cardinals, legates, and popes who are nothing butrobbers, traitors, and devils!'[230]Luther was less tenderthan he is represented when contrasted with Calvin.Those hasty words expressed really the thoughts of allparties. The spiritual leaven of the gospel had to workfor a century or more upon the hard material of whichthe heart of man is made, before the errors of Romishlegislation, a thousand years old, were banished. Nodoubt there was an immediate mitigation produced bythe Reformation; but if any one had told the men of the{109}sixteenth century that it was wrong to put men to deathfor acts of impiety, they would have been as astonished,and perhaps more so, than our judges, if they wereabused because, in conformity with the law, they visitedmurder with capital punishment. It is strange, however,that it required so many centuries to understandthose glorious words of our Saviour:The Son of man isnot come to destroy men's lives, but to save them.[231]

The condition which the protestants placed on theirunion with Henry VIII. rendered the alliance difficult.'We only ask one thing,' said the Reformers to Barnes,'that the doctrine which is inconformity with Scripturebe restored to thewhole world;'[232]but Henry still observedthe catholic doctrine. But he was told that the Lutheransand Francis I., thanks to Melanchthon's mediation, wereprobably coming to an agreement, and that a generalcouncil would be summoned. What treatment could heexpect from such an assembly, he who had so grievouslyoffended the papacy! Desirous of preventing a councilat any price, the king determined in September, 1535, tosend a more important embassy to the Lutherans, inorder to persuade them to renounce the idea of comingto terms with the pope, and rather to form an alliancewith England.

=EMBASSY TO GERMANY.=

Consequently Fox, bishop of Hereford, a proud andinsolent courtier, and Archdeacon Hare, an amiable andenlightened man, with some others, started for Germanyand joined Barnes and Mount who had preceded them.On the 24th of December they were admitted into thepresence of the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave ofHesse, and other protestant deputies and princes: 'Theking our master,' they said, 'has abolished the power ofthe Roman bishop throughout his dominions, and rejected{110}his pretended pardons and his old wives' stories.[233]Accordingly the pope, in a transport of fury, has summonedall the kings of the earth to take arms against him.But neither pope nor papists alarm our prince. Heoffers you his person, his wealth, and his sceptre tocombat the Roman power. Let us unite against it, andthe Spirit of God will bind our confederation together.'[234]The princes replied to this eloquent harangue, 'that ifthe king engaged to propagate the pure doctrine of thefaith as it had been confessed at the diet of Augsburg;if he engaged, like them, never to concede to the Romanbishop any jurisdiction in his States, they would namehim Defender and Protector of their confederation.'[235]They added that they would send a deputation, includingone man of excellent learning (meaning Melanchthon), toconfer with the king upon the changes to be made in theChurch. The Englishmen could not conceal their joy,but the theologian had lost all confidence in Henry VIII.'The death of More distresses me: I will have nothingto do with the business.'[236]Nevertheless the treaty ofalliance was signed on the 25th December, 1535.[237]Thecatholic party, especially in England, was troubled at thenews, and Gardiner, then ambassador in France, lost notime in writing to oppose designs which would establishprotestantism in the Anglican Church.

While the king was uniting with the Confession ofAugsburg, his relations with the most decided partisansof the papacy were far from improving. His daughterMary, whose temper was melancholy and irritable, observed{111}no bounds as regards her father's friends or acts,and refused to submit to his orders. 'I bid her renouncethe title of princess,' said Henry in a passion.—'If Iconsented not to be regarded as such,' she answered, 'Ishould go against my conscience and incur God's displeasure.'[238]Henry, no friend of half-measures, talkedof putting his daughter to death, and thus frighteningthe rebels. That wretched prince had a remarkabletendency for killing those who were nearest to him. Wemay see a father correct his child with a stripe; butwith this man, a blow from his hand was fatal. Therewas already some talk of sending the princess to theTower, when the evangelical Cranmer ventured to intercedein behalf of the catholic Mary. He remindedHenry that he was her father, and that if he took awayher life, he would incur universal reprobation. Theking gave way to these representations, predicting tothe archbishop that this intervention would some daycost him dear. In fact, when Mary became queen sheput to death the man who had saved her life. Henrywas content to order his daughter to be separated fromher mother. On the other hand, the terrified Catherineendeavored to mollify the princess. 'Obey the king inall things,' she wrote from Buckden, where she was living,'except in those which would destroy your soul.Speak little; trouble yourself about nothing, play on thespinet or lute.' This unhappy woman, who had found somuch bitterness in the conjugal estate, added: 'Aboveall, do not desire a husband, nor even think of it, I begyou in the name of Christ's passion.

'Your loving mother,Catherine the Queen.'[239]

=CATHERINE'S FIRMNESS.=

But the mother was not less decided than thedaughter in maintaining her rights, and would not renounce{112}her title of queen, notwithstanding Henry'sorders. A commission composed of the Duke of Suffolk,Lord Sussex, and others, arrived at Buckden to try andinduce her to do so, and all the household of the princesswas called together. The intrepid daughter ofFerdinand and Isabella said with a firm voice: 'I am thequeen, the king's true wife.'[240]Being informed that itwas intended to remove her to Somersham and separateher from some of her best friends, she answered: 'I willnot go unless you bind me with ropes.'[241]And to preventthis she took to her bed and refused to dress, sayingshe was ill.[242]The king sent two catholic prelates, thearchbishop of York and the bishop of Durham, hoping tosoften her. 'Madam,' said the archbishop, 'your marriagebeing invalid....'—'It is a lawful marriage,'she exclaimed with passionate vehemence.[243]'Untildeath I shall be his Majesty's wife.'—'Members of yourown council,' continued the archbishop, 'acknowledgethat your marriage with Prince Arthur was actually consummated.'—'Itis all false!' she exclaimed in a loudtone.—'The divorce was consequently pronounced.'...—'Bywhom?' she asked.—'By my lord of Canterbury.'—'Andwho is he?' returned the queen. 'Ashadow![244]The pope has declared in my favor, and he isChrist's vicar.'—'The king will treat you like a dearsister,' said bishop Tonstall.[245]—'Nothingin the world,'answered Catherine, 'neither the loss of my possessionsnor the prospect of death, will make me give up myrights.'{113}

In October, 1535, Catherine was still at Buckden.That noble but fanatic woman increased her austerity,indulged in the harshest practices of an ascetic life,prayed frequently bare-kneed on the floor, while at thesame time a deadly sorrow was undermining her health.At last consumption declared itself;[246]and as her conditionrequired a change of air, she was removed toKimbolton. She longed for the society of her daughter,which would no doubt have alleviated her sufferings;but she asked in vain with tears to see her. Mary alsoentreated the king to let her visit her mother: he wasinflexible.[247]

=CHARLES ARMS AGAINST HENRY.=

Henry's harshness towards the aunt of Charles V.excited the wrath of that monarch to the highest degree.He was then returning victorious from his first Africanexpedition, and determined to delay no longer in carryingout the mission he had received from the pope. Tothat end it was necessary to obtain, if not theco-operation, at least the neutrality of Francis I. Thatwas not easy. The king of France had always courtedthe alliance of England: he had signed a treaty withHenry against the emperor and against the pope, andhad just sought an alliance with the Lutheran princes.But the emperor knew that the acquisition of Italy, or atleast of Lombardy, was the favorite idea of Francis I.Charles was equally desirous of it, but he was so impatientto re-establish Catherine of Aragon on the throne,and bring England again under the dominion of thepope, that he determined to sacrifice Italy, if only inappearance. Sforza, duke of Milan, having just diedwithout children, the emperor offered Francis I. theduchy of Milan for his second son, the duke of Orleans,{114}if he would not oppose his designs against England.[248]The king of France eagerly accepted the proposal, andwishing to give a proof of his zeal, he even proposedthat the pope should summon all the princes of Christendomto force the king of England to submit to theSee of Rome. The love he had for Milan went so far asto make him propose a crusade against his natural ally,Henry VIII.[249]

=DEATH OF CATHERINE.=

The matter was becoming serious: rarely had a greaterdanger threatened England, when an important eventsuddenly removed it. At the very time when Charles V.,aided by Francis I., desired to rouse Europe in order toreplace his aunt on the throne, she died. About theend of December, 1535, Catherine became seriously ill,and felt that God was bringing her great sorrows to anend. The king, wishing to keep up appearances, sent toinquire after her. The queen, firm to the last in herprinciples, sent for her lawyers and dictated her will tothem. 'I am ready,' she said, 'to yield up my soul untoGod.... I supplicate that five hundred masses be saidfor my soul; and that some personage go in pilgrimagefor me to Our Lady of Walsingham.[250]I bequeath mygowns to the convent, and the furs of the same I giveto my daughter.' Then Catherine thought of theking: to her he was always her husband, and despitehis injustice, she would not address him but with respect.Feeling that the end was not far off, she dictatedthe following letter, at once so simple and sonoble:—

'My most dear Lord, King, and Husband:

'The hour of my death now approaching, I cannotchoose but, out of the love I bear you, advise you ofyour soul's health. You have cast me into many{115}calamities and yourself into many troubles; but I forgiveyou all, and pray God to do likewise. I commendunto you Mary our daughter, beseeching you to be agood father to her. Lastly, I make this vow, that mineeyes desire you above all things.'[251]

The queen, therefore, sought to bid farewell of himwho had wrought her so much evil. Henry was moved,and even shed tears,[252]but did not comply with thequeen's wish: his conscience reproached him with hisfaults. On the 7th January Catherine received the lastsacraments, and at two o'clock she expired.

Anne felt at the bottom of her heart the rights of thisprincess. She had yielded to her imagination, to theabsolute will of the king; her marriage had given hersome moments of happiness, but her soul was oftentroubled. She thought to herself that the proud Spanishwoman was the one to whom Henry had given his faith;and doubted whether the crown did not belong to thedaughter of Isabella. Catherine's death removed heranxieties. 'Now,' she said, 'now I am indeed a queen.'She went into mourning, but according to the custom inFrance at that period. The tears of the people accompaniedto the tomb that unhappy and (to say truth)superstitious woman; but she was an affectionatemother, a high-spirited wife, and a queen of indomitablepride.[253]

This decease was destined to effect great changes inEurope. The emperor, who was forming a holy allianceto replace his aunt on the throne, and who, to succeed,had gone so far as to sacrifice the northern part ofItaly, having nothing more to do with Catherine, sheathedhis sword and kept Milan. Francis I., vexed at seeing{116}the prey slip from him which he had so eagerly coveted,and fancied already in his hands, went into a furiouspassion, and prepared for a war to the death. The emperorand the king of France, instead of marching togetheragainst Henry, began each of them to court him,desiring to have him for an ally in the fierce strugglethat was about to begin.

At the same time Catherine's death facilitated, as wehave said, the alliance of the king with the protestantsof Germany, who had maintained the validity of hismarriage with the princess of Aragon. One of theirchief grievances against Henry VIII. had thus disappeared.Both sides now thought they could make astep forward and strive to come to an understandingtheologically. The points on which they differed wereimportant. 'The king of England,' they said at Wittemberg,'wishes to be pope in the place of the pope,and maintains most of the errors of the old popery, suchas monasteries,[254]indulgences, the mass, prayers for thedead, and other Romish fables.'[255]

=DISCUSSION AT WITTEMBERG.=

The discussion began at Wittemberg. The championsin the theological tournament were Bishop Foxand Archdeacon Heath on one side; Melanchthon andLuther on the other. Heath, one of the young doctorswhom Queen Anne had maintained at CambridgeUniversity, charmed Melanchthon exceedingly. 'Heexcels in urbanity and sound doctrine,' said the latter.Fox, on the other hand, who was the king's man, showed,in Philip's opinion, no taste either for philosophy or foragreeable and graceful conversation. The doctrine ofthe mass was the principal point of the discussion.They could not come to an understanding. Luther,who thought it would be only a three days' matter,seeing the time slip away, said to the elector: 'I havedone more in four weeks than these Englishmen in twelve{117}years. If they continue reforming in that style, Englandwill never beinside orout.'[256]This definition of theEnglish Reformation amused the Germans. They didnot discuss, they disputed: it became a regular quarrel.[257]'I am disgusted with these debates,' said Luther to vice-chancellorBurkhard, 'they make me sick.'[258]Even thegentle Melanchthon exclaimed: 'All the world seems tome to be burning with hatred and anger.'[259]

Accordingly the theological discussions were brokenoff, and the ambassadors of Henry VIII. were admittedon the 12th of March into the presence of the elector.'England is tranquil now,' said the bishop of Hereford;'the death of a woman has forever terminated allwrangling. At this moment the creed of Jesus Christalone is the concern of his Majesty. The king thereforeprays you to make an alliance between you andhim possible, by modifying a few points of your Confession.'Whereupon the vice-chancellor of Saxony addressedLuther: 'What can we concede to the king ofEngland?'—'Nothing,' answered the reformer. 'If wehad been willing to concede anything, we might just aswell have come to terms with the pope.' After thisvery positive declaration, Luther softened down a little.He knew well, as another reformer has said, 'that somemen are weaker than others, and if we do not treat themvery mildly, they lose their courage and turn away fromreligion; and that Christians who are more advanced indoctrine are bound to comfort the infirmities of theignorant.'[260]The Saxon reformer, retracing his steps alittle, wrote to the vice-chancellor: 'It is true that{118}England cannot embrace the whole truth all at once.'[261]He thought it possible in certain cases to adopt otherexpressions, and tolerate some diversity of usages.'But,' he said, always firm in the faith, 'the greatdoctrines can neither be given up nor modified. Whetherto make an alliance or not with the king, is for my mostgracious lord to decide: it is a secular matter. Only itis dangerous to unite outwardly, when the hearts arenot in harmony.' The protestant states assembled onthe 24th of April, 1536, at Frankfort on the Main, requiredHenry VIII. to receivethe faith confessed at Augsburg,and in that case expressed themselves ready toacknowledge him as protector of the evangelical alliance.The elector, who was much displeased with certain Englishceremonies, added: 'Let your Majesty thoroughlyreform thepontifical idolomania in England.'[262]It wasagreed that Melanchthon, Sturm, Bucer, and Draconshould go to London to complete this great work ofunion. England and evangelical Germany were about tojoin hands.

This alliance of the king with the Lutherans deeplychafed the catholics of the kingdom, already so seriouslyoffended by the suppression of the monasteries and thepunishment of the two men to whom Henry (they said)was most indebted. While the Roman party was filledwith anger, the political party was surprised by the boldstep the prince had taken. But the blow which hadstruck two great victims had taught them that theymust submit to the will of the monarch or perish. Thescaffolds of Fisher and More had read them a great lessonof docility, and moulded all those around Henry to{119}that servile spirit which leaves in the palace of a kingnothing but a master and slaves.

They were about to see an illustrious instance in thetrial of Anne Boleyn.

If feeble minds did not shrink from bending beneaththe royal despotism, men of fanatical mould cherishedvengeance in their hearts. Great wounds had beeninflicted on the papacy, and they burnt to strike somesignal blow against the cause of Reform. That also,they said, must have its victim. For all these monasteriessacrificed, one person must be immolated: one only,but taken from the most illustrious station. The kinghaving, on the one side, struck his tutor and his friend,must now, to maintain the balance, strike his wife onthe other. A tragedy was about to begin which wouldterminate in a frightful catastrophe. Anne Boleyn hadnot been brought up, as some have said, 'in the worstschool in Europe,'[263]but in one of the best—in the householdof the pious Margaret of Angoulême, who was theenlightened protectress not only of the learned, but ofall friends of the Gospel. Anne had learnt from thatprincess to love the Reformation and the Reformers.And accordingly she was in the eyes of the papal partisans,the principal cause of the change that had beenwrought in the king's mind, and by him throughout thekingdom. The Reformation, as we have seen, began inEngland about 1517 with the reading of the Holy{120}Scriptures in the universities; but the most accreditedRoman doctors have preferred assigning it anotherorigin, and, speaking of Cranmer's connexion with AnneBoleyn, thirteen years later, have said, 'Such is thebeginning of the Reformation in England.'[264]In thisassertion there is an error both of chronology and history.

=CRANMER'S ELOQUENCE.=

Since her coronation, the queen had been in almostdaily communication with the archbishop of Canterbury,and habitually—even her enemies affirmed it—the interestsof the evangelical cause were treated of. At onetime Anne prayed Cranmer to come to the assistance ofthe persecuted protestants. At another, full of the necessityof sending reapers into the harvest, she interestedherself about such young persons as were poor, butwhose pure morals and clear intellect seemed to qualifythem for the practice of virtue and the study of letters;[265]these she assisted with great generosity.[266]This was alsoan example that Margaret of Valois had given her. Thequeen did not encourage these students heedlessly: sherequired testimonials certifying as to the purity of theirmorals and the capacity of their intellect. If she wassatisfied, she placed them at Oxford or Cambridge, andrequired them to spread around them, even while studying,the New Testament and the writings of the reformers.Many of the queen's pensioners did great serviceto the Church and State in after years. With thesequeenly qualities Anne combined more domestic ones.Cranmer saw her, like good Queen Claude, gatheringround her a number of young ladies distinguished bytheir birth and their virtues, and working with them attapestry of admirable perfection for the palace of{121}Hampton Court, or at garments for the indigent. Sheestablished in the poor parishes vast warehouses, filledwith such things as the needy wanted. 'Her eye ofcharity, her hand of bounty,' says a biographer, 'passedthrough the whole land.'[267]'She is said in three quartersof a year,' adds Lord Herbert of Cherbury, the celebratedphilosopher and historian, 'to have bestowedfourteen or fifteen thousand pounds in this way,' that is,in alms.[268]And this distinguished writer, ambassador ofEngland at the court of Louis XIII., and known inFrance by the exertions he made in behalf of the protestants,adds: 'She had besides established a stock forpoor artificers in the realm.'[269]Such were the works ofQueen Anne. Cranmer, who had great discernment ofmen and things, being touched by the regard which thequeen had for those who professed the Gospel, and seeingall that she did for the Reformation and the consolationof the wretched, declared that next to the king,Anne was of all creatures living 'the one to whom hewas most bound.'[270]

Cranmer was not the only person among the evangelicalswith whom Anne Boleyn entertained relations.From the first day she had seen Latimer, the Christiansimplicity and apostolic manners of the reformer hadtouched her. When she heard him preach, she was delighted.The enthusiasm for that bold Christian preacherwas universal. 'It is as impossible,' said his hearers,'for us to receive into our minds all the treasures ofeloquence and knowledge which fall from his lips, as itwould be for a little river to contain the waters of theocean in its bed.' From the period (1535) when Latimerpreached the Lent Sermons before the king, he was one{122}of the most regular instruments of the queen's activecharity.

A still more decided reformer had a high esteem forAnne Boleyn: this was Tyndale. No one, in his opinion,had declared with so much decision as the queen infavor of the New Testament and its circulation in English.Wishing, accordingly, to show his gratitude andrespect, Tyndale presented her with a unique copy of histranslation, printed in beautiful type on vellum, illuminatedand bound in blue morocco, with these words inlarge red letters:Anne Regina Angliæ (Anne, queenof England).[271]This remarkable volume, now preservedin the library of the British Museum, is a monument ofthe veneration of the prisoner of Vilvorde for AnneBoleyn. A manuscript manual of devotion for the use ofthis princess has also been preserved: she used to presentcopies of it to her maids of honor. We see in it thevalue she attached to the Holy Scriptures: 'Give us, OFather of Mercies,' we read, 'the greatest of all giftsThou hast ever conferred on man—the knowledge ofThy holy will, and the glad tidings of our salvation.Roman tyranny had long hidden it from us under Latinletters; but now it is promulgated, published, and freelycirculated.'[272]

=PARKER'S CHRISTIAN CHARACTER.=

Anne having in 1535 lost Dr. Betts, one of her almoners,looked out for a man devoted to the Gospel to takehis place, for she loved to be surrounded by the mostpious persons in England. She cast her eyes uponMatthew Parker, a native of Norwich, professor atCorpus Christi College, Cambridge, and a man who fortwo years had been preaching the truth with fervor.Parker loved retirement and obscurity; accordingly,when he received on the Wednesday following PalmSunday two letters summoning him to court 'because{123}the queen wished to see him,'[273]he was amazed and confounded.At first he wanted to refuse so brilliant a call;but Latimer wrote to him: 'Show yourself to the world;hide yourself no longer; do good, whilst you have theopportunity. We know what you can do; let not yourwill be less than your power.'[274]Parker went to London,and in a short time his knowledge, piety, and prudencegained the entire esteem of the queen. That modest,intelligent, active man was just the person Anne wanted,and she took pleasure thenceforward in bestowing onhim marks of her consideration. He himself tells usthat if, in the course of his duties, he was called upon toreceive friends at his table, the queen, eking out hisnarrow means, would send him a hare or a fawn takenin her parks.[275]Parker was from this time one of thoseemployed by Anne to distribute her benevolence. Hehad hardly arrived at court, when he presented to thequeen one W. Bill, a very young and very poor man,but by no means wanting in talent. Anne, rich in discernment,placed him in the number of students whomshe was preparing for the ministry: he afterwards becamedean of Westminster. Parker, who began hiscareer with Anne, was to finish it with Elizabeth.When he was deprived of all his offices by Queen Maryin 1554, he exclaimed: 'Now that I am stripped ofeverything, I live in God's presence, and am full of joyin my conscience. In this charming leisure I findgreater pleasures than those supplied by the busy andperilous life I led at the court.' Forced to hide himself,often to flee by night, to escape the pursuit of his persecutors,the peace which he enjoyed was never troubled.He looked upon trials as the privilege of the child ofGod. All of a sudden a strange and unexpected calamity{124}befell him. The daughter of Anne Boleyn, havingascended the throne, desired to have her mother'schaplain for archbishop of Canterbury and primate ofall England. 'I kneel before your Majesty,' he said toQueen Elizabeth, 'and pray you not to burden me withan office which requires a man of much more talent,knowledge, virtue, and experience than I possess.' Asecond letter from Chancellor Bacon repeated the summons.Then the unhappy Parker exclaimed in thedepth of his sorrow: 'Alas! alas! Lord God! for whattimes hast Thou preserved me![276]I am come into deepwaters, where the floods overflow me. O Lord!strengthen me by Thy mighty Spirit!' Parker was atthe head of the Church of England for sixteen years,and dignified the elevated seat on which he had beenconstrained to sit. Such were the men whom AnneBoleyn gathered round her.

We should be mistaken, however, if we representedthe young queen as a bigot, living like Catherine in thepractices of a rigid austerity. It appears even doubtfulwhether she knew by experience that inner, spiritual, andliving Christianity which was found in Latimer, Tyndale,Cranmer, and Parker. She was a virtuous wife, a goodprotestant, attached to the Bible, opposed to the pope,fond of good works, esteeming men of God more thancourtiers: but she had not renounced the world and itspomps. A woman of the world, upright, religious, lovingto do good, a class of which there is always a largenumber, she was unacquainted with the pious aspirationsof a soul that lives in communion with God. Even herposition as queen and wife of Henry VIII. may havehindered her from advancing in the path of a Christianlife. She thought it possible to love God withoutrenouncing the enjoyments of the age, and looked uponworldly things as an innocent recreation. Desiring to{125}keep her husband's heart, she endeavored to please himby cheerful conversation, by organizing pleasure partiesof which she was the life, and by receiving all hiscourtiers gracefully. Placed on a slippery soil andwatched by prejudiced eyes, she may occasionally havelet fall some imprudent expression. Her sprightlinessand gaiety, her amiable freedom were in strong contrastwith the graver and stiffer formalities of the Englishladies. Latimer, who saw her closely, sometimes admonishedher respectfully, when he was alone with her,and the grateful Anne would exclaim unaffectedly: 'Youdo me so much good![277]Pray never pass over a singlefault.'

=THE TRUTH ABOUT ANNE BOLEYN.=

It is not from the writings of the pamphleteers thatwe must learn to know Anne Boleyn. Towards the endof the sixteenth century, opposite parties, in their extremeexcitement, have painted her at one time in colorstoo dark, at another in colors too flattering. We mustin this matter especially listen to men whose testimonyis sanctioned by universal respect. There are not manyprincesses in history who have enjoyed, like Anne, theesteem of the most elevated minds—of Cranmer andLatimer, of Tyndale and Parker, and other Christians,less illustrious, perhaps, but not less respectable. In theeyes of the papal partisans, however, she had committedan unpardonable crime:she had separated England fromthe papacy; and accordingly their savage hatred has knownno bounds, and they have never ceased to blacken hermemory with their vile calumnies. Of all the misdeedsthat history can commit, the greatest consists in representingthe innocent as if they were guilty. It is wholesalecalumny for the use not only of the present generationbut for generations to come. Many writers haveforged and still forge base imputations against thereformers Luther, Calvin, and others. Anne Boleyn{126}has had her full share of slander in this huge conspiracyof falsehood.[278]

The grandeur with which Anne was surrounded, hadopened her heart to the tenderest sympathies. To bethe joy of her husband and the delight of her relations,to protect the friends of the Gospel and to be lovedby England—these were for some time the dreams ofher young imagination. But ere long the crown of St.Edward pressed heavily on her forehead. The membersof her own family became her enemies. Her uncle, theproud duke of Norfolk, the chief along with Gardinerof the ultramontane party, was animated by a secrethatred against the young woman who was the supportof the evangelical party. Her father, the earl of Wiltshire,imagining he saw that the king was not flattered atbeing his son-in-law, had quitted London, regretting aunion which his ambition had so much desired. LadyRocheford, wife of Anne's brother, a woman of despicablecharacter, whose former perfidies the queen hadpardoned, and whom she had attached to the court,repaid this generous magnanimity by secretly plotting theruin of a sister-in-law whose elevation had filled herwith jealousy. At length, one of those who ate herbread and received favors from her, was about to showher ingratitude to the unfortunate queen.

Among her ladies of honor was Jane Seymour, whounited all the attractions of youth and beauty, and whosedisposition held a certain mean between the severegravity of Queen Catherine and the fascinating sprightlinessof Queen Anne. Constancy in affection was nota feature of Henry's character; his heart was easily{127}inflamed; his eye rested on the youthful Jane Seymour,and no sooner had he become sensible of her graces,than the charms of Anne Boleyn, which had formerlycaptivated him, became unendurable. The genialgaiety of the queen fatigued him; the accomplishmentswhich are ordinarily the means of pleasing, gave himumbrage; the zeal she manifested for Protestantismalienated him. Anne's enemies, especially the duke ofNorfolk and Lady Rocheford, observed this, and resolvedto take advantage of it to ruin the woman whoovershadowed them.

=ANNE'S CHARACTER AND MANNERS.=

One circumstance, innocent enough of itself, favoredthe designs of the queen's enemies. Anne, who hadbeen brought up in France, among a people distinguishedfor their inexhaustible stores of gaiety, easy conversation,witty and ingenious sallies, ironical phrases, andamiable hearts, had brought something of all this toLondon. Frank and prepossessing, she loved society;and her ordinary manners seemed too easy among anation which, with deep affections, possesses muchgravity and external coldness. Anne had found a certainfreedom of speech in the court of France—it doesnot appear that she even imitated it; but in a momentof gaiety she might have let slip some keen railleries,some imprudent words, and thus furnished her enemieswith weapons. She had some difficulty in conformingwith the strict etiquette of the court of England, andhad not been trained to the circumspection so necessarywith a husband like Henry VIII.

Anne was, at the same time, a friend of the Reformationin the midst of a society that was catholic atheart, and a Frenchwoman in the midst of an Englishcourt; these were her two capital crimes. She was notunderstood. Her gaiety did not degenerate into frivolity:she did not possess that love of pleasure, which,carried to excess, engenders corruption of manners; wehave named the truly pious men whom she loved to{128}gather round her. But it was quite enough for somepersons that Anne was agreeable, like the ladies of St.Germains and Fontainebleau, to suspect her of being aflirt, like many of them. Moreover, she had marriedabove her station. Having lived at court as the equalof the young nobles belonging to it, she was not alwaysable, after she ascended the throne, to keep herself onthe footing of a queen. From that time her enemies interpretedunfavorably the innocent amiability withwhich she received them. The mistrustful Henry VIII.began to indulge in suspicions, and Viscountess Rochefordendeavored to feed that prince's jealousy by craftyand perfidious insinuations.

=ANNE'S ANGUISH.=

Anne soon noticed the king's inclination for Jane Seymour:a thousand trifles, apparently indifferent, hadstruck her. She often watched the maid of honor; herpride was offended, and jealousy tortured her heartnight and day. She endeavored to win back the king'slove; but Henry, who perceived her suspicions, grewmore angry with her every hour. The queen was notfar from her confinement; and it was at the verymoment when she hoped to give Henry the heir he hadlonged for during so many years, that the king withdrewfrom her his conjugal affection. Her heart waswrung, and, foreseeing a mournful future, she doubtedwhether a blow similar to that which had struck Catherinemight not soon be aimed at her. Jane Seymourdid not reject the king's advances. Historians of themost opposite parties relate that one day, towards theend of January 1536, the queen, unexpectedly enteringa room in the palace, found the king paying his court tothe young maid of honor in too marked a manner.They may possibly exaggerate,[279]but there is no doubtthat Henry gave cause for very serious complaints onthe part of his wife. It was as if a sword had pierced{129}the heart of the unfortunate Anne Boleyn: she couldnot bear up against so cruel a blow, and prematurelygave birth to a dead son. God had at length grantedHenry that long-desired heir, but the grief of themother had cost the child's life. What an affliction forher! For some time her recovery was despaired of.When the king entered her room, she burst into tears.That selfish prince, soured at the thought that she hadborne him a dead son, cruelly upbraided her misfortune,instead of consoling her. It was too much: the poormother could not restrain herself. 'You have no one toblame but yourself,' she exclaimed.[280]Henry, still moreangry, answered her harshly and left the apartment.[281]These details are preserved by a well-informed writer ofthe time of Elizabeth. To present Henry under so unfavorablea light, if it were untrue, could hardly havebeen an agreeable mode of paying court, as some haveinsinuated, to a queen who took more after her fatherthan her mother.

Anne now foresaw the misfortunes awaiting her: sherecovered indeed after this storm, and exerted herself bytaking part once more in conversaziones and fêtes; butshe was melancholy and uneasy, like a foundering ship,which reappears on the waves of the sea after the storm,and still keeps afloat for a time, only to be swallowedup at last. All her attempts to regain her husband'saffections were useless, and frightful dreams disturbedher during the slumbers of the night. This agony lastedthree months.

The wind had changed: everybody noticed it, and itwas, to certain heartless courtiers, like the signal givento an impatient pack of hounds. They set themselvesto hunt down the prey, which they felt they could rendwithout danger. The ultramontanists regained theircourage. They had feared that, owing to Anne's intervention,{130}the cause of Rome was lost in England, andtheir alarm was not unreasonable. Cranmer, unitinghis efforts with those of the queen, never ceased pushingforward the Reformation. When some one spoke inthe House of Lords about a General Council in Italy,he exclaimed: 'It is the Word of God alone that wemust listen to in religious controversies.' At the sametime, in concert with Anne, he circulated all overEngland a new Prayer-book,the Primer, intended toreplace the dangerous books of the priests.[282]The peopleused it. A pious and spiritual reader of that bookexclaimed one day, after meditating upon it: 'O bountifulJesu! O sweet Saviour! despise not him whomThou hast ransomed at the price of such a treasure—withThy blood! I look with confidence to the throneof mercy.'[283]Religion was becoming personal with AnneBoleyn.

=ANNE'S ZEAL FOR RELIGION.=

The queen and the archbishop had not stopped there:they had attempted, so far as Henry would permit, toplace true shepherds over the flocks, instead ofmerchants who traded with their wool. The bishopricof Worcester, which had been taken from Ghinnucci,was given (as we have seen) to Latimer; so that thevalley of the Severn, which four Italian bishops hadplundered for fifty years, possessed at last a pastor who'planted there the plenteousness of Jesus Christ.'[284]Shaxton, another of Anne's chaplains, who at this timeprofessed a great attachment to Holy Scripture, had beenappointed bishop of Salisbury, in place of the famousCardinal Campeggio. Hilderly, formerly a Dominicanprior—who had at one time defended the immaculateconception of the Virgin, but had afterwards acknowledgedand worshipped Jesus Christ as the onlyMediator—had been nominated to the see of Rochester,{131}in place of the unfortunate Bishop Fisher. Finally,George Brown, ex-provincial of the Augustines inEngland—an upright man, a friend of the poor, and who,caught by the truth, had exclaimed from the pulpit,'Go to Christ and not to the saints!'—had been electedarchbishop of Dublin, and thus became the firstevangelical prelate of Ireland, a difficult post, which heoccupied at the peril of his life.[285]Other prelates, likeFox, bishop of Hereford, although not true Protestants,proved themselves to be anti-Papists.

The members of the ultramontane party saw theinfluence of the queen in all these nominations. Whoresisted the proposal that the English Church should berepresented at the General Council? Who endeavoredto make the king advance in the direction of the Reformation?Who threw England into the arms of theprinces of Germany?—The queen, none but the queen.She felt unhappy, it was said, when she saw a day passwithout having obtained some favor for the Reformation.[286]Men knew that the pope was ready to forgiveeverything, and even to unite with Henry againstCharles V., if the king would submit to the conditionslaid down in the bull—that is to say, if he would putaway Anne Boleyn.[287]

The condition required by the pontiff was not animpossible one, for Henry liked to change his wives: hehad six. Marriage was not to him a oneness of life.At the end of 1535, Anne had been his wife for threeyears; it was a long time for him, and he began to turnhis eyes upon others. Jane Seymour's youth eclipsedthe queen's. Unfortunate Boleyn! Sorrow had graduallydiminished her freshness. Jane had natural allies,who might help her to ascend the throne. Her two{132}brothers, Edward and Thomas—the elder more moderate,the younger more arrogant—each possessing greatambition and remarkable capacity, thought that aSeymour was as worthy as a Boleyn to wear the Englishcrown. The first blow did not however proceed fromthem, but from a member of the queen's family—fromher sister-in-law. There is no room for indifferencebetween near relations: they love or, if they do not love,they hate. Lady Rocheford, so closely allied to thequeen, felt continually piqued at her. Jealousy hadengendered a deep dislike in her heart, and this dislikewas destined to lead her on to contrive the death of thedetested object. Rendered desperate by the happinessand especially by the greatness of Anne Boleyn, itbecame her ruling passion to destroy them. One obstacle,however, rose up before her. Lord Rocheford,her husband and Anne's brother, would not enter intoher perfidious schemes. That depraved woman, whoafterwards suffered capital punishment for conniving atcrime, determined to ruin her sister-in-law and her husbandtogether. It was arranged that three of the courtiersshould give Henry the first hints. 'Thus began,'says an author of that day, 'a comedy which waschanged into a sorrowful tragedy.'[288]Nothing wasomitted that tended to the success of one of the mostinfamous court intrigues recorded in history.

Anne became cognizant almost at the same time ofher sister-in-law's hatred of her and of her husband'slove for Jane Seymour. From that moment she forebodedan early death, and her most anxious thoughtswere for her daughter. She wondered what would becomeof the poor child, and, desirous of having herbrought up in the knowledge of the Gospel, she sent{133}for the pious simple-minded Parker, told him of herapprehensions and her wishes, and commended Elizabethto him with all a mother's love.[289]Anne's wordssank so deep into his heart that he never forgot them;[290]and twenty-three years later, when that child, who hadbecome queen, raised him to the primacy, he declaredto Lord Burghley, that if he were not under such greatobligations to her mother, he would never have consentedto serve the daughter in such an elevated station.[291]After consigning the youthful Elizabeth to thecare of a man of God, the unhappy queen was more atease.

=CHARGES AGAINST ANNE.=

Meantime the plot was forming in silence, and two orthree circumstances, such as occur in the most innocentlife, were the pretext for Anne's destruction.

One day, when she was with the king at Winchester,she sent for one of the court-musicians, named Smeton,'to play on the virginals.'[292]This was the first count inthe indictment.

Norris, a gentleman of the king's chamber, was engagedto Margaret, one of Anne's maids of honor, andconsequently was often in the queen's apartments.Slanderous tongues affirmed that he went more for thesake of his sovereign than for his betrothed. Thequeen hearing of it, and desiring to stop the scandal,determined to bind Norris to marry Margaret. 'Whydo you not go on with your marriage?' she asked him.'I desire to wait a little longer,' answered the gentleman.Anne, with the intent of making him understandthat there were serious reasons for not putting it offany longer, added: 'It is said at court that you arewaiting for a dead man's shoes, and that if any misfortune{134}befell the king, you would look to have me foryour wife.'[293]'God forbid!' exclaimed Norris, in alarm;'if I had such an idea, it would be my destruction.''Mind what you are about,' resumed the queen, withseverity. Norris, in great emotion, went immediatelyto Anne Boleyn's almoner. 'The queen is a virtuouswoman,' he said; 'I am willing to affirm it uponoath.'[294]This was the second count in the indictment.

Sir Francis Weston, a bold frivolous man, was (althoughmarried) very attentive to a young lady of thecourt, a relative of the queen. 'Sir Francis,' said Anne,who was distressed at his behavior, 'you love MistressSkelton, and neglect your wife.' 'Madam,' answeredthe audacious courtier, 'there is one person in yourhouse whom I love better than both.' 'And who isthat?' said the queen. 'Yourself,' answered Weston.Offended by such insolence, Anne ordered him, withscorn and displeasure, to leave her presence.[295]Thiswas the third count of the indictment.

Lord Rocheford, a man of noble and chivalrouscharacter, indignant at the calumnies which werebeginning to circulate against his sister, endeavoredto avert the storm. One day, when she kept her bed,he entered her room to speak to her; and, the maidsof honor being present, he leant towards the queen,to say something on this matter which was not fitfor the ears of strangers to the family. The infamousLady Rocheford made use of this innocent circumstanceto accuse her husband and sister-in-law of anabominable crime.

Such are the four charges that were to cost AnneBoleyn her life. Futile observations, malicious remarks{135}to which persons are exposed in the world, andespecially at court, reached the ears of the king, andinspired him with jealousy, reproaches, angry words,and coldness. There was no more happiness for Anne.

There was enough in these stories to induce Henry VIII.to reject his second wife, and take a third.This prince—and it was the case generally with theTudors—had a temper at once decided and changeable,a heart susceptible and distrustful, an energetic character,and passions eager to be satisfied at any price.Very mistrustful, he did not easily get the better ofhis suspicions, and when any person had vexed him,he was not appeased until he had got rid of him.Common-sense generally appreciates at their trueworth such stories as those we have reported; but thecharacters now on the stage were more irritable thanthose usually to be found in the world. 'A tempest,'says Lord Herbert of Cherbury on this subject, 'thoughit scarce stir low and shallow waters, when it meets asea, both vexeth it, and makes it toss all that comesthereon.'[296]

Henry, happy to have found the pretext which hisnew passion made him long for, investigated nothing;he appeared to believe everything he was told. Heswore to prove Anne's guilt to others by the greatnessof his revenge. Of his six wives, he got rid of twoby divorce, two by the scaffold; only two escaped hiscriminal humor. This time he was unwilling toproceed by divorce; the tediousness of Catherine'saffair had wearied him. He preferred a more expeditiousmode—the axe.

=COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY.=

On the 25th of April the king appointed a commissionto enquire into Anne's conduct, and placed on it theduke of Norfolk, a maternal uncle but (as we have said)an implacable enemy of the unfortunate queen; theduke of Suffolk, who, as Henry's brother-in-law, served{136}him in his least desires; the earl of Oxford, a skilfulcourtier; William Paulet, comptroller of the royalhousehold, whose motto was, 'To be a willow and notan oak;' Audley, the honestest of all, but still his master'shumble servant; Lord Delawarr, and several otherlords and gentlemen, to the number of twenty-six. Ithas been said, by Burnet and others, that the kingnamed Anne's father, the earl of Wiltshire, one of thejudges. It would, no doubt, have been the most strikingtrait of cruelty, of which Henry gave so many proofs;but we must in justice declare that the wretched princedid not perpetrate such a monstrosity. Burnet, afterthe most searching investigations, retracted his error.[297]On Thursday, the 27th of April, the king, understandingthe necessity of a Parliament to repeal the laws made infavor of Anne and her children, issued writs for its assembling.He was resolved to hurry on the business—equallyimpatient to hear no more of his wife, and topossess her who was the object of his desires.

Anne, who was ignorant of what was going on, hadgradually recovered a little serenity, but it was not sowith those around her. The court was agitated and uneasy.The names of the commissioners were canvassed,and people wondered where the terrible blows of theking would fall. Many were alarmed for themselves ortheir friends. Would the storm burst on Sir ThomasWyatt, who wrote verses in Anne's honor? or on LordNorthumberland, whom the queen had loved beforeHenry cast his eyes upon her? The king did not intendto go so high.

The indecision did not last long. At two o'clock onthe 27th of April—the very day when the writs for thenew Parliament were issued—William Brereton, one ofthe gentlemen of the king's household, pointed out by{137}the queen's enemies, was arrested and taken to theTower. Two days later, on the 29th of April, Anne wascrossing the presence-chamber, where a miserable creaturehappened to be present at that moment. It wasMark Smeton, the court-musician—a vain, cowardly,corrupt man, who had felt hurt because, since the daywhen he had played before the queen at Winchester,that princess had never even looked at him. He wasstanding, in a dejected attitude, leaning against a window.It is possible that, having heard of the disgracethat threatened the queen, he hoped, by showing hissorrow, to obtain from her some mark of interest. Bethat as it may, his unusual presence in that room, theposture he had assumed, the appearance of sorrowwhich he had put on, were evidently intended to attracther attention. The trick succeeded. Anne noticed himas she passed by. 'Why are you sad?' she asked. 'Itis no matter, madam.' The queen fancied that Smetonwas grieved because she had never spoken to him.'You may not look to have me speak to you,' she added,'as if you were a nobleman, because you are an inferiorperson.' 'No, madam,' replied the musician, 'I needno words; a look sufficeth me.'[298]He did not receivethe look he asked for, and his wounded vanity urgedhim from that moment to ruin the princess, by whom hehad the insolence to wish to be remarked. Smeton'swords were reported to the king, and next day (April30), the musician was arrested, examined at Stepney,and sent to the Tower.

=TOURNAMENT AT GREENWICH.=

A magnificent festival was preparing at Greenwich,to celebrate the First of May in the usual manner.This was the strange moment which Henry had chosenfor unveiling his plans. In certain minds there appearsto be a mysterious connection between festivities andbloodshed; another prince (Nero) had shown it in oldtimes, and some years later Charles IX. was to celebrate{138}the marriage of his sister Margaret by the massacres ofSt. Bartholomew. Henry VIII. gave to two of thevictims he was about to immolate the foremost placesin the brilliant tournament he had prepared. LordRocheford, the queen's brother, was the principal challenger,and Henry Norris was chief of the defenders. SirFrancis Weston was also to take part in these jousts.Henry showed himself very gracious to them, and hidwith smiles their approaching destruction. The kinghaving taken his place, and the queen, in a magnificentcostume, being seated by his side, Rocheford and Norrispassed before him, lowering their spears—morituri tesalutant. The jousting began immediately after. Thecircumstances of the court gave a gloomy solemnity tothe festival. The king, who was watching with fixedeyes the struggles of his courtiers, started up all of asudden, with every appearance of anger, and hastilyquitted the balcony. What had happened? Theultramontane Sanders, notorious as being a mostmalicious and fabulous writer, mentions that the queenhad dropped her handkerchief into the lists, and thatNorris took it up and wiped his face with it. LordHerbert, Burnet, and others affirm that there is nothingto corroborate the story, which, were it true, might bevery innocent. However, the festivities were interruptedby the king's departure. The confusion wasuniversal, and the alarmed queen withdrew, eager toknow the cause of the strange procedure.[299]Thus endedthe rejoicings of the First of May.

Henry, who had gone back to the palace, hearing ofthe queen's return, refused to see her, ordered her tokeep her room, mounted his horse, and, accompaniedby six gentlemen, galloped back to London. Slackeninghis pace for a time, he took Norris aside, and,telling him the occasion of his anger, promised to{139}pardon him if he would confess. Norris answered, withfirmness and respect: 'Sire, if you were to cut me openand take out my heart, I could only tell you what Iknow.'[300]On reaching Whitehall, Henry said to hisministers: 'To-morrow morning you will take Rocheford,Norris, and Weston to the Tower; you will thenproceed to Greenwich, arrest the queen, and put her inprison. Finally, you will write to Cranmer and bidhim go immediately to Lambeth, and there await myorders.' The victims were seized, and the high-priestsummoned for the sacrifice.

The night was full of anguish to Anne Boleyn, andthe next day, when she was surrounded by her ladies,their consternation increased her terror. It seemedto her impossible that a word from her would notconvince her husband of her innocence. 'I will positivelysee the king,' she exclaimed. She ordered herbarge to be prepared, but, just as she was about to setout, another barge arrived from London, bringingCromwell, Audley, and the terrible Kingston, lieutenantof the Tower. That ominous presence was adeath-warrant: on seeing him the queen screamedaloud.

=ANNE BEFORE THE COUNCIL.=

They did not, however, remove her at once: thecouncil, on which sat her most violent adversaries,assembled in the palace, and Anne was summoned toappear before it. The duke of Norfolk, the president,informed her coldly of what she was accused, andnamed her pretended accomplices. At these words,the queen, struck with astonishment and sorrow, fellon her knees and cried out: 'O Lord, if I am guilty,may I never be forgiven!' Then, recovering a littlefrom her emotion, she replied to the calumnious chargesbrought against her, to which Norfolk answered carelesslyand contemptuously, as if he were still speaking{140}to the little girl whom he had seen born, 'Tut, tut,tut,' and shook his head disdainfully.[301]'I desire to seethe king,' said Anne. 'Impossible,' answered the duke;'that is not included in our commission.' 'I have beenvery cruelly treated,' said Anne Boleyn, later, whenspeaking of this horrible conversation with her uncle.'It is his Majesty's good pleasure that we conduct you tothe Tower,' added Norfolk. 'I am ready to obey,' saidthe queen, and all went in the same barge. When theyreached the Tower, Anne landed. The governor wasthere to receive her. Norfolk and the other membersof the council committed her into his charge and departed.It was five in the afternoon.

Then the gates of the fortress opened; and at thismoment, when she was crossing the threshold underthe charge of heinous crimes, Anne remembered how,three years before, she had entered it in triumph forthe ceremony of her coronation, in the midst of thegeneral acclamations of the people. Struck by thefearful contrast, she fell on her knees 'as a ball,'[302]andexclaimed, 'O Lord, help me, as I am guiltless of thatwhereof I am accused!' The governor raised her up,and they entered. She expected to be put into closeconfinement. 'Mr. Kingston,' she said, 'shall you putme into a dungeon?' 'No, madam,' answered thegovernor; 'you will be in your own lodging, where youlay at your coronation.' 'It is too good for me,' sheexclaimed. She entered, however, and on reachingthose royal chambers, which recalled such differentrecollections, she knelt again and burst into tears. Theviolence of her grief presently brought on convulsivemovements, and her tears were succeeded by hystericallaughter.[303]Gradually she came to herself, and tried to{141}collect her thoughts. Feeling the need of strengtheningherself by the evidences of the Lord's love, she said toKingston, 'Entreat his Majesty to let me have thesacrament.'[304]Then, in the consciousness of innocence,she added, 'Sir, I am as clear from the company of manas I am of you. I am the king's true wedded wife.'[305]

=ANNE'S SYMPATHY.=

She was not absorbed in her own misfortunes: shewas moved by the sufferings of the others, and uneasyabout her brother. 'Can you tell me where LordRocheford is?' she asked. Kingston replied that hehad seen him at Whitehall. She was not tranquillizedby this evasive answer. 'Oh, where is my sweetbrother?' she exclaimed. There was no reply. 'Mr.Kingston,' resumed Anne, after a few moments, 'doyou know why I am here?' 'No, madam.' 'I hearsay that I am to be accused of criminal familiarities.'(Norfolk had told her so in the barge.) 'I can say nomore than—Nay!' Suddenly tearing one of her garments,she exclaimed, as if distracted: 'If they were toopen my body, I should still say—No.' After this hermind wandered. She thought of her mother, and thelove she felt for the countess of Wiltshire made her feelmore than anything else the bitterness of her situation:she imagined the proud lady was before her, and cried,with unutterable agony, 'O my mother, my mother,thou wilt die for sorrow!' Then her gloomy thoughtswere turned to other objects. She remembered that,while in the barge, the duke of Norfolk had namedNorris and Smeton as her accusers, which was partlyfalse. The miserable musician was not grieved at beingwrongfully accused of a crime likely to make himnotorious, but Norris had stoutly rejected the idea thatthe queen could be guilty. 'O Norris, hast thou accusedme!' she ejaculated; 'and thou too, Smeton!' Aftera few moments' silence, Anne fixed her eyes on thegovernor. 'Mr. Kingston,' she asked, 'shall I die{142}without justice?' 'Madam,' answered the governor,'the meanest subject of the king has that.' At thesewords the queen again laughed hysterically. 'Justice—justice!'she exclaimed, with disdainful incredulity.She counted less upon justice than the humblest of hersubjects. Gradually the tempest calmed down, and thesilence of the night brought relief to her sorrow.

The same day (May 2) the news spread throughLondon that the queen was arrested. Cranmer, whohad received the royal intimation to go to his palaceat Lambeth, and wait there until further orders, hadarrived, and was thunderstruck on hearing what hadhappened. 'What! the queen in prison! the queen anadulteress!'... A struggle took place in hisbosom. He was indebted to the queen for much; hehad always found her irreproachable—the refuge of theunhappy, the upholder of the truth. He had loved herlike a daughter, respected her as his sovereign. Thatshe was innocent, he had no doubt; but how accountfor the behavior of the king? The unhappy prelatewas distracted by the most painful thoughts during thewhole of Tuesday night. This truly pious man showedexcessive indulgence towards Henry VIII., and benteasily beneath his powerful hand; but his path wasclearly traced—to maintain unhesitatingly the innocenceof her whom he had always honored. And yet he wasto be an example of the fascination exerted by a despotover such characters—of the cowardice of which a goodman may be guilty through human respect. Doubtlessthere are extenuating circumstances in his case. Itwas not only the queen's fate that made the prelateuneasy, but also the future of the Reformation. If lovefor Anne had helped to make Henry incline to the sideof the Reformation, the hatred which he now feltagainst his unhappy wife might easily drive him intothe other direction. Cranmer desired to prevent thisat any price, and accordingly thought himself obliged{143}to use extreme precaution. But these circumstancesare really no extenuation. No motive in the world canexcuse a man from not frankly defending his friendswhen they are falsely accused—from not vindicating aninnocent woman when she is declared to be guilty.Cranmer wrote to the king: 'I cannot without yourMajesty's command appear in your presence; but I canat least desire most humbly, as is my duty, that yourgreat wisdom and God's help may remove the deepsorrow of your heart.

=CRANMER'S LETTER TO HENRY.=

'I cannot deny that your Majesty has great cause to beoverwhelmed with sorrow. In fact, whether the thingsof which men speak be true or not, your honor, Sire, accordingto the false appreciation of the world, hassuffered; and I do not remember that Almighty Godhas ever before put your Majesty's firmness to so severea proof.

'Sire, I am in such a perplexity that I am cleanamazed; for I never had a better opinion in womanthan I had of her, which maketh me think that she cannotbe culpable.'[306]

This was tolerably bold, and accordingly Cranmerhastened to tone down his boldness. 'And yet, Sire,' headded, 'would you have gone so far, if you had not beensure of her crime?... Your Grace best knoweththat, next unto your Grace, I was most bound untoher of all creatures living. Wherefore I must humblybeseech your Grace to suffer me in that which both God'slaw, nature, and her kindness bindeth me, unto that Imay (with your Grace's favor) wish and pray for her.And from what condition your Grace, of your only meregoodness, took her, and set the crown upon her head, Irepute him not your Grace's faithful servant and subject,nor true to the realm, that would not desire the offenceto be without mercy punished, to the example of all{144}others. And as I loved her not a little, for the love Ijudged her to bear towards God and His holy Gospel;so, if she be proved guilty, there is not one that lovethGod and His Gospel that will ever favor her, for thenthere never was creature in our time that so much slanderedthe Gospel.

'However,' he added, appearing to recover his courage,'forget not that God has shown His goodness toyour Grace in many ways, and has never injured you;whilst your Grace, I am sure, acknowledged that youhave offended Him. Extend, therefore, to the Gospel theprecious favor you have always shown it, and which proceedethnot from your love for the queen your wife, butfrom your zeal for the truth.

'From Lambeth, 3d of May, 1636.'

When Cranmer addressed these soothing words tothe king, it was doubtless on the supposition (on whichhe gives no opinion) that Anne was guilty. But, evenadmitting this hypothesis, is it not carrying flattery ofthe terrible autocrat very far, to compare him with Jobas the prelate does? In another part of this letter hesays: 'By accepting all adversity, without despair andwithout murmuring, your Grace will give opportunityto God to multiply His blessings, as He did to Hisfaithful servant Job, to whom, after his great calamity,and to reward his patience, He restored the double ofwhat He had possessed.' As regards the king, Cranmerhad found for himself a false conscience, which led himinto deceitful ways: his letter, although he still triesto defend Anne, cannot be justified.

He was about to dispatch the letter, when he receiveda message from the lord-chancellor, desiringhim to come to the Star-Chamber. The archbishophastened across the Thames, and found at the appointedplace not only Audley, but the Lords Oxford andSussex, and the lord-chamberlain. These noblemen{145}laid before him the charges brought against AnneBoleyn, adding that they could be proved, though theydid not themselves produce any proof. On his return toLambeth, Cranmer added a postscript to his letter, inwhich he expressed his extreme sorrow at the reportthat had just been made to him.

=CRUELTY TO ANNE BOLEYN.=

The morning of the same day (May 3) was a sad onein the Tower. By a refinement of cruelty, the kinghad ordered two of the queen's enemies—Lady Boleynand Mistress Cosyns—to be always near her; to whichend they slept in her room, while Kingston and hiswife slept outside against her chamber-door. Whatcould be the object of these strange precautions? Wecan only see one. Every word that fell from Anne, evenin her convulsions or in her dreams, would be perfidiouslycaught up, and reported to the king's agentswith malicious interpretations. Anne, pardoning theformer conduct of these ladies, and wholly engrossedwith her father's sorrow, thought she might ask fornews about him from the persons who had been givenher for companions; but those wicked women, whonever spoke to her without rudeness, refused to giveher any information. 'The king knew what he wasdoing,' said Anne to Kingston, 'when he put these twowomen about me. I could have desired to have twoladies of my chamber, persons whom I love; but hisMajesty has had the cruelty to give me those whom Icould never endure.'[307]

The punishment continued. Lady Boleyn, hopingto detect some confusion in her niece's face, told herthat her brother, Lord Rocheford, was also in theTower. Anne, who had somewhat recovered herstrength, answered calmly, 'I am glad to learn thathe is so near me.' 'Madam,' added Kingston, 'Weston{146}and Brereton are also under my charge.' The queenremained calm.[308]

She purposed, however, to vindicate herself, and herfirst thought turned towards two of the most piousmen in England: 'Oh, if God permitted me,' she said,'to have my bishops (meaning Cranmer and Latimer),they would plead to the king for me.' She then remainedsilent for a few minutes. A sweet reflectionpassed through her mind and consoled her. Sinceshe had undertaken the defence of the persecutedevangelicals, gratitude would doubtless impel them topray for her. 'I think,' she said, 'that the greaterpart of England is praying for me.'[309]

Anne had asked for her almoner, and, as some hourshad elapsed without his arrival, gloomy images oncemore arose to sadden her mind. 'To be a queen,'she said, 'and to be treated so cruelly—treated asqueen never was before!' Then, as if a ray of sunshinehad scattered the clouds, she exclaimed: 'No,I shall not die—no, I will not die!... The king hasput me in prison only to prove me.' The terriblestruggle was too great for the young woman: shehad convulsions and fits, and almost lost her senses.Attacked by a fresh hysterical paroxysm, the unfortunatelady burst into laughter. On coming to herselfafter a while, she cried: 'I will have justice ...justice ... justice!'[310]Kingston, who was present,bowed and said: 'Assuredly, madam.' 'If any manaccuses me,' she continued, 'I can only say—No. Theycan bring no witness against me.'[311]Then she had, allat once, an extraordinary attack: she fell down in delirium,and with eyes starting, as if she were looking{147}into the future, and could foresee the chastisementwith which God would punish the infamous wickednessof which she was the victim, she exclaimed: 'If I amput to death, there will be great judgments upon Englandfor seven years.... And I ... I shall be inheaven ... for I have done many good deeds duringmy life.'[312]

=AN UNJUST TRIBUNAL.=

Everything was preparing for the unjust judgmentwhich was to have so cruel a termination. Justice isbound to watch that the laws are observed, and to punishthe guilty; but if law is to be just law, the judgesmust listen fairly to the accused, diligently dischargeall the duties to which their office calls them, and notpermit themselves to be influenced either by the presentsor the solicitations, the threats or the favors, or the rank(even should it be royal) of the prosecutor. Their decisionsshould be inspired only by such motives as theycan give an account of to the Supreme Judge; theirsentences must be arrived at through attentive considerationand serious reflection. For them there are noother guides than impartiality, conscience, and law.But the queen was not to appear before such judges:those who were about to dispose of her life set themselvesin opposition to these imperious conditions.

Henry's agents redoubled their exertions to obtain,either from the ladies of the court or from the accused{148}men, some deposition against Anne; but it was in vain.Even the women whom her elevation had eclipsed couldallege nothing against her. Henry Norris, WilliamBrereton, and Sir Francis Weston were carefully interrogated,one after the other: the examiners tried tomake them confess their adultery, but they stoutly deniedit; whereupon the king's agents, who were determinedto get at something, began a fresh inquiry,and cross-examined the prisoners. It is believed thatthe gentlemen of the court were exempted from torture,but that the rack was applied to Mark Smeton, who wasthus made to confess all they wanted.[313]It is moreprobable that the vile musician, a man of weak head andextreme vanity, being offended that his sovereign had notcondescended even to look at him, yielded to the vengeanceof irritated self-esteem. The queen had notbeen willing to give him the honor of a look—he boastedof adultery. The three gentlemen persevered in theirdeclaration touching the queen's innocence: LordRocheford did the same.[314]The disheartened prosecutorwrote to the Lord-Treasurer: 'This is to inform youthat no one, except Mark, will confess anything againsther; wherefore I imagine, if there be no other evidence,the business will be injurious to the king's honor.'[315]The lawyers knew the value to be given to the musician'swords. If the verdict was left to the equitable interpretationof the law—if the king did not bring his sovereigninfluence to bear upon the decisions of the judges, therecould be no doubt as to the issue of the hateful trial.

But every passion was at work to paralyze the powerof right. Vainly the queen's innocence shone forth onevery side—the conspiracy formed against her grew{149}stronger every day. To the wickedness of Lady Rocheford,the jealousies of an intriguingcamarilla, the hatredof the ultramontane party, the unbridled ambitionaroused in certain families by the prospects of the despot'scouch soon to be empty though stained with blood,and to the instability of weak men, was added the strongwill of Henry VIII., as determined to get rid of Anneby death as he had been to separate from Catherine bydivorce. The queen understood that she must die; and,wishing to be prepared, she sought to wean herself fromthat life which had so many attractions for her. Shefelt that the pleasures she had so enjoyed were vain;the knowledge that she had endeavored to acquire,superficial; the virtue to which she had aspired, imperfect;and the active life she had desired, without decisiveresults. The vanity of all created things, once proclaimedby one who also had occupied a throne, struckher heart. Everything being taken from her, she renounced

Le vain espoir de ce muable monde.[316]

Anne, giving up everything, turned towards a betterlife, and sought to strengthen herself in God.[317]

=ANNE SEEKS THE BETTER LIFE.=

Such were her affecting dispositions when the dukeof Norfolk, accompanied by other noblemen, came inthe king's name to set before her the charges broughtagainst her, to summon her to speak the truth, and toassure her that, if she confessed her fault, the kingmight pardon her. Anne replied with the dignity of aqueen still upon the throne, and with the calmness of aChristian at the gates of eternity. She threw back withnoble indignation the vile accusations of which theroyal commissioners were the channel:

A ces seigneurs, parlant comme maîtresse.[318]

'You call upon me to speak the truth,' she said toNorfolk. 'Well then, the king shall know it,' andshe dismissed the lords. It was beneath her to pleadher cause before these malicious courtiers, but shewould tell her husband the truth. Left alone, she satdown to write that celebrated letter, a noble monumentof the elevation of her soul; a letter full of the tenderestcomplaints and the sharpest protests, in which herinnocence shines forth, and which combines at once somuch nature and eloquence that in the opinion of themost competent judges it deserves to be handed downto posterity. It ran as follows:—

=ANNE BOLEYN'S LETTER.=

'Your Grace's displeasure and my imprisonment arethings so strange unto me, that what to write, or whatto excuse, I am altogether ignorant. Whereas yousent to me (willing me to confess a truth and so obtainyour favor), by such a one whom you know to be myancient professed enemy; I no sooner received thismessage by him, than I rightly conceived your meaning;and if, as you say, confessing a truth indeed may procuremy safety, I shall with all willingness and duty performyour command.

'But let not your Grace ever imagine that your poorwife will ever be brought to acknowledge a fault, wherenot so much as a thought thereof ever proceeded. And,to speak truth, never a prince had wife more loyal in allduty and in all true affection, than you have ever foundin Anne Boleyn—with which name and place I couldwillingly have contented myself, if God and your Grace'spleasure had so pleased. Neither did I at any time sofar forget myself in my exaltation or received queenship,but that I always looked for such alteration as Inow find; for the ground of my preferment being onno surer foundation than your Grace's fancy, the leastalteration was fit and sufficient (I knew) to draw thatfancy to some other subject.

'You have chosen me from a low estate to be your{151}queen and companion, far beyond my desert or desire.If then you found me worthy of such honor, good yourGrace, let not any light fancy or bad counsel of myenemies withdraw your princely favor from me; neitherlet that stain—that unworthy stain—of a disloyal hearttowards your good Grace ever cast so foul a blot on meand on the infant princess, your daughter.

'Try me, good king, but let me have a lawful trial,and let not my sworn enemies sit as my accusers and asmy judges; yea, let me receive an open trial, for mytruth shall fear no open shames. Then shall you seeeither mine innocence cleared, your suspicions and consciencesatisfied, the ignominy and slander of the worldstopped—or my guilt openly declared; so that whateverGod and you may determine of, your Grace may be freedfrom an open censure, and mine offence being so lawfullyproved, your Grace may be at liberty, both before Godand man, not only to execute worthy punishment on me,as an unfaithful wife, but to follow your affection alreadysettled on that party, for whose sake I am now as I am;whose name I could, some good while since, havepointed unto, your Grace being not ignorant of mysuspicion therein. But if you have already determinedof me, and that not only my death but an infamousslander must bring you the joying of your desired happiness,then I desire of God that He will pardon yourgreat sin herein, and likewise my enemies, the instrumentsthereof; and that He will not call you to a strictaccount for your unprincely and cruel usage of me atHis general judgment-seat, where both you and myselfmust shortly appear; and in whose just judgment, Idoubt not (whatsoever the world may think of me), mineinnocency shall be openly known and sufficientlycleared.

'My last and only request shall be, that myself mayonly bear the burden of your Grace's displeasure, andthat it may not touch the innocent souls of those poor{152}gentlemen, who, as I understand, are likewise in straitimprisonment for my sake. If ever I have found favorin your sight—if ever the name of Anne Boleyn havebeen pleasing in your ears—then let me obtain thisrequest; and so I will leave to trouble your Grace anyfurther; with mine earnest prayer to the Trinity tohave your Grace in His good keeping, and to directyou in all your actions.

'From my doleful prison in the Tower, the 6th ofMay.

We see Anne thoroughly in this letter, one of themost touching that was ever written. Injured in herhonor, she speaks without fear, as one on the thresholdof eternity. If there were no other proofs of herinnocence, this document alone would suffice to gainher cause in the eyes of an impartial and intelligentposterity.[319]

=EFFECT OF ANNE'S LETTER ON HENRY.=

That noble letter aroused a tempest in the king'sheart. The firm innocence stamped on it; the mentionof Henry's tastes, and especially of his inclinationfor Jane Seymour; Anne's declaration that she hadanticipated her husband's infidelity, the solemn appealto the day of judgment, and the thought of the injurywhich such noble language would do to his reputation—allcombined to fill that haughty prince with vexation,hatred, and wrath. That letter gives the realsolution of the enigma. A guilty caprice had inclinedHenry to Anne Boleyn; another caprice inclined himnow to Jane Seymour. This explanation is so patentthat no one need look for another.

Henry determined to inflict a great humiliation upon{153}this daring woman. He would strip her of the name ofwife, and pretend that she had only been his concubine.As his marriage with Catherine of Aragon had beendeclared null because of her union with his brotherArthur, Henry imagined that his marriage with AnneBoleyn might be annulled because of an attachmentonce entertained for her by Percy, afterwards duke ofNorthumberland. When that nobleman was summonedbefore Cromwell, he thought that he also was to bethrown into the Tower as the queen's lover; but thesummons had reference to quite a different matter.'There was a pre-contract of marriage between you andAnne Boleyn?' asked the king's vicar-general. 'Noneat all,' he answered; and in order that his declarationmight be recorded, he wrote it down and sent it toCromwell. In it he said: 'Referring to the oath Imade in this matter before the archbishops of Canterburyand York, and before the Blessed Body of ourSaviour, which I received in the presence of the dukeof Norfolk, and others of his majesty's counsellors, Iacknowledge to have eaten the Holy Sacrament to mycondemnation, if there was any contract or promise ofmarriage between the queen and me. This 13th ofMay, in the twenty-eighth year of his majesty KingHenry VIII.'[320]This declaration was clear, but thebarbarous monarch did not relinquish his idea.

A special commission had been appointed, on the24th of April, 'to judge of certain offences committedat London, Hampton Court, and Greenwich.' Theydesired to give to this trial the appearance at least ofjustice; and as the alleged offences were committed inthe counties of Middlesex and Kent, the indictmentwas laid before the grand juries of both counties. Onthe 20th of May they found a true bill. The writersfavorable to Henry VIII. in this business—and they{154}are few—have acknowledged that these 'hideouscharges' (to use the words of one of them) were butfables invented at pleasure, and which 'oversteppedall ordinary bounds of credulity.'[321]Various explanationshave been given of the conduct of these juries;the most natural appears to be that they accommodatedthemselves, according to the servile manner of thetimes, to the king's despotic will, which was always tobe feared, but more especially in matters that concernedhis own person.

The acts that followed were as prompt as they werecruel. Two days after (on May 12) Norris, Weston,Brereton, and the musician were taken to Westminster,and brought before a commission composed of the dukesof Norfolk and Suffolk, Henry's two intimates, andother lords, and it is even said that the earl of Wiltshirewas present.[322]The three gentlemen repelled the chargewith unshakable firmness. 'I would endure a thousanddeaths,' said Norris, 'sooner than betray theinnocent. I declare, upon my honor, that the queen isinnocent, and am ready to support my testimony inarms against all the world.'[323]When this language ofHenry VIII.'s favorite was reported to that prince, hecried out: 'Hang him up, then—hang him up!'[324]The wretched musician alone confessed a crime whichwould give him a place in history. He did not reapthe reward promised to his infamy. Perhaps it wasimagined that his death would guarantee his silence,and that his punishment would corroborate his defamations.The three gentlemen were condemned tobe beheaded, and the musician to be hanged.

=QUEEN ANNE'S TRIAL.=

Three days later (on May 15) the queen and her{155}brother were taken before their peers in the great hallof the Tower, to which the Lord Mayor and a fewaldermen and citizens alone were admitted. The dukeof Norfolk had received orders to assemble a certainnumber of peers to form a court: they were twenty-sixin all, and most of them enemies of Anne and of theReformation.[325]The earl of Wiltshire was not of thenumber, as Sanders pretends.[326]The duke of Norfolk,the personal enemy of the unfortunate queen, that unclewho hated her as much as he should have loved her,had been appointed to select the judges and to presideover the trial: a circumstance indicative of the spiritin which it was to be conducted. Norfolk took hisseat, having the lord-chancellor on his right and theduke of Suffolk on his left, and in front of him sat asdeputy-marshal the earl of Surrey, Norfolk's son, anupright man, but a proud and warm supporter ofRomanism. The queen was announced: she wasreceived in deep silence. Before her went the governorof the Tower, behind her came Lady Kingston andLady Boleyn. Anne advanced with dignity, adornedwith the ensigns of royalty, and, after gracefully salutingthe court, took her seat in the chair accorded either toher weakness or her rank. She had no defender; butthe modesty of her countenance, the dignity of hermanner, the peace of her conscience, which foundexpression in the serenity of her look, touched even herenemies. She appeared before the tribunal of men,thinking only of the tribunal of God; and, relying uponher innocence, she did not fear those whom butyesterday she had ruled as a queen. One might havesaid from the calmness and nobility of her deportment,so assured and so majestic, that she was come, not to betried as a criminal, but to receive the honors due tosovereigns. She was as firm, says a contemporary, as{156}an oak that fears neither the hail nor the furious blastsof the wind.[327]

The court ordered the indictment to be read; itcharged the queen with adultery, incest, and conspiracyagainst the king's person. Anne held up her hand andpleaded 'not guilty,' and then refuted and tore totatters, calmly yet forcibly, the accusations broughtagainst her. Having an 'excellent quick wit,' and beinga ready speaker, she did not utter a word that did notstrike home,[328]though full of moderation; but the toneof her voice, the calmness of her features, and the dignityof her countenance, pleaded more eloquently thanher words. It was impossible to look at her or to hearher, and not declare her innocent, says an eye-witness.[329]Accordingly there was a report in the Tower, and evenin the city, that the queen had cleared herself by amost wise and noble speech and that she would beacquitted.

While Anne was speaking, the duke of Northumberland,who had once loved her and whom Henry hadcruelly enrolled among the number of her judges, betrayedby his uneasy movements the agitation of hisbosom. Unable to endure the frightful torment any{157}longer, he rose, pretending indisposition, and hastilyleft the hall before the fatal verdict was pronounced.

The king waited impatiently for the moment whenhe could introduce Jane Seymour into Anne Boleyn'sempty apartments. Unanimity of votes was not necessaryin the House of Peers. In England, during thesixteenth century, there was pride in the people, butservility (with few exceptions) among the great. Theaxe that had severed the head of the venerable bishopof Rochester and of the ex-chancellor More, had taughta fearful lesson to all who might be disposed to resistthe despotic desires of the prince. The court feared toconfront the queen with the musician, the only witnessagainst her, and declared her guilty without otherformality. The incomprehensible facility with whichthe nobility were then accustomed to submit to theinflexible will of the monarch, could leave no room fordoubt as to the catastrophe by which this tragedywould be terminated.[330]

=ANNE'S SENTENCE.=

The duke of Norfolk, as lord high-steward, pronouncedsentence: that the queen should be takenback to the Tower, and there on the green should beburnt or beheaded,according to his majesty's good pleasure.The court, desirous of leaving a little space forHenry's compassion, left the mode of death to him: hemight do the queen the favor of being only decapitated.

Anne heard this infamous doom with calmness.[331]Nochange was observed in her features: the consciousnessof innocence upheld her heart. Clasping herhand and raising her eyes to heaven, she cried out,'O Father, O Creator! Thou who art the way, thetruth, and the life, knowest that I have not deservedthis death!'[332]Then, turning to her cruel uncle and{158}the other lords, she said: 'My lords, I do not saythat my opinion ought to be preferred to your judgment;but if you have reasons to justify it, they mustbe other than those which have been produced incourt, for I am wholly innocent of all the mattersof which I have been accused, so that I cannot callupon God to pardon me. I have always been faithfulto the king my lord; but perhaps I have not alwaysshown to him such a perfect humility and reverenceas his graciousness and courtesy deserved, and thehonor he hath done me required. I confess that Ihave often had jealous fancies against him which Ihad not wisdom or strength enough to repress. ButGod knows that I have not otherwise trespassedagainst him. Do not think I say this in the hope ofprolonging my life, for He who saveth from death hastaught me how to die, and will strengthen my faith.Think not, however, that I am so bewildered in mindthat I do not care to vindicate my innocence. I knewthat it would avail me little to defend it at the lastmoment, if I had not maintained it all my life long,as much as ever queen did. Still the last words ofmy mouth shall justify my honor. As for my brotherand the other gentlemen who are unjustly condemned,I would willingly die to save them; but as that is notthe king's pleasure, I shall accompany them in death.And then afterwards I shall live in eternal peace andjoy without end, where I will pray to God for the king—andfor you, my lords.'[333]

The wisdom and eloquence of this speech, aided by thequeen's beauty and the touching expression of hervoice, moved even her enemies. But Norfolk, determinedupon carrying out his hateful task, ordered herto lay aside her royal insignia. She did so, and commendingherself to all their prayers, returned to herprison.{159}

Lord Rocheford now came forward and took his sister'splace. He was calm and firm, and answered everyquestion point by point, with much clearness anddecision. But it was useless for him to affirm thequeen's innocence—useless to declare that he hadalways respected her as a sister, as an 'honored lady:'he was condemned to be beheaded and quartered.

The court then broke up, and while the courtiers,who had just sealed with the blood of an innocentqueen their servile submission to the most formidableof despots, were returning to their amusements andbase flatteries, the Lord Mayor turned to a friend andsaid to him: 'I can only observe one thing in thistrial—the fixed resolution to get rid of the queen atany price.' And that is the verdict of posterity.

=LORD ROCHEFORD BEHEADED.=

The wretches who had entered into this iniquitousplot were eager to have it ended. On the 17th of Maythe gentlemen who were to be executed were broughttogether into a hall of the Tower. They embraced,commended each other to God, and prepared to depart.[334]The constable of the Tower, fearing that they wouldspeak upon the scaffold, reminded them that the honordue to the king would not permit them to doubt thejustice of their sentence. When they reached the placeof punishment, Lord Rocheford, no longer able to keepsilence, turned towards the spectators and said: 'Myfriends, I am going to die, as such is his majesty'spleasure. I do not complain of my death, for I havecommitted many sins during my life, butI have neverinjured the king. May God grant him a long and happylife!' Then, according to the chronicler, he presentedhis head

Au dur tranchant qui d'un coup l'emporta.[335]

Norris, Weston, and Brereton were beheaded after him.

The king, before putting his wife to death, desiredto perform an act not less cruel: he was determinedto annul his marriage with Anne, notwithstandingNorthumberland's denials. Did he wish to avoid thereproach of causing his wife to perish by the hands ofthe executioner? or, in a fit of anger, did he desire tostrike the queen on all sides at once? We cannot tell.Be that as it may, the king in his wrath did not see thathe was contradicting himself; that if there was no marriagebetween him and Anne, there could be no adultery,and that the sentence, based on this crime, wasex factonull. Cranmer, the most unfortunate, but perhaps notthe least guilty of all the lords who lent themselvesservilely to the despotic wishes of the prince—Cranmerbelieved (as it appears) that the position of the queenwould thus become better; that her life would be saved,if she could no longer be regarded as having beenHenry's wife. This excuses, although slightly, his greatweakness. He told the unhappy lady that he wascommissioned to find the means of declaring null andvoid the ties which united her to the king. Anne,stunned by the sentence pronounced upon her, was alsoof opinion that it was an expedient invented by somerelics of Henry's regard, to rescue her from the bitternessof death. Her heart opened to hope, and imaginingthat she would only be sent into banishment, she formeda plan of returning to the continent. 'I will go to Antwerp,'she said at dinner, with an almost happy look.[336]She knew that she would meet with protestants in thatcity, who would receive her with joy. But vain hope!In the very letter wherein the governor of the Towerreports this ingenuous remark of the queen, he asks forthe king's orders as to the construction of the scaffold.[337]{161}Henry desired personally to order the arrangement ofthose planks which he was about to stain with innocentblood.

About nine o'clock in the forenoon of the 17th ofMay the lord-chancellor, the duke of Suffolk, the earl ofEssex (Cromwell), the earl of Sussex, with severaldoctors and archdeacons entered the chapel at Lambeth.[338]The archbishop having taken his seat, and theobjections made against the marriage of Henry VIII.and Anne Boleyn having been read, the proctors of theking and of the queen admitted them, and the primatedeclared the marriage to be null and void. The queenwas not present, as some historians have thought.

=DELIGHT OF THE POPE.=

On the very day of Anne Boleyn's divorce, Da Casale,the English envoy at Rome, having heard of the queen'simprisonment, hurried to the pontifical palace to informPaul III. of the good news.[339]'I have never ceasedpraying to heaven for this favor,' said the pope withdelight, 'and I have always hoped for it. Now hismajesty may accomplish an admirable work for thegood of Christendom. Let the king become reconciledwith Rome, and he will obtain from the king of Franceall that he can wish for. Let us be friends. I willsend him a nuncio for that purpose. When the newsof cardinal Fisher's death reached Rome,' he continued,recollecting that terrible bull, 'it is true I found myselfdriven to a measure somewhat severe ... but Inever intended to follow up my words by deeds.'Thus, according to the pope and his adherents, theimprisonment of Anne Boleyn was to reconcile Englandand Rome. This fact points to one of the causes{162}which made Norfolk and other catholics enter into theconspiracy against her.

On the same day also (17th of May), towards evening,the queen learnt that the sentence would assuredly becarried out. Although it was declared that she hadnever been the king's wife, the doom pronounced uponher for adultery must nevertheless be accomplished.This is what Henry VIII. called administering justice.

=ANNE ASKS MARY'S PARDON.=

Anne desired to take the Lord's Supper, and askedto be left alone. About two hours after midnight thechaplain arrived; but, before partaking of the holy rite,there was one thing she wished to do. One faultweighed heavily on her heart. She felt that she hadsinned against queen Catherine by consenting to marrythe king. Her conscience reproached her with havinginjured the princess Mary. It filled her with thedeepest sorrow, and she was eager, before she died, tomake reparation to the daughter of the woman whoseplace she had taken. Anne would have liked to seeMary, to fall a queen at her feet, and implore herpardon; but alas! she could not: she was only to leavethe prison for the scaffold. Resolved, however, toconfess her fault, she did so in a striking manner, whichshowed all the sincerity of her repentance and her firmdetermination to humble herself before Catherine'sdaughter. She begged Lady Kingston, the wife of theconstable of the Tower, who had little regard for her,to take her seat in the chair of state. When the latterobjected, Anne compelled her, and kneeling before her,she said, all the while crying bitterly: 'I charge you—asyou would answer before God—to go in my name tothe princess Mary, to fall down before her as I do nowbefore you, and ask her forgiveness for all the wrongs Ihave done her. Until that is done,' she added, 'myconscience will have no rest.'[340]At the moment whenshe was about to appear before the throne of God, she{163}wished to make reparation for a fault that weighedheavily upon her heart. 'In that,' she said, 'I wish todo what a Christian ought.' This touching incidentleads us to hope that if, during life, Anne was simplyan honest protestant, trusting too much to her ownworks, the trial had borne fruit and had made her atrue Christian. But of this she was to give a still morestriking proof.

As she rose from her knees, Anne felt more calm andprepared to receive the sacrament. Before taking it,she once more declared her innocence of the crime imputedto her. The governor was present, and he didnot fail to inform Cromwell of this declaration, made asit were in the presence of God. Anne had found inChrist's death new strength to endure her own: shesighed after the moment that would put an end to hersorrows. Contrary to her expectation, she was told thatthe execution was put off until the afternoon. 'Mr.Kingston,' she said, 'I hear that I am not to die thisafternoon, and I am very sorry for it; for I thought bythis time to be dead and past my pain.'—'Madam,' repliedthe governor, 'you will feel no pain, the blow willbe so sharp and swift.'—'Yes,' resumed Anne, 'I haveheard say that the headsman is very clever,' and thenshe added: 'and I have but a little neck,' putting herhand about it and smiling.[341]Kingston left the room.

Meanwhile the devout adherents of the Roman primacywere full of exultation, and allowed the hopes toappear which Anne's death raised in their bosoms. 'Sire,'they told the king, 'the tapers placed round the tombof queen Catherine suddenly burst into flame of theirown accord.'[342]They concluded, from this prodigy, thatRoman-catholicism was once more about to shed its lighton England. The priests were eager to chant theirDeogratias, and a report was circulated that this new victory{164}over the Reformation was going to be inaugurated byhanging a group of heretics along with Anne.[343]Neitherfriends nor enemies drew any real distinction betweenthe cause of Anne and the cause of protestantism; andmany evangelical Christians, imagining that when Annewas dead there would be no one to protect them anylonger, prepared to quit the kingdom.

Henry, however, keenly desiring to have if it werebut one word from Anne that would exculpate him, sentsome one to her with a commission to sound her, andto discover whether the hope of escaping death wouldnot induce her to satisfy him. Anne replied, and theywere the last words she addressed to the king: 'Commendme to his majesty, and tell him that he has everbeen constant in his career of advancing me. From aprivate gentlewoman he made me a marchioness, from amarchioness a queen; and now that he has no higherdegree of honor left, he gives my innocence the crown ofmartyrdom.'[344]The gentleman went and reported thisnoble farewell to his master. Even the jailer bore testimonyto the peace and joy which filled Anne Boleyn'sheart at this solemn moment. 'I have seen men andalso women executed,' wrote Kingston to Cromwell,'and they have been in great sorrow; but to my knowledgethis lady has much joy and pleasure in death.'[345]

=ANNE'S EXECUTION.=

Everything was arranged so that the murder shouldbe perpetrated without publicity and without disturbance.Kingston received orders to turn all strangersout of the Tower, and readily obeyed. About eleven inthe forenoon of the 19th of May, the dukes of Suffolkand Richmond, the lord-chancellor, Cromwell, the lord-mayorwith the sheriffs and aldermen, entered theTower, and took their stations on the green, where the{165}instrument of punishment had been erected. The executioner,whom Henry had summoned from Calais, wasthere with his axe and his attendants. A cannon,mounted on the walls, was to announce both to kingand people that all was over. A little past noon Anneappeared, dressed in a robe of black damask, and attendedby four of her maids of honor. She walked upto the block on which she was to lay her head. Herstep was firm, her looks calm; all indicated the mostcomplete resignation. She was then thirty years old,and 'never had she looked so beautiful before,'[346]says aFrench contemporary, then in London. Her eyes expresseda meek submission; a pleasing smile accompaniedthe look she turned on the spectators of thistragic scene.[347]But just when the executioners hadmade the last preparations, her emotion was so keenthat she nearly fainted. Gradually she recovered herstrength, and her faith in the Saviour filled her withcourage and hope.

It is important to know what, in this last and solemnmoment, were her sentiments towards the king. Shehad desired that Mary should be asked to forgive herwrongs: it was her duty, if she died a Christian, alsoto pardon Henry's faults. She must obey her Saviour,who said: 'Love your enemies, bless them that curse you.'She had pardoned everything; but it was her duty todeclare it before she died, and if she was humble, shewould do so without affectation. Addressing those whohad been her subjects and were then standing roundher, she said: 'Good Christian people, I am not comehere to justify myself; I leave my justification entirelyto Christ, in whom I put my trust. I will accuse noman, nor speak anything of that whereof I am accused,as I know full well that aught that I could say in my defencedoth not appertain unto you, and that I could{166}draw no hope of life from the same. I come here onlyto die, according as I have been condemned. I commendmy judges to the Lord's mercy. I pray God (andI beg you to do the same) to save the king and sendhim long to reign over you, for a gentler or more mercifulprince there never was. To me he was ever a good,gentle, and sovereign lord. And thus I take my leaveof the world and of you, and I heartily desire you allto pray for me. O Lord, have mercy upon me! ToGod I commit my soul!'[348]

Such are the simple words in which Anne gaveutterance to the feelings of peace with which her heartwas filled towards her husband, at the moment when hewas robbing her of life. Had she said that she forgavehim, she would have called up the memory of the king'scrime, and would thus have appeared to claim the meritof her generous pardon. She did nothing of the sort.During one part of their wedded life, Henry had been a'good lord' to her. She desired to recall the good only,and buried the evil in oblivion. She did so withoutany thought of self; for she knew that before the graciouswords could reach the king's ears, the axe wouldhave already fallen upon her, and it would be impossiblefor Henry to arrest the fatal blow.

This Christian discourse could not fail to make a deepimpression on all who heard her. As they looked at theunfortunate queen, they felt the tenderest compassionand the sharpest pain.[349]The firmer her heart became,the weaker grew the spectators of the tragedy. Erelong they were unable to check the tears which the suffererhad the strength to restrain.[350]One of the ladiesof the royal victim approached her to cover her eyes;{167}but Anne refused, saying that she was not afraid ofdeath, and gave her as a memorial of that hour, a littlemanuscript prayer-book that she had brought with her.

The queen then removed her white collar and took offher hood, that the action of the axe might not be impeded;[351]this head-dress formed a queue and hung downbehind. Then falling on her knees, she remained a fewmoments silent and motionless, praying inwardly. Onrising up, she approached the fatal block, and laid herhead on it: 'O Christ, into thy hands I commit mysoul!' she exclaimed. The headsman, disturbed by themild expression of her face, hesitated a few seconds, buthis courage returned. Anne cried out again: 'O Jesus,receive my soul!' At this instant the axe of the executionerflashed in the air and her head fell. A cry escapedfrom the lips of the spectators, 'as if they had receivedthe blow upon their own necks.'[352]This is honorable toAnne's enemies, so that we may well believe the evidence.But immediately another sound was heard: the gunner,placed as a signal-man on the wall, had watched thedifferent phases of the scene, holding a lighted matchin his hand; scarcely had the head fallen, when hefired the gun, and the report, which was heard at adistance, bore to Henry the news of the crime whichgave him Jane Seymour.[353]The ladies of queen Anne,though almost lifeless with terror, would not permit thenoble remains of the mistress, whom they had loved somuch, to be touched by rude hands; they gatheredround the body, wrapped it in a white sheet, and carriedit (almost fainting as they were) to an old elm chest,which had been brought out of the arsenal and hadbeen used for storing arrows. This rough box was thelast home assigned to her who had inhabited costlypalaces: not so much as a coffin had been provided for{168}her. The ladies placed in it Anne's head and body;'the eyes and lips were observed to move,' says a document,as if her mouth was repeating the last words ithad uttered. She was immediately buried in the Towerchapel.[354]

Thus died Anne Boleyn. If the violent passions of aprince and the meanness of his courtiers brought herto an untimely death, hatred and credulity have killedher a second time. But an infamous calumny, forgedby dishonest individuals, ought to be sternly rejectedby all sensible men. Not in vain did Anne, at the hourof death, place her cause in the hands of God, and wewillingly believe that all enlightened men, without prejudiceor partiality, among Roman-catholics as amongothers, turn with disgust from the vile falsehoods ofmalicious courtiers and the deceitful fables of the papistSanders and his followers.

=HENRY'S INHUMANITY.=

On the morning of this day, Henry VIII. had dressedhimself in white, as for a festival, and ordered a hunting-party.There was a great stir round the palace;huntsmen hurrying to and fro, dogs baying, horns sounding,nobles arriving. The troop was formed and theyall set off for Epping Forest, where the sport began.At noon the hunters met to repose themselves under anoak which still bears the name of theKing's Oak.Henry had taken his seat beneath it, surrounded by hissuite and the dogs; he listened and seemed to beagitated. Suddenly a cannon shot resounded throughthe forest—it was the concerted signal—the queen'shead had fallen. 'Ha, ha!' exclaimed the king, rising,'the deed is done! uncouple the hounds and away.'[355]Horns and trumpets were sounded, and dogs and horseswere soon in pursuit. The wretched prince, led away{169}by his passions, forgot that there is a God to whom hewould have to render an account not only of the executionin the Tower, but of the chase in the forest; andby these cruel acts, which should have shocked thehearts even of his courtiers, he branded himself withhis own hands as a great criminal. The king and hiscourt returned to the palace before nightfall.

At last Henry was free. He had desired Jane Seymour,and everything had been invented—adultery,incest—to break the bonds that united him to thequeen. The proofs of Anne's crimes failing, the ferociousacts of the king were to supply their place.Could those who witnessed the cruelty of the husbandventure to doubt the guilt of the wife? Henry hadbecome inhuman that he might not appear faithless.Now that the object was obtained, it only remained toprofit by his crime. His impatience to gratify his passionsmade him brave all propriety. The mournfuldeath of his queen; the Christian words that she haduttered, kissing as it were the cruel hand that struckher—nothing softened that man's heart, and the verynext day he married the youthful maid of honor. Itwould have been difficult to say in a more strikingmanner: 'This is why Anne Boleyn is no more!'When we see side by side the blood-stained block onwhich Anne had received her death-blow, and the brilliantaltar before which Henry and Jane were united,we all understand the story.[356]The prince, at oncevoluptuous and cruel, liked to combine the most contraryobjects in the same picture—crime and festivities,marriage and death, sensuality and hatred. He showedhimself the most magnificent and most civilized monarchof Europe; but also the rival of those barbarous{170}kings of savage hordes who take delight in cutting offthe heads of those who have been their favorites andeven the objects of their most passionate love. Wemust employ different standards in judging of the sameperson, when we regard him as a private and as a publicindividual. The Tudor prince, so guilty as a husband,father, and friend, did much good as a ruler for England.Louis XIV., as well as Henry VIII., had someof the characteristics of a great king; and his morallife was certainly not better than that of his prototypein England. He had as many, and even more mistressesthan the predecessor of the Stuarts had wives;but the only advantage which the French monarch hadover the English one, is that he knew how to get rid ofthem without cutting off their heads.

The death of Anne Boleyn caused a great sensation inEurope, as that of Fisher and More had done before it.Her innocence, which Henry (it is said) acknowledgedon his death-bed,[357]was denied by some and maintainedby others; but all men of principle expressed a feelingof horror when they heard of her punishment. Theprotestant princes and divines of Germany had not adoubt that this cruel act was the pledge of reconciliationoffered to the pope by Henry VIII., and renounced thealliance they were on the point of concluding with England.'At last I am free from that journey,' said Melanchthon,whom Anne Boleyn's death, added to that ofSir Thomas More, had rendered even less desirous ofapproaching the prince who had struck them. 'Thequeen,' he continued, 'accused, rather than convicted,of adultery, has suffered the penalty of death, and thatcatastrophe has wrought great changes in our plans.'[358]

Somewhat later the protestants ascribed Anne's deathespecially to the pope: 'That blow came from Rome,'they cried; 'in Rome all these tricks and plots are contrived.Even Petrarch had long since called that city

In this I suspect there is a mistake. The plots of theRoman court against Elizabeth have caused it to be accusedof similar designs against the mother of the greatprotestant queen. The friends of that court in Englandwere probably no strangers to the crime, but the greatcriminal was Henry.

=POSITION OF THE TWO PARTIES.=

After queen Anne's death the two parties were agitatedin opposite directions. The friends of the Reformationwished to show that the disgrace of thatprincess did not carry with it the disgrace of the causethey had at heart, and consequently believed that theyought to accelerate the Reform movement. The friendsof Rome and its doctrines, imagining, on their part, thatthe queen's death had put their affairs in good train,thought they had but to redouble their activity to gaina complete victory. The latter seemed indeed to havesome reasons for encouragement. If Catherine's death{172}had reconciled Henry VIII. and the emperor just whenthe latter was threatening England with invasion, thedeath of Anne Boleyn appeared as if it would reconcilethe king with Paul III., who was ready to issue his terriblebull. Henry's wives played a great part in his privatehistory, but they had also a certain importance inhis relations with the powers of Europe, especially withthe pope. As soon as the pontiff had seen Charles V.and Francis I. preparing for war, he had instructed hisson to hint to Da Casale, that the court of Rome wasvery desirous of reviving the ancient friendship whichhad united it to England.[360]These desires increasedrapidly.

On the 20th of May, when the news of the queen'sprosecution arrived in Rome, both pope and cardinalswere transported with joy. The frightful calumnies ofwhich that princess was the victim, served the cause ofthe papacy too well not to be accepted as truths, andall felt persuaded that, if Anne fell from the throne, theacts done at London against the Italian primacy wouldfall with her. When Da Casale informed the pope thatthe queen had been sent to prison, Paul exclaimed withdelight: 'I always thought, when I saw Henry endowedwithso many virtues, that heaven would not forsake him.If he is willing to unite with me,' he added, 'I shall haveauthority enough to enjoin the emperor and the king ofFrance to make peace; and the king of England, reconciledwith the Church, will command the powers ofEurope.' At the same time Paul III. confessed thathe had made a mistake in raising Fisher to the cardinalate,and wound up this pontifical effusion in the kindestof terms. Da Casale, much delighted on his part,asked whether he was to repeat these matters to theking. 'Tell him,' answered the pope, 'that his majesty{173}may, without hesitation, expect everything from me.'[361]Da Casale, therefore, made his report to London, andintimated that, if Henry made the least sign of reconciliation,the pope would immediately send him a nuncio.Thus Paul left not a stone unturned to win over theking of England. He extolled his virtues, promisedhim the foremost place in Europe, flattered his vanityas an author, and did not fear—he the infallible one—toacknowledge that he had made a mistake. Everybodyat the court of Rome felt convinced that Englandwas about to return to the bosom of the Church; cardinalCampeggi even sent his brother to London toresume possession of the bishopric of Salisbury, of whichhe had been deprived in 1534.[362]Up to the end of June,the pope and the cardinals became kinder and morerespectful to the English, and entertained the most flatteringexpectations regarding the return of England.

=THE TWO HENRYS.=

Would these expectations be realized? Henry VIII.was not one man, but two: his domestic passions andhis public acts formed two departments entirely distinct.Guided as an individual by passion, he was, as a king,sometimes led by just views. He believed that neitherpope nor foreign monarch had a right to exercise thesmallest jurisdiction in England. He was therefore decided—andthis saved Great Britain—to maintain therupture with Rome. One circumstance might havetaught him that in all respects it was the best thing hecould do.

Rome has two modes of bringing back princes underher yoke—flattery and abuse. The pope had adopted{174}the first: a person, at that time without influence, ReginaldPole, an Englishman, and also a relative andprotégé of Henry's, undertook the second. In 1535 hewas in the north of Italy; burning with love for thepapacy and hatred for the king, his benefactor, he wroteab irato a defence of the unity of the Church, addressedto Henry VIII., and overflowing with violence. Thewise and pious Contarini, to whom he showed it, beggedhim to soften a tone that might cause much harm. AsPole refused, Contarini entreated him at least to submithis manuscript to the pope; but the young Englishman,fearing that Paul would require him to suppress the untowardpublication, declined acceding to his friend'srequest. His object was, not to convert the king, butto stir up the English against their lawful prince, andinduce them to fall prostrate again before the Romanpontiff. The treatise, finished in the winter of 1536,before Anne's trial, reached London the first week inJune. Tonstall, bishop of Durham, and Pole's friend,read the book, which contained a few truths mixed upwith great errors, and then communicated it to the king.Never did haughty monarch receive so rude a lesson.

=POLE'S APPEAL TO THE KING.=

'Shall I write to you, O prince,' said the young Englishman,'or shall I not? Observing in you the certainsymptoms of the most dangerous malady, and assuredas I am that I possess the remedies suitable to cure you,how can I refrain from pronouncing the word whichalone can preserve your life? I love you, sire, as sonnever loved his father, and God perhaps will make myvoice to be like that of his own Son,whose voice even thedead hear. O prince, you are dealing the most deadlyblow against the Church that it can possibly receive,you rob it of the chief whom it possesses upon earth.Why should a king, who is the supreme head of theState, occupy a similar place in the Church? If wemay trust the arguments of your doctors, we must conclude{175}that Nero was the head of the Church.[363]Weshould laugh, if the laughter were not to be followed bytears. There is as great a distance between the ecclesiasticaland the civil power, as there is between heavenand earth. There are three estates in human society:first, the people; then the king, who is the son of thepeople; and lastly, the priest, who being thespouse ofthe people is consequently thefather of the king.[364]Butyou, in imitation of the pride of Lucifer, set yourselfabove the vicar of Jesus Christ.

'What! you have rent the Church, as it was never beforerent in that island, you have plundered and cruellytormented it, and you claim, in virtue of such merits, tobe called its supreme head. There are two Churches: ifyou are at the head of one, it is not the Church of Christ;if you are, it is like Satan, who is the prince of the world,which he oppresses under his tyranny.... You reign,but after the fashion of the Turks. A simple nod ofyour head has more power than ancient laws and rights.Sword in hand you decide religious controversies. Isnot that thoroughly Turkish and barbarian?[365]

'O England! if you have not forgotten your ancientliberty, what indignation ought to possess you, whenyou see your king plunder, condemn, murder, squanderall your wealth, and leave you nothing but tears.Beware, for if you let your grievances be heard, you willbe afflicted with still deeper wounds. O my country! itis in your power to change your great sorrow intogreater joy. Neither Nero nor Domitian, nor—I dare{176}affirm—Luther himself, if he had been king of England,[366]would have wished to avenge himself by putting to deathsuch men as Fisher and Sir Thomas More!

'What king has ever given more numerous signs of respectto the supreme pontiff than that Francis I. whospoke of you, O Henry, in words received with applauseby the whole Christian world: "your friend,—till thealtar,"Amicus—usque ad aras.—The emperor Charleshas just subdued the pirates; but is there any piratethat is worse than you? Have you not plundered thewealth of the Church, thrown the bodies of the saintsinto prison, and reduced men's souls to slavery? If Iheard that the emperor with all his fleet was sailing forConstantinople, I would fall at his feet, and say—wereit even in the straits of the Hellespont—"O emperor,what are you thinking of? Do you not see that a muchgreater danger than the Turks threatens the Christianrepublic? Change your route. What would be the useof expelling the Turks from Europe, when new Turksare hatched among us?" Certainly the English forslighter causes have forced their kings to put off theircrowns.'[367]

After the apostrophe addressed to Charles V., ReginaldPole returns to Henry VIII., and imagining himselfto be the prophet Elijah before king Ahab, he says withgreat boldness: 'O king, the Lord hath commanded meto curse you; but if you will patiently listen to me, hewill return you good for evil. Why delay to confessyour sin? Do not say that you have done everythingaccording to the rules of Holy Scripture. Does not theChurch, which gives it authority, know what is to be receivedand what rejected? You have forsaken thefountain of wisdom. Return to the Church, O prince!{177}and all that you have lost you shall regain with moresplendor and glory.

'But if anyone hears the sound of the trumpet anddoes not heed it, the sword is drawn from the scabbard,the guilty is smitten, and his blood is upon his ownhead.'

=ITS EFFECT ON HENRY.=

We have hardly given the flower of this long tirade,written in the style of the 16th century, which, dividedinto four books, fills one hundred and ninety-two foliopages. It reached England at the moment of the condemnationof the innocent Anne, which Pole unconsciouslyprotested against as unjust, more unjust eventhan the sentences of Fisher and More. Henry didnot at first read his 'pupil's' philippic through. Hesaw enough, however, to regard it as an insult, a divorcewhich Italy had sent him. He ordered Pole to returnto England; but the latter remembered too well thefate of Fisher and Sir Thomas More to run the risk.Bishop Tonstall, one of the enemies of the Reformation,wrote, however, to Pole, that as Christ was the head ofthe Church, to separate it from the pope was not toseparate from its head. This refutation was short butcomplete.

The king was resolved to maintain his independenceof the pope. Some have ascribed this determination toPole's treatise, and others to the influence of Jane Seymour.Both these circumstances may have had someweight in Henry's mind; but the great cause, we repeat,is that he would not suffer any master but himselfin England. Gardiner replied to Pole in a treatisewhich he entitled:On True Obedience,[368]to which Bonnerwrote the preface.

Paul III. was not the only one who descried thesignal of triumph in Anne's death: the princess Marybelieved that she would now become heiress-presumptiveto the crown. Lady Kingston, having discharged{178}Anne Boleyn's Christian commission, Catherine'sdaughter, but slightly affected by this touching conduct,took advantage of it for her own interest, and chargedthat lady with a letter addressed to Cromwell, in whichshe begged him to intercede for her with the king, sothat the rank which belonged to her should be restored.Henry consented to receive his daughter into favor, butnot without conditions: 'Madam,' said Norfolk, whohad been sent to her by the king, 'here are the articleswhich require your signature.'

The daughter of the proud Catherine of Aragon wasto acknowledge four points: the supremacy of the king,the imposture of the pope, the incest of her own mother,and her own illegitimacy. She refused, but as Norfolkwas not to be shaken, she signed the two first articles;[369]then laying down the pen, she exclaimed: 'As for myown shame and my mother's—never!' Cromwellthreatened her, called her obstinate and unnatural, andtold her that her father would abandon her: the unhappyprincess signed everything. She was restored tofavor, and from that time received yearly three thousandpounds sterling; but she was deceived in thinkingthat the misfortune of her little sister Elizabeth wouldreplace her on the steps of the throne.

=THANKS OF PARLIAMENT.=

Parliament met on the 8th of June, when the chancellorannounced to them that the king, notwithstandinghis mishaps in matrimony,had yielded to the humblesolicitations of the nobility, and formed a new union. Thetwo houses ratified the accomplished facts. No man desiredto stir the ashes from which sparks might issueand kindle a great conflagration. At no price wouldthey compromise the most exalted persons in the kingdom,and especially the king. All the allegations, eventhe most absurd, were admitted: Parliament wanted tohave done with the matter. It even went further: theking was thanked for themost excellent goodness which{179}had induced him to marry a lady whose brilliant youth,remarkable beauty, and purity of blood were the surepledges of the happy issue which a marriage with hercould not fail to produce; and his most respectful subjectsdetermined to bury the faults of their prince underflowers, compared him for beauty to Absalom, forstrength to Samson, and for wisdom to Solomon. Parliamentadded, that as the daughters of Catherine andAnne were both illegitimate, the succession had devolvedupon the children of Jane Seymour. As, however, itwas possible that she might not have any issue, parliamentgranted him the privilege of naming his successorin his will: an enormous prerogative, conferred uponthe most capricious of monarchs. Those who refused totake the oath required by the statute were to be declaredguilty of high treason.

Parliament having thus arranged the king's business,set about the business of the country. 'My lords,' saidministers on the 4th of July to the upper house, 'thebishop of Rome, whom some persons callpope, wishingto have the means of satisfying his love of luxury andtyranny, has obscured the Word of God, excluded JesusChrist from the soul, banished princes from their kingdoms,monopolized the mind, body, and goods of allChristians, and, in particular, extorted great sums ofmoney from England by his dreams and superstitions.'Parliament decided that the penalties ofpræmunireshould be inflicted on everybody who recognized theauthority of the Roman pontiff, and that every student,ecclesiastic, and civil functionary should be bound to renouncethe pope in an oath made in the name of Godand all his saints.[370]

This bill was the cause of great joy in England; theprotestant spirit was stirred; there was a great outburstof sarcasms, and one could see that the citizens of the{180}capital naturally were not friends to the papacy. Manis inclined to laugh at what he has respected when hefinds that he has been deceived, and then readily classesamong human follies what he had once taken for thewisdom of Heaven. A contest of epigrams was begunin London, similar to that which had so often takenplace at Rome between Pasquin and Marforio: perhaps,however, the jokes were occasionally a little heavy.'Do you see the stole round the priest's neck?' said onewit; 'it is nothing else but the bishop of Rome's rope.'[371]—'Matins,masses, and evensong are nothing but aroaring, howling, whistling, murmuring, tomring, andjuggling.'[372]—'Itis as lawful to christen a child in a tubof water at home or in a ditch by the way, as in a font-stonein the church.'—Gradually this jesting spirit madeits way to the lower classes of society.—'Holy water isvery useful,' said one who haunted the London taverns;'for as it is already salted, you have only to put anonion in it to make sauce for a gibbet of mutton.'—'Whatis that you say,' replied some blacksmith, 'it is avery good medicine for a horse with a galled back.'[373]But while frivolity and a desire to show one's wit, howevercoarse it might be, gave birth to silly jests merelyprovocative of laughter, the love of truth inspired theevangelical Christians with serious words which irritatedthe priests more than the raillery of the jesters. 'TheChurch,' they said, 'is not the clergy, the Church is thecongregation of good men only. All ceremonies accustomedin the Church and not clearly expressed in Scriptureought to be done away. When the sinner is converted,all the sins over which he sheds tears are remittedfreely by the Father who is in heaven.'[374]

After the words of the profane and of the pious camethe words of the priests. A convocation of the clergywas summoned to meet at St. Paul's. The bishops came{181}and took their places, and anyone might count the voteswhich Rome and the Reformation had on the episcopalbench. For the latter there were: archbishop Cranmer;Goodrich, bishop of Ely; Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury;Fox, bishop of Hereford; Latimer, bishop of Worcester;Hilsey, bishop of Rochester; Barlow, bishop of St.David's; Warton, bishop of St. Asaph; and Sampson,bishop of Chichester—nine votes in all. For Romethere were: Lee, archbishop of York; Stokesley, bishopof London; Tonstall, bishop of Durham; Longland,bishop of Lincoln; Vesey, bishop of Exeter; Clerk,bishop of Bath; Lee, bishop of Lichfield; Salcot, bishopof Bangor; and Rugge, bishop of Norwich—nine againstnine. If Gardiner had not been in France there wouldhave been a majority against the Reformation. Fortypriors and mitred abbots, members of the upper house,seemed to assure victory to the partisan of tradition.The clergy, who assembled under their respective banners,were divided not by shades but by glaring colors,and people asked, as they looked on this chequeredgroup, which of the colors would carry the day.Cranmer had taken precautions that they should notleave the church without being enlightened on thatpoint.

=LATIMER'S SERMON.=

The bishop of London having sung the mass of theHoly Ghost, Latimer, who had been selected by theprimate to edify the assembly, went up into the pulpit.Being a man of bold and independent character, andpenetrating, practical mind, which could discover andpoint out every subterfuge, he wanted a Reform morecomplete even than Cranmer desired. He took for histext the parable of the unjust steward.[375]'Dearbrethren,' he said, 'you have come here to-day to hearof great and weighty matters. Ye look, I am assured,to hear of me such things as shall be meet for thisassembly.' Then having introduced his subject, Latimer{182}continued: 'A faithful steward coineth no new money,but taketh it ready coined of the good man of the house.Now, what crowds of our bishops, abbots, prelates, andcurates, despising the money of the Lord as copper andnot current, teach that now redemption purchased bymoney and devised by men is of efficacy, and not redemptionpurchased by Christ.'

The whole of Latimer's sermon was in this strain.He did not stop here; in the afternoon he preachedagain. 'You know the proverb,' he said—'"An evilcrow, an evil egg."[376]The devil has begotten the world,and the world in its turn has many children. There ismy Lady Pride, Dame Gluttony, Mistress Avarice, LadyLechery, and others, that now hard and scant ye mayfind any corner, any kind of life, where many of hischildren be not. In court, in cowls, in cloisters, yea,where shall ye not find them? Howbeit, they that besecular are not children of the world, nor they that arecalled spiritual, of the clergy. No, no; as ye findamong the laity many children of light, so among theclergy ye shall find many children of the world. Theydo execrate and detest the world (being neverthelesstheir father) in words and outward signs; but in heartand works they coll and kiss him.[377]They show themselvesto be as sober as Curius the Roman was,[378]andlive every day as if all their life were a shroving time (acarnival). I see many such among the bishops, abbots,priors, archdeacons, deans, and others of that sort, whoare met together in this convocation, to take into considerationall that concerns the glory of Christ and thewealth of the people of England. The world has sentus some of its whelps.[379]What have you been doingthese seven years and more? Show us what the Englishhave gained by your long and great assemblies. Have{183}they become even a hair's breadth better? In God'sname, what have you done?—so great fathers, so many, solong a season, so oft assembled together—what have youdone? Two things: the one, that you have burnt a deadman (William Tracy); the other, that ye went about toburn one being alive.[380]Ye have oft sat in consultation,but what have ye done? Ye have had many things indeliberation, but what one is put forth whereby eitherChrist is more glorified, or else Christ's people mademore holy? I appeal to your own conscience.'

Here Latimer began, as Luther had done in hisAppeal to the German Nobility, to pass in review theabuses and errors of the clergy—the Court of Arches,the episcopal consistories, saints' days, images, vows,pilgrimages, certain vigils which he called 'bacchanalia,'marriage, baptism, the mass, and relics.

After this severe catalogue, the bishop exclaimed:'Let us go home even as good as we came hither, right-begottenchildren of the world. Let us beat ourfellows, let us eat and drink with drunkards. But Godwill come, God will come, yea and he will not tarry.He will come upon such a day as we nothing look forhim. He will come and cut us in pieces, and let be theend of our tragedy.[381]These be the delicate dishes preparedfor the world's well-beloved children. These bethe wafers and junkets provided for worldly prelates—wailingand gnashing of teeth.

'If you will not die eternally, live not worldly.Preach truly the Word of God. Feed ye tenderly theflock of Christ. Love the light. Walk in the light, andso be the children of light while you are in the world,that you may shine in the world to come bright as thesun, with the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.Amen.'

An action full of simplicity and warmth had accompaniedthe firm and courageous words of the Reformer.{184}The reverend members of convocation had found theirman, and his sermon appeared to them bitterer thanwormwood. They dared not, however, show theiranger, for behind Latimer was Cranmer, and they fearedlest they should find the king behind Cranmer.

Ere long the clergy received another mortificationwhich they dared not complain of. A rumor got abroadthat Cromwell would be the representative of Henry VIII.in the assembly. 'What!' they cried out, 'a layman,a man who has never taken a degree in anyuniversity!' But what was the astonishment of theprelates, when they saw not Cromwell enter, but hissecretary, Dr. Petre, one of the convent visitors, whomthe primate seated by his side—a delegate of a delegate!On the 21st of June, Cromwell came down, and took hisseat above all the prelates. The lay element took, witha bold step, a position from which it had been so longbanished.

=THE MALA DOGMATA DENOUNCED.=

It was to be expected that the champions of themiddle ages would not submit to such affronts, andparticularly to such a terrible fire as Latimer's, withoutunmasking their batteries in return, and striving todismantle those of the enemy. They saw that theycould not maintain the supremacy of the pope andattack that of the king; but they knew that Henryadhered to transubstantiation and other superstitiousdoctrines of the dark ages; and accordingly they determinedto attack by this breach, not only Latimer,but all the supporters of the Reformation. Roman-catholicismdid not intend to perish without a struggle;it resolved—in order that it might hold its ground inEngland—to make a vigorous onslaught. The lowerhouse having chosen for its prolocutor one RichardGwent, archdeacon of bishop Stokesley and a zealousultramontanist, the cabal set to work, and the words ofWycliff, of the Lollards, of the Reformers, and even ofthe jesting citizens having been carefully recorded,{185}Gwent proposed that the lower house should lay beforethe upper house sixty-seven evil doctrines (mala dogmata).Nothing was forgotten, not eventhe horse withthe galled back. To no purpose were they remindedthat what was blamable in this catalogue were only'the indiscreet expressions of illiterate persons;' andthat the rudeness of their imagination alone had causedthem to utter these pointed sarcasms. In vain were theyreminded that, even in horse races, the riders to be sureof reaching their goal pass beyond it. The enumerationof themala dogmata was carried, without omitting asingle article.

On the 23d of June, the prolocutor appeared withhis long list before the upper house of convocation.'There are certain errors,' he said, 'which cause disturbancein the kingdom,' and then he read the sixty-sevenmala dogmata. 'They affirm,' he continued, 'thatno doctrine must be believed unless it be proved byHoly Scripture; that Christ, having shed his blood, hasfully redeemed us, so that now we have only to say, OGod, I entreat Thy Majesty to blot out my iniquity.[382]They say that the sacrifice of the mass is nothing but apiece of bread; that auricular confession was inventedby the priests to learn the secrets of the heart, and toput money in their purse; that purgatory is a cheat;that what is usually called the Church is merely the oldsynagogue, and that the true Church is the assembly ofthe just; that prayer is just as effectual in the open airas in a temple; that priests may marry. And theseheresies are not only preached, but are printed in booksstampedcum privilegio, with privilege, and the ignorantimagine that those words indicate the king's approbation.'[383]

The two armies stood face to face, and the scholastic{186}party had no sooner read their lengthy manifesto thanthe combat began. 'Oh, what tugging was here betweenthese opposite sides,' says honest Fuller.[384]Theyseparated without coming to any decision. Men beganto discuss which side they should take: 'Neither onenor the other,' said those who fancied themselves thecleverest. 'When two stout and sturdy travellers meettogether and both desire the way, yet neither is willingto fight for it, in their passage they so shove andshoulder one another, that they divide the way betweenthem, and yet neither gets the same.[385]The two partiesin convocation ought to do the same: there ought to beneither conquerors nor conquered.' Thus the Church,the pillar of truth, was required to admit both black andwhite—to say Yes and No. 'A medley religion,'exclaims an historian; 'to salve (if not the consciences)at least the credits of both sides.'[386]

=ALESIUS IN CONVOCATION.=

Cranmer and Cromwell determined to use the opportunityto make the balance incline to the evangelicalside. They went down to convocation. While passingalong the street Cromwell noticed a stranger—oneAlesius, a Scotchman, who had been compelled to seekrefuge in Germany for having professed the pureGospel, and there he had formed a close intimacy withMelanchthon. Cranmer, as well as Cromwell, desirousof having such an evangelical man in England—onewho was in perfect harmony with the Protestants ofGermany, and whose native tongue was English—hadinvited him over to London.[387]Melanchthon had givenhim a letter for the king, along with which he sent acopy of his commentary on the Epistle to the Romans.Henry was so charmed with the Scotchman, that he{187}gave him the title of 'King's Scholar.' Alesius wasliving at the archbishop's palace in Lambeth. Cromwell,observing him so seasonably, called him andinvited him to accompany them to Westminster. Hethought that a man of such power might be useful tohim; and it is even possible that the meeting had beenprearranged. Together the Englishman and theScotchman entered the chamber in which the bishopswere sitting round a table, with a number of priestsstanding behind them. When the vicar-general andAlesius, who was unknown to most of them, appeared,they all rose and bowed to the king's representative.Cromwell returned the salutation, and, after seating theexile in the highest place opposite the two archbishops,he addressed them as follows: 'His majesty will notrest until, in harmony with convocation and parliament,he has put an end to the controversies which havetaken place, not only in this kingdom but in everycountry. Discuss these questions, therefore, withcharity, without brawling or scolding, and decide allthings by the Word of God.[388]Establish the divine andperfect truth as it is found in Scripture.'

=GOD'S WORD THE SOURCE OF LIFE.=

Cromwell wanted the submission ofall to the divinerevelations: the traditional party answered him byputting forward human doctrines and human authorities.Stokesley, bishop of London, endeavored to prove, bycertain glosses and passages, that there were seven sacraments:the archbishop of York and others supportedhim by their sophistry and their shouts. 'Such disputesabout words, and such cries,' said Cranmer, 'are unbecomingserious men. Let us seek Christ's glory, thepeace of the Church, and the means by which sins areforgiven. Let us inquire how we may bring consolationto uneasy souls; how we may give the assurance ofGod's love to consciences troubled by the remembrance{188}of their sins. Let us acknowledge that it is not theoutward use of the sacraments that justifies a man, andthat our justification proceeds solely from faith in theSaviour.'[389]The prelate spoke admirably and in accordancewith Scripture: it was necessary to back up thisnoble confession. Cromwell, who kept his Scotchmanin reserve, now introduced him to the clergy, as the'king's scholar,' and asked him what he thought of thediscussion. Alesius, speaking in the assembly of bishops,showed that there were onlytwo sacraments—Baptismand the Lord's Supper, and that no ceremony ought tobe put in the same rank with them. The bishop ofLondon chafed with anger in his seat. Shall a mereScotchman, driven from his country and entertained byGerman protestants, presume to teach the prelates ofEngland? He shouted out indignantly, 'All that isfalse!' Alesius declared himself ready to prove whathe had said out of Scripture and the old fathers. ThenFox, bishop of Hereford, who had just returned fromWittemberg, whither he had been sent by the king, andwhere he had been enlightened by conversing withLuther and Melanchthon, rose up and uttered thesenoble sentiments: 'Christ hath so lightened the worldat this time,' he said, 'that the light of the Gospel hathput to flight all misty darkness; and the world will nolonger endure to be led astray by all that fantastic rubbishwith which the priests formerly filled their imaginationsand their sermons.' This was pointed at bishopStokesley and his friends: 'It is vain to resist the Lord;his hand drives away the clouds. The laity know theHoly Scriptures now better than many of us.[390]TheGermans have made the text of the Bible so easy, bythe Hebrew and Greek tongue, that even women and{189}children wonder at the blindness and falsehood thathath been hitherto. Consider that you make not yourselvesto be laughed to scorn of all the world. If youresist the voice of God, you will give cause for beliefthat there is not one spark of learning or godliness inyou. All things consist not in painted eloquence andstrength of authority. For truth is of so great power,strength, and efficacy, that it can neither be defendedwith words nor be overcome with any strength; butafter she hath hidden herself long, at length she pushethup her head and appeareth.' Such was the eloquentand Christian language with which even bishops endeavoredto bring about the triumph of that English Reformationwhich some have been pleased to represent as'the product of an amorous caprice.'[391]Moved by suchChristian remarks, Alesius exclaimed, 'Yes, it is theWord of God that bringeth life; the Word of God isthe very substance and body of the Sacrament. Itmakes us certain and sure of the will of God to save oursouls: the outward ceremony is but a token of thatlively inflammation which we receive through faith inthe Word and promise of the Lord.' At these wordsthe bishop of London could not contain himself. 'TheWord of God,' he cried; 'Yes, granted! But you arefar deceived if you think there is noother Word of Godbut that which every souter and cobbler may read inhis mother-tongue.' Stokesley believed in anotherWord of God besides the Bible; he thought, as thecouncil of Trent did a little later, 'That we must receivewith similar respect and equal piety the Holy ScripturesandTradition.'[392]As it was noon, Cromwell broke upthe meeting.

The debate had been sharp. The sacerdotal, sacramental,ritualist party had been beaten; the evangelicalsdesired to secure their victory.{190}

Alesius, after his return to Lambeth, began to composea treatise; Stokesley, on the other hand, prepared toget up a conspiracy against Alesius. Next day thebishops, who arrived first at Westminster, entered intoconversation about the last sitting, and were very indignantthat a stranger, a Scotchman, should have beenallowed to sit and speak among them. Stokesley calledupon Cranmer to resist such an irregularity. The archbishop,who was always rather weak, consented, andCromwell entering shortly after with his protégé, anarchdeacon went up to the latter and told him that hispresence was disagreeable to the bishops. 'It is betterto give way,' said Cromwell to Alesius; 'I do not wantto expose you to the hatred of the prelates. When oncethey take a dislike to a man, they never rest until theyhave got him out of the way. They have already put todeath many Christians for whom the king felt greatesteem.' Alesius withdrew and the debate opened.'Are there seven sacraments or only two?' was thequestion. It was impossible to come to an understanding.

Convocation, an old clerical body, in which wereassembled the most resolute partisans of the abuses,superstitions, and doctrines of the middle ages, was thereal stronghold of Rome in England. To undertake tointroduce the light and life of the Gospel into it was arash and impracticable enterprise. The divine Head ofthe Church himself has declared that 'no man putteth newcloth to an old garment, neither do men put new wine intoold bottles.' There was but one thing to be done. Suppressthe assembly and form a new one, composed ofmembers and ministers of the Church, who acknowledgeno other foundation, no other rule, than the Word ofGod. 'New wine must be put into new bottles.' Such astep as this would have helped powerfully to reform theChurch of England really and completely. But it wasnot taken.

After Anne Boleyn's death, the men of the Reformationhad taken the initiative, and Cranmer, Cromwell,Latimer, and Alesius seemed on the point of winningthe prize of the contest. The intervention of a greaterpersonage was about to turn the medal.

=HENRY PLAYS THE POPE.=

Anne's disgrace and the wedding with Jane Seymourhad occupied the king with far other mattersthan theology. Cranmer had the field free to advancethe Reformation. This was not what Henry meant;and as soon as he noticed it, he roused himself, as iffrom slumber, and hastened to put things in order.Though rejecting the authority of the pope, he remainedfaithful to his doctrines. He proceeded to actin his character as head of the Church, and resolvedto fulminate a bull, as the pontiffs had done. ReginaldPole, in the book which he had addressed tohim, observed that in matters touching the pope, wemust not regard either his character or his life, butonly his authority; and that the lapses of a pope inmorals detract nothing from his infallibility in faith.Henry understood this distinction very clearly, andshowed himself a pope in every way. He did not believethat there was any incompatibility between theright he claimed of taking a new wife whenever hepleased, by means of divorce or the scaffold, and that ofdeclaring the oracles of God on contrition, justification,{192}and ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies. The rupture ofthe negotiations with the protestants gave him moreliberty, and even caused him a little vexation. Hischagrin was not unmingled with anger, and he wasnot grieved to show those obstinate Germans whatthey gained by not accepting him. In this respectHenry was like a woman who, annoyed at being rejectedby the man she prefers, gives her hand to hisrival in bravado. He returned, therefore, to his theologicallabors. The doctors of the scholastic partyspared him the pains of drawing up for himself therequired articles; but he revised them and was elatedat the importance of his work. 'We have in our ownperson taken great pain, study, labors, and travails,'he said, 'over certain articles which will establish concordin our Church.'[393]Cromwell, always submissive tohis master and well knowing the cost of resistance,laid this royal labor before the upper house of Convocation.In religious matters Henry had never doneanything so important. The doctrine of the authorityof the prince over the dogmas of the Church now becameafact. The king's dogmatic paper, entitledArticlesabout religion set out by the Convocation, and publishedby the King's authority, bears a strong resemblance totheExposition and theType of Faith, published in theseventh century, during the monothelite controversy,by the emperors of Constantinople—Heraclius andConstant II. That prince, who in a political sensegave England a new impulse, sought his models asan ecclesiastical ruler, in the Lower Empire. Everybodywas eager to know what doctrines the new headof the Church was going to proclaim. The partisansof Rome were doubtless quite as much surprised asthe Reformers, but their astonishment was that ofjoy; the surprise of the evangelicals was that of fear.The vicar-general read the royal oracles aloud: 'All{193}the words contained in the whole canon of the Bible.'he said, 'and in the three creeds—the Apostles', theNicene, and the Athanasian—according to the interpretationwhich the holy approved doctors in the Church do defend,[394]shall be received and observed as the infalliblewords of God, so that whosoever rejects them is nota member of Christ but a member of the devil, andeternally damned.'

=ARTICLES OF RELIGION.=

That was the Romish doctrine, and Bossuet, in hisexamination of the royal document, appears much satisfiedwith the article.[395]

'The sacrament of baptism should be administeredto infants, in order that they may receive the HolyGhost and be purified of sin by its secret virtue andoperation. If a man falls after baptism the sacramentof penance is necessary to his salvation; he must go toconfession, ask absolution at the priest's hands, andlook upon the words uttered by the confessor as thevoice of God speaking out of heaven.'[396]

——'That is the whole substance of the catholicdoctrine,' the partisans of Rome might urge.[397]

'Under the form of the bread and the wine are verily,substantially, and really contained the body and veryblood of the Saviour which was born of the Virgin.'

——'That indicates most precisely the real presenceof the body,' say the Romish doctors.[398]

'The merits of the Saviour's passion are the only andworthy causes of our justification; but, before giving itto us, God requires of us inward contrition, perfectfaith, hope, and charity, and all the other spiritualmotions which must necessarily concur in the remissionof our sins.'

——The council of Trent declared the same doctrinenot long after.[399]

'Images ought to be preserved in the churches.Only let those who kneel before them and adore themknow that such honor is not paid to the images, but toGod.'

——'To use such language,' Roman-catholics havesaid, 'is to approve of image-worship to the extreme.'[400]

'It is praiseworthy,' continued Cromwell, 'to addressprayers to our Blessed Lady, to St. John the Baptist,to each of the apostles, or to any other saint, in orderthat they may pray for us and with us; but withoutbelieving there is more mercy in them than in Christ.'

——'If the king looks upon this as a kind of Reformation,'said a Romish doctor, 'he is only makinggame of the world; for no catholic addresses the saintsexcept to have their prayers.'[401]

'As for the ceremonies, such as sprinkling with holywater, distributing the consecrated bread, prostrationbefore the cross and kissing it, exorcisms, &c., theserites and others equally praiseworthy ought to be maintainedas putting us in remembrance of spiritual things.'

——'That is precisely our idea,' said the partisans ofRomish tradition.[402]

'Finally, as to purgatory, the people shall be taughtthat Christians ought to pray for the souls of the dead,and give alms, in order that others may pray for them,so that their souls may be relieved of some part of theirpain.'[403]

——'All that we teach is here approved of,' said thegreat opponent of protestantism.[404]

Such was the religion which the prince, whom some{195}writers call the father of the Reformation, desired toestablish in England. If England became protestant,it was certainly in spite of him.

=THE ARTICLES ACCEPTED.=

A long debate ensued in convocation and elsewhere.The decided evangelicals could see nothing in thesearticles but an abandonment of Scripture, a 'politicaldaubing,' in which the object was only to please certainpersons and to attain certain ends. The men of themoderate party said, on the other hand, 'Ought we notto rejoice that the Scriptures and ancient creeds arere-established as rules of faith, without considering thepope?' But above these opposite opinions rose theterrible voice of the king:Sic volo, sic jubeo: Such ismy pleasure, such are my orders. If the primate andhis friends resisted, they would be set aside and theReformation lost.

It does not appear that Cranmer had any share indrawing up these articles, but he signed them. It hasbeen said, to excuse him, that neither he, nor many of hiscolleagues, had at that time a distinct knowledge of suchmatters, and that they intended to make amendmentsin the articles; but these allegations are insufficient.Two facts alone explain the concessions of this piousman: the king's despotic will and the archbishop'scharacteristic weakness. He always bent his head;but, we must also acknowledge, it was in order to raiseit again. Archbishop Lee, sixteen bishops, forty abbotsor priors, and fifty archdeacons or proctors signed afterCromwell and the primate. The articles passed throughConvocation, because—like Anne's condemnation—it wasthe king's will. Nothing can better explain the concessionsof Cranmer, Cromwell, and others in the caseof Anne Boleyn, than their support of these articles,which were precisely the opposite of the Scripturaldoctrine whose triumph they had at heart. In bothcases they had yielded slavishly to those magic words:Le roi le veut, The king wills it. Those four words were{196}sufficient: that man wasloyal who sacrificed his ownwill to the sovereign. It was only by degrees that thefree principles of protestantism were to penetrate amongthe people, and give England liberty along with order.Still that excuse is not sufficient: Cranmer would haveleft a more glorious name if he had suffered martyrdomunder Henry VIII., and not waited for the reign ofMary.

When the king's articles were known, discontentbroke out in the opposite parties. 'Be silent, you contentiouspreachers and you factious schoolmen,' said thepoliticians: 'you would sooner disturb the peace of theworld, than relinquish or retract one particle!'[405]Thearticles were sent all over England, with orders thateveryone should conform to them at his peril.

Cranmer did not look upon the game as lost. Tobend before the blast, and then rise up again and guidethe Reform to a good end, was his system. He firststrove to prevent the evil by suggesting measures calculatedto remedy it. Convocation resolved that apetition should be addressed to the king, praying himto permit his lay subjects to read the Bible inEnglish,and to order a new translation of it to be made;[406]moreover,a great number of feast-days were abolished asfavoring 'sloth, idleness, thieves, excesses, vagabonds,and riots;'[407]and finally, on the last day of the session(20th of July), Convocation declared—to show clearlythat there was no question of returning to popery—thatthere was nothing more pernicious than a generalcouncil;[408]and that, consequently, they must decline toattend that which the pope intended to hold in the cityof Mantua. Thereupon parliament and Convocation{197}were dissolved, and the king did without them for threeyears.

=CROMWELL'S INSTRUCTIONS.=

Henry VIII. was satisfied with his minister. Cromwellwas created Lord Privy-Seal, the 2d of July, 1536,baron, and a few days later vicegerent in ecclesiasticalmatters (in rebus ecclesiasticis). Wishing to tone downwhat savored too much of the schools in the king'sarticles, he circulated among all the priests some instructionswhich were passably evangelical. 'I enjoinyou,' he said, 'to make your parishioners understandthat they do rather apply themselves to the keeping ofGod's commandments and fulfilling of his works ofcharity, and providing for their families, than if theywent about to pilgrimages.[409]Advise parents andmasters to teach their children and their servants theLord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, and the Ten Commandments,in their mother-tongue.' He even undertookto reform the clergy. 'Deans, parsons, vicars,curates, and priests,' he said, 'are forbidden to haunttaverns, to drink or brawl after dinner or supper, toplay at cards day or night. If they have any leisure,they should read the Scriptures, or occupy themselveswith some honest exercise.'

Cranmer and Cromwell went farther than this. Theywished to circulate the Holy Scriptures. Tyndale'sversion was, in Cromwell's opinion, too far compromisedto be officially circulated; he had, therefore, patronizedanother translation. Coverdale, who was born in 1488,at a place of that name in Yorkshire, had undertaken(as we have seen) to translate the Bible, and had appliedto Cromwell to procure him the necessary books.[410]Tyndale was more independent, a man of firmer andbolder character than Coverdale. He did not seek the{198}aid of men, and finished his work (so to say) alone withGod. Coverdale, pious no doubt like his rival, felt theneed of being supported, and said, in his letter to Cromwell,that he implored his help, 'prostrate on the kneesof his heart.'

Coverdale knew Greek and Hebrew. He began histask in 1530; on the 4th of October, 1535, the book appeared,probably at Zurich, under the title:Biblia,theBible, that is to say, the Holy Scriptures of the Old andNew Testament; and reached England in the early partof 1536. At the beginning of the volume was a dedicationto Henry VIII., which ended by imploring thedivine blessing on the king and on his 'dearest, justwife, and most virtuous princess, queen Anne.' Cromwellwas to present this translation to the king, and circulateit throughout the country; but thisdearest wife,thismost virtuous princess, had just been accused byHenry, dragged before the tribunals, and beheaded.It was impossible to distribute a single copy of this versionwithout arousing the monarch's anger. Those whodesired that the ship which had come so far should notbe wrecked in the harbor, had recourse to several expedients.The decapitated queen's name wasAnne,that of the queen-regnant wasJeanne: there was a resemblancebetween them. Some copies corrected witha pen have instead ofqueen Anne,—queen JAne; inothers the name of the queen is simply scratched out.[411]These expedients were not sufficient: a new title-pagewas printed and dated 1536, the current year. But itwas all of no use: it was impossible to obtain the royalsanction.

Still, if Coverdale's Bible was not admitted into England,the Reformation, taught by pious ministers, wasspreading more and more. The priests murmured invain: 'Not long ago,' they said, 'the Lollards were put{199}to death for reading the Gospel in English, and now weare ordered to teach it in that language. We arerobbed of our privileges, and our labors are increased.'

=EVANGELICAL REACTION.=

The king had proclaimed and laid down his tenarticles to little purpose: faith gave pious ministers andChristians a courage which the great ones of the earthdid not possess. John Gale, pastor of Twaite, inSuffolk, a quick, decided, but rather imprudent man,attacked the royal articles from his pulpit. But he didnot stop there. His church was ornamented withimages of the Virgin and Saints, before which thedevout used to stick up tapers. 'Austin,' said he oneday to a parishioner, 'follow me;' and the two men,with great exertions, took away the iron rods on whichthe worshippers used to set their tapers, and turned theimages to the wall.—'Listen,' said Dr. Barret to hisparishioners, 'the lifting up of the host betokens simplythat the Father has sent his Son to suffer death forman, and the lifting up of the chalice, thatthe Son hasshed his blood for our salvation.'—'Christ,' said Bale,prior of Dorchester, 'does not dwell in churches ofstone, but in heaven above and in the hearts of men onearth.'[412]—Theminister of Hothfield declared that:'Our Lady is not the queen of heaven, and has no morepower than another woman.' 'Pull him out of thepulpit,' said the exasperated bailiff to the vicar. 'Idare not,' answered the latter. In fact, the congregationwere delighted at hearing their minister say ofJesus, as Peter did:Neither is there salvation in anyother, and that very day more than a hundred embracedtheir pastor's doctrines.[413]Jerome, vicar of Stepney,endeavored to plant the pure truth of Christ in theconscience,[414]and root out all vain traditions, dreamsand fantasies. Being invited to preach at St. Paul'sCross, on the fourth Sunday in Lent, he said: 'There{200}are two sorts of people among you: the free, who arefreely justified without the penance of the law and withoutmeritorious works; and the slaves, who are stillunder the yoke of the law.'—Even a bishop, Barlow ofSt. David's, said in a stately cathedral: 'If two orthree cobblers or weavers, elect of God, meet togetherin the name of the Lord, they form a true Church ofGod.'[415]

This was going too far: proceedings were commencedagainst those who had thus braved the king's articles.Jerome appeared before Henry VIII. at Westminster.The poor fellow, intimidated by the royal majesty,tremblingly acknowledged that the sacraments werenecessary for salvation; but he was burnt five yearsafter in the cause of the Gospel. Gale and others wereaccused of heresy and treason before the criminal court.The books were not spared. There were some, indeed,that went beyond all bounds. One, entitledThe littlegarden of the soul,[416]contained a passage, in which thebeheading of John the Baptist and of Anne Boleynwere ascribed to the same motive—the reproach of acriminal love uttered against two princes: one by Anne,and the other by John. Henry compared to Herod!Anne Boleyn to Saint John the Baptist! Tonstalldenounced this audacious publication to Cromwell.

The crown-officers were to see that the doctrines ofthe pope were taught everywhere; but, without thepope and his authority, this system has no solid foundation.The Holy Scriptures, to which evangelical Christiansappeal, is a firm foundation. The authority of thepope—a vicious principle—at least puts those whoadmit it in a position to know what they believe. Butcatholicism with Romish doctrine and without the pope,{201}has no ground to stand on. Non-Roman-catholicismhas but a treacherous support. Another system hadalready, in the sixteenth century, set up reason as thesupreme rule; but it presents a thousand differentopinions, and no absolute truth. There is but one realfoundation:Thy word is truth, says Jesus Christ.

The bastard system of a catholicism without a pope,put forward by the king, did not enjoy great favor, andthe evangelical Reform gained fresh adherents everyday. The more consistent popish system endeavored tostand against it. There were still many partisans ofRome in the aristocracy and among the populations ofthe North. A mighty effort was about to be made toexpel both Cranmer's protestantism and the king'scatholicism, and restore the papacy to its privileges. Agreat revolution is rarely accomplished without thefriends of the old order of things combining to resist it.

=INFLUENCE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.=

Many members of the House of Lords saw with alarmthe House of Commons gaining an influence which ithad never possessed before, and taking the initiative inreforms which were not (as they thought) within itssphere. Trained in the hatred of heresy, those noblelords were indignant at seeing heretics invested with theepiscopal dignity, and a layman, Cromwell, presumingto direct the convocation of the clergy. Some of them{202}formed a league, and Lord Darcy, who was at their head,had a conference on the subject with the ambassador ofCharles V. That prince assured him that he should besupported.[417]The English partisans of the pope, aidedby the imperialists, would be amply sufficient, theythought, to re-establish the authority of the Romanpontiff.

There was great agitation especially among the inhabitantsof the towns and villages of the North. Those ofthe counties of York and Lincoln, too remote fromLondon to feel its influence, besides being ignorant andsuperstitious, were submissive to the priests as to thevery representatives of God. The names of the ReformersLuther, Melanchthon, Œcolampadius, and Tyndalewere known by the priests, who taught their flocks todetest them. Everything they saw exasperated them.If they went a journey, the convents which were theirordinary hostelries existed no longer. If they workedin the fields, they saw approaching them some raggedmonk, with tangled hair and beard, with haggard eye,without bread to support him, or roof to shelter him, towhom hatred still gave strength to complain and tocurse. These unhappy wretches went roaming up anddown the country, knocking at every door; the peasantsreceived them like saints, seated them at their table,and starved themselves for their nourishment. 'See,'said the friars, showing their rags to the people aboutthem, 'see to what a condition the members of JesusChrist are reduced! A schismatic and heretical princehas expelled us from the houses of the Lord. But theHoly Father has excommunicated and dethroned him:no one should henceforth obey him.' Such words producedtheir effect.

When the autumn of 1536 had arrived, the fermentincreased among the inhabitants of the rural districtswho had no longer their field labors to divert them.{203}They assembled in great numbers round the convents tosee what the king meant to do with them. They lookedon at a distance, and with angry eyes watched the commissionerswho at times behaved violently, indulged inexactions, or threw down one after another the stonesof the building which had been held in such long reverence.Another day they saw the agent of some lordsettle in the monastery with his wife, children, andservants; they heard those profane lay-folks laugh andchatter as they entered the sacred doors, whose thresholdshad until now been trodden only by the sandalsof the silent monks. A report spread abroad, that themonasteries still surviving were also about to be suppressed.Dr. Makerel, formerly prior of Barlings, disguisedas a laborer, and a monk (some writers say ashoemaker) named Melton, who received the name of'Captain Cobbler,'[418]endeavored to inflame men's mindsand drive them to revolt. Everywhere the people listenedto the agitators; and ere long the superior clergyappeared in the line of battle. 'Neither the king'shighness nor any temporal man,' they said, 'may besupreme head of the Church. The Pope of Rome isChrist's vicar, and must alone be acknowledged assupreme head of Christendom.'[419]

=REVOLT IN LINCOLNSHIRE.=

On Monday, 2d of October, 1536, the ecclesiasticalcommission was to visit the parish of Louth in Lincolnshire,[420]and the clergy of the district were ordered to bepresent. Only a few days before, a neighboring monasteryhad been suppressed and two of Cromwell'sagents placed in it to see to the closing. The eveningbefore the inspection (it was a Sunday) a number of thetownspeople brought out a large silver cross which belongedto the parish, and shouting out, 'Follow thecross! All follow the cross! God knows if we can do sofor long,' marched in procession through the town, with{204}Melton leading the way. Some went to the church,took possession of the consecrated jewels, and remainedunder arms all night to guard them for fear the royalcommissioners should carry them off. On Mondaymorning one of the commissioners, who had no suspicions,quietly rode into the town, followed by a singleservant. All of a sudden the alarm-bell was rung, anda crowd of armed men filled the streets. The terrifiedcommissioner ran into the church, hoping to find it aninviolable asylum; but the mob laid hold of him,dragged him out into the market-place, and pointing asword at his breast, said to him, 'Swear fidelity to theCommons or you are a dead man.' All the town tookan oath to be faithful to King, Commons, and HolyChurch. On Tuesday morning the alarm-bell was rungagain; the cobbler and a tailor named Big Jack marchedout, followed by a crowd of men, some on foot and someon horseback. Whole parishes, headed by their priests,joined them and marched with the rest. The monksprayed aloud for the pope, and cried out that if thegentry did not join them they should all be hanged;but gentlemen and even sheriffs united with the tumultuoustroops. Twenty thousand men of Lincolnshirewere in arms. England, like Germany, had its peasantrevolt;[421]but while Luther was opposed to it, the archbishopof York, with many abbots and priests, encouragedit in England.

The insurgents did not delay proclaiming their grievances.They declared that if the monasteries wererestored, men of mean birth dismissed from the Council,[422]and heretic bishops deprived, they would acknowledgethe king as head of the Church.[423]The movement{205}was got up by the monks more than by the pope.Great disorders were committed.

The court was plunged into consternation by thisrevolt. The king, who had no standing army, felt hisweakness, and his anger knew no bounds. 'What!'he said to thetraitors (for such was the name he gavethem), 'what! do you, the rude commons of one shire,and that one of the mostbrute and beastly of the wholerealm, presume to find fault with your king? Returnto your homes, surrender to our lieutenants a hundredof your leaders, and prepare to submit to such condignpunishment as we shall think you worthy of; otherwiseyou will expose yourselves, your wives and children, yourlands and goods, not only to the indignation of God, butto utter destruction by force and violence of the sword.'

Such threats as these only served to increase thecommotion. 'Christianity is going to be abolished,'said the priests; 'you will soon find yourselves underthe sword ofTurks! But whoever sheds his bloodwith us shall inherit eternal glory.' The peoplecrowded to them from all quarters. Lord Shrewsbury,sent by the king against the rebellion, being unableto collect more than 3,000 men, and having to contendagainst ten times as many, had halted at Nottingham.London already imagined the rebels were at its gates,and mighty exertions were made. Sir John Russell andthe duke of Suffolk were sent forward with forces hurriedlyequipped.

The insurgents were 60,000 strong, but with noefficient leader or store of provisions. Two opinionsarose among them: the gentlemen and farmers cried,'Home, home!' the priests and the people shouted, 'Toarms!' The party of the friends of order continuedincreasing, and at last prevailed. The duke of Suffolkentered Lincolnshire on October 13, and the rebelsdispersed.[424]

=PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE.=

A still greater danger threatened the establishedorder of things. The men of the North were moreultramontane than those of Lincoln. On October 8there was a riot at Beverley, in Yorkshire. A Westminsterlawyer, Robert Aske, who had passed hisvacation in field-sports, was returning to London, whenhe was stopped by the rebels and proclaimed theirleader. On October 15 he marched to York and replacedthe monks in possession of their monasteries.Lord Darcy, an old soldier of Ferdinand of Spain andLouis XII., a warm papal partisan, quitted his castle ofPomfret to join the insurrection. The priests stirredup the people,[425]and ere long, the army, which amountedto 40,000 men, formed a long procession, 'thePilgrimageof Grace,' which marched through the county of York.Each parish paraded under a captain, priests carryingthe church cross in front by way of flag. A large banner,which floated in the midst of this multitude,represented on one side Christ with the five wounds ona cross, and on the other a plow, a chalice, a pix, anda hunting-horn. Every pilgrim wore embroidered onhis sleeve the five wounds of Christ with the name ofJesus in the midst. The insurgents had a thousandbows and as many bills, besides other arms,[426]buthardly one poor copy of the Testament of Christ. 'Ah!'said Latimer, preaching in Lincolnshire, 'I will tellyou what is the true Christian man's pilgrimage.There are, the Saviour tells us, eight days' journeys.'Then he described the eight beatitudes in the mostevangelical manner: the poor in spirit, those whomourn, those who are meek, those who hunger andthirst after righteousness, and the rest.[427]

Aske's pilgrimage was of another sort. Addressing{207}the people of those parts, he said to them: 'Lords,knights, masters, and friends, evil-disposed personshave filled the king's mind with new inventions: theholy body of the Church has been despoiled. We havetherefore undertaken thispilgrimage for the reformationof what is amiss and the punishment of heretics.[428]If you will not come with us we will fight and dieagainst you.' Great bonfires were lighted on all thehills to call the people to arms. Wherever these newcrusaders appeared the monks were replaced in theirmonasteries and the peasants constrained to join thepilgrimage, under pain of seeing their houses pulleddown, their goods seized, and their bodies handed overto the mercy of the captains.

There was this notable difference between the revoltin Germany and that in the North of England. InGermany, a few nobles only joined the people and werecompelled to do so. In England, almost all the nobilityof the North rallied to it of their own accord. Theearls of Westmoreland, Rutland, and Huntingdon,Lords Latimer, Lumley, Scrope, Conyers, and therepresentatives of several other great families, followedthe example of old Lord Darcy. One single nobleman,Percy, earl of Northumberland, remained faithful to theking. He had been ill since the unjust sentence whichhad struck the loyal wife of Henry VIII.—a sentencein which he had refused to join—and was now at hiscastle lying on a bed of pain which was soon to be thebed of death. The rebels surrounded his dwelling andsummoned him to join the insurrection. He mightnow have avenged the crime committed by Henry VIII.against Anne Boleyn, but he refused. Savage voicesshouted out, 'Cut off his head, and make Sir Thomas{208}Percy earl in his stead.' But the noble and courageousman said calmly to those around him, 'I can die butonce; let them kill me, and so put an end to mysorrows.'[429]

The king, more alarmed at this revolt than at theformer one, asked with terror whether his peopledesired to force him to replace his neck under thedetested yoke of the pope. In this crisis he displayedgreat activity. Being at Windsor, he wrote letter afterletter to Cromwell.[430]'I will sell all my plate,' he said.'Go to the Tower, take as much plate as you may want,and coin it into money.'[431]Henry displayed no lessintelligence than decision. He named as commanderof his little army a devoted servant, who was also thechief of the ultramontane party at the court—the dukeof Norfolk. Once already, for the condemnation of theprotestant Anne Boleyn, Henry had selected this chiefof the Romish party. This clever policy succeededequally well for the king in both affairs.

London, Windsor, and all the south of England werein great commotion. People imagined that the papacy,borne on the lusty arms of the northern men, wasabout to return in triumph into the capital; that perhapsthe Catholic king of the Scots, Henry's nephew,would enter with it and place England once moreunder the papal sceptre. The friends of the Gospelwere deeply agitated. 'That great captain the devil,'said Latimer in the London pulpits, 'has all sorts ofordnance to shoot at Christian men. These men of theNorth, who wear the cross and the wounds before andbehind,[432]are marching against Him who bare the crossand suffered those wounds. They have risen (they{209}say) to support the king, and they are fighting againsthim. They come forward in the name of the Church,and fight against the Church, which is the congregationof faithful men. Let us fight with the sword of thespirit, which is the Word of God.'

The rebels, far from being calmed, showed—part ofthem at least—that they were animated by the vilestsentiments. A body of insurgents had invested thecastle of Skipton, the only place in the county of Yorkwhich still held for the king. The wife and daughtersof Lord Clifford, and other ladies who inhabited it,happened to be at an abbey not far off, just when thecastle was beleaguered. The insurgents caused LordClifford to be informed that if he did not surrender, hiswife and daughters would be brought next day to thefoot of the walls and be given up to the camp-followers.In the middle of the night, Christopher Aske, brotherof Robert, who had remained faithful, crept through thecamp of the besiegers, and by unfrequented roads succeededin bringing into the castle all those ladies, whomhe thus saved from the most infamous outrages.[433]

=THE LANCASTER HERALD.=

Robert Aske, Lord Darcy, the archbishop of York,and several other leaders had their head-quarters atPomfret castle, where the Lancaster herald, dispatchedby the king, presented himself on the 21st of October.After passing through many troops of armed men—'verycruel fellows,' he says[434]—hewas at last introducedto the great captain. Seeing Lord Darcy and the archbishopbefore him—persons more important than theWestminster lawyer—the herald began to address them.Aske was offended, and rising from his seat told himhaughtily, that he was the person to be addressed. Themessenger discharged his mission. He represented tothe leaders of the rebellion that they were but a handful{210}before the great power of his Majesty,[435]and that theking had done nothing in regard to religion, but whatthe clergy of York and of Canterbury had acknowledgedto be in conformity with the Word of God. When thespeech was ended, Aske, as if he did not care for theherald's words, said rudely to him, 'Show me yourproclamation.' 'He behaved,' wrote the envoy, 'asthough he had been some great prince, with great rigorand like a tyrant.' 'Herald,' said Aske, 'this proclamationshall neither be read at the market-cross nor elsewhereamongst my people. We want the redress of ourgrievances, and we will die fighting to obtain them.'The herald asked what were their grievances. 'Myfollowers and I,' replied the chief, 'will walk in pilgrimageto London, to his Majesty, to expel from the councilall the vile blood in it, and set up all the noble bloodagain;[436]and also to obtain the full restitution of Christ'sChurch.' 'Will you give me that in writing?' said theherald. Aske gave him the oath which the rebels took,and at the same time putting his hand on the paper, hesaid with a loud voice, 'This is my act; I will die in itsdefence, and all my followers will die with me.' Theherald, intimidated by the authoritative tone of thechief, bent his knee before the rebel captain, for whichhe was brought to trial and executed in the followingyear. 'Give him a guard of forty men, and see him outof town,' said Aske.

=REBELS MARCH ON LONDON.=

Forthwith thirty thousand well-armed men, of whomtwelve thousand were mounted, set out under the ordersof Aske, Lord Darcy, and other noblemen of thecountry. Norfolk had only a small force, which hecould not trust; accordingly the rebels were convinced,that when they appeared, the king's soldiers and perhaps{211}the duke himself would join them. The Roman-catholicarmy arrived on the banks of the Don, on the other sideof which (at Doncaster) the king's forces were stationed.Those ardent men, who were six against one, inflamedby monks who were impatient to return to their nests,proposed to pass the Don, overthrow Norfolk, enterLondon, dictate to the king the execution of all thepartisans of the Reformation, and restore the papalpower in England. The rising of the water, increasedby heavy rains, did not permit them to cross the river.Every hour's delay was a gain to the royal cause; theinsurgents having brought no provisions with them,were forced to disband to go in search of them elsewhere.Norfolk took advantage of this to circulate anaddress among the rebels. 'Unhappy men!' it said,'what folly hath led you to make this most shameful rebellionagainst our most righteous king, who hath keptyou in peace against all your enemies? Fye, for shame!How can you do this to one who loves you more thanall his subjects? If you do not return, every man tohis house, we will show you the hardest courtesy thatever was shown to men, that have loved you so well aswe have done. But if you go to your homes, you shallhave us most humble suitors to his Highness for you.'[437]This proclamation was signed by Lords Norfolk, Shrewsbury,Exeter, Rutland, and Huntingdon, all catholics,and the greatest names in England.

The insurgents thus found themselves in the mostdifficult position. They must attack the supporters oftheir own cause. If the lords who had signed the proclamationwere slain, England would lose her best councillors,and her greatest generals, and the Church wouldbe deprived of the most zealous catholics. The strengthof England would be sacrificed and the country openedto her enemies. Old Lord Darcy was for attacking;young Robert Aske for negotiation. On Saturday, 28th{212}of October, commissioners from both parties met on thebridge leading to Doncaster. The rebel commissionersconsented to lay down their arms, provided the heresiesof Luther, Wicliff, Huss, Melanchthon, Œcolampadius,and the works of Tyndale were destroyed and nullified;that the supremacy was restored to the see of Rome;that the suppressed abbeys were re-established; thatheretical bishops and lords were punished by fire orotherwise; and that a parliament was held promptly atNottingham or York.[438]

There could no longer be any doubt, that the objectof the insurrection was to crush the Reformation. Thenames of most of the reformers were mentioned in thearticles, and fire or sword were to do justice to the mostillustrious of their adherents. The same evening theyhanded in a letter addressed:To the King's Royal Highness.From Doncaster, this Saturday, at eleven of the clockat night. Haste, post, haste, haste, haste![439]The rebelsthemselves were in such haste that they waited nolonger. The next day (29th of October) the king'slieutenant announced at one in the afternoon, that theinsurgents had dispersed and were returning to theirhomes.[440]Two of the rebel leaders were to carry thestipulated conditions to the king, and Norfolk was toaccompany them. That zealous catholic was not perhapswithout a hope that the petition would induceHenry to become reconciled to the pope. He wasgreatly deceived.

Thus God had scattered the forces of those whohad stood up against Wicliff, Huss, and Luther. Thekingdom resumed its usual tranquillity. A little laterthe men of the North, excited by the intrigues of thepope and Reginald Pole, then a cardinal, again tookup arms; but they were defeated; seventy of them{213}were hanged on the walls of Carlisle, and Lords Darcyand Hussey, with many barons, abbots, priors, and agreat number of priests, were executed in differentplaces. The scheming archbishop of York alone escaped,it is not known how. The cottages, parsonages,and castles of the North were filled with anguish andterror. Henry, who cut off the heads of his most intimatefriends and of his queen, did not think of sparingrebels. It was a terrible lesson, but not very effectual.The priests did not lose their courage; they still keptasking for the re-establishment of the pope, the death ofthe Lutherans, and the annihilation of the Reform. Anevent which occurred at this time seemed likely to favortheir desires. A great blow was about to be dealtagainst the Reformation. But the ways of God are notas our ways, and from what seems destined to compromiseHis cause, He often makes His triumph proceed.

Most of the reformers, Luther, Zuingle, Calvin, Knox,and others have acquired that name by their preachings,their writings, their struggles, and their actions. It isnot so with the principal reformer of England: all hisactivity was concentred in the Holy Scriptures. Tyndalewas less prominent than the other instruments ofGod, who were awakened to upraise the Church. Wemight say, that knowing the weakness of man, he hadretired and hidden himself to allow the Word from{214}Heaven to act by itself. He had studied it, translatedit, and sent it over the sea: it must now do its ownwork. Is it not written:The field is the world, and theseed is the Word? But there is another characteristic,or rather another fact, which distinguishes him fromthem, and this we have to describe.

=TYNDALE'S CHARACTERISTIC.=

While the new adversaries of Henry VIII., Pole andthe papistical party, were agitating on the continent,Tyndale, the man whom the king had pursued so longwithout being able to catch, was in prison at Vilvorde,near Brussels. In vain was he girt around with thethick walls of that huge fortress. Tyndale was free.'There is the captivity and bondage,' he could say,'whence Christ delivered us, redeemed and loosed us.[441]His blood, his death, his patience in suffering rebukesand wrongs, his prayers and fastings, his meekness andfulfilling of the uttermost point of the law broke thebonds of Satan, wherein we were so strait bound.' ThusTyndale was as truly free at Vilvorde, as Paul had beenat Rome. He felt pressed to accomplish a vow mademany years before. 'If God preserves my life,' he hadsaid, 'I will cause a boy that driveth a plow to knowmore of the Scriptures than the pope.' True Christianityshows itself by the attention it gives to Christ's littleones. It was time for Tyndale to keep his promise.He occupied his prison hours in preparing for thehumble dwellers in the Gloucestershire villages and thesurrounding counties, an edition of the Bible in whichhe employed the language and orthography used in thatpart of England.[442]When near his end, he returnedlovingly to the familiar speech of his childhood; hewrote in the dialect of the peasantry to save the souls of{215}the peasants, and for the first time put titles to thechapters of the Scripture, in order to make the understandingof it easier to his humbler fellow-countrymen.Two other editions of the New Testament appeared duringthe first year of his captivity. He did more: hehad translated the Old Testament according to theHebrew text, and was going to see to the printing of itjust when Philips betrayed him. The fear that thislabor would be lost grieved him even more than his imprisonment:a friend undertook the work he could nolonger do himself.

=ROGERS AND TYNDALE.=

At that time there lived at Antwerp, as chaplain tothe English merchants in that city, a young man fromthe county of Warwick, named Rogers, who had beeneducated at Cambridge, and was a little more thanthirty years old. Rogers was learned, but submissiveto the Romish traditions. Tyndale having made hisacquaintance, asked him to help in translating the HolyScriptures, and Rogers caught joyfully at the opportunityof employing his Greek and Hebrew. Close andconstant contact with the Word of God graduallyeffected in him that great transformation, that totalrenewal of the man which is the object of redemption.'I have found the true light in the Gospel,' he said oneday to Tyndale; 'I now see the filthiness of Rome, andI cast from my shoulders the heavy yoke it had imposedupon me.'[443]From that hour Tyndale received fromRogers the help which he had formerly received fromJohn Fryth, that pious martyr, whose example Rogerswas to follow by enduring, the first under Mary, thepunishment of fire. The Holy Scriptures have beenwritten in English with the blood of martyrs—if wemay so speak—the blood of Fryth, Tyndale, andRogers: it is a crown of glory for that translation. Atthe moment of Tyndale's perfidious arrest, Rogers hadfortunately saved the manuscript of the Old Testament,{216}and now resolved to delay the printing no longer.When the news of this reached the Reformer in his cellat Vilvorde, it cast a gleam of light upon his latter daysand filled his heart with joy. Thewhole Bible,—thatwas the legacy which the dying Tyndale desired toleave to his fellow-countrymen. He took pleasure inhis gloomy dungeon in following with his mind's eyethat divine Scripture from city to city and from cottageto cottage; his imagination pictured to him the strugglesit would have to go through, and also its victories.'The Word of God,' he said, 'never was without persecution—nomore than the sun can be without his light.By what right doth the pope forbid God to speak inthe English tongue? Why should not the sermons ofthe Apostles, preached no doubt in the mother-tongueof those who heard them, be now written in the mother-tongueof those who read them?' Tyndale did notthink of proving the divinity of the Bible by learneddissertations. 'Scripture derives its authority fromHim who sent it,' he said. 'Would you know the reasonwhy men believe in Scripture?—It isScripture.—Itis itself the instrument which outwardly leads men tobelieve, whilst inwardly, the spirit of God Himself,speaking through Scripture, gives faith to His children.'[444]We do not know for certain in what cityRogers printed the great English folio Bible. Hamburg,Antwerp, Marburg, Lubeck, and even Paris havebeen named. Extraordinary precautions were requiredto prevent the persecutors from entering the housewhere men had the boldness to print the Word of God,and from breaking the printing-presses. Tyndale hadthe great comfort of knowing that the whole Bible wasgoing to be published, and that prophets, apostles, andChrist himself would speak by it after his death.[445]

=TYNDALE IN PRISON.=

This man, so active, so learned, and so truly great,whose works circulated far and wide with so muchpower, had at the same time within him a pure andbeneficent light—the love of God and of man—whichshed its mild rays on all around him. The depth of hisfaith, the charm of his conversation, the uprightness ofhis conduct, touched those who came near him.[446]Thejailer liked to bring him his food, in order to talk withhim, and his young daughter often accompanied himand listened eagerly to the words of the pious Englishman.Tyndale spoke of Jesus Christ; it seemed tohim that the riches of the divine Spirit were about totransform Christendom; that the children of God wereabout to be manifested, and that the Lord was aboutto gather together his elect. 'Grace is there, summer isnigh,' he was wont to say, 'for the trees blossom.'[447]Intruth, young shoots and even old trees, long barren,flourished within the very walls of the castle. Thejailer, his daughter, and other members of their housewere converted to the Gospel by Tyndale's life and doctrine.[448]However dark the machinations of his enemies,they could not obscure the divine light kindled in hisheart, and whichshone before men. There was aninvincible power in this Christian man. Full of hopein the final victory of Jesus Christ, he courageouslytrampled under foot tribulations, trials, and death itself.He believed in the victory of the Word. 'I am boundlike a malefactor,' he said, 'but the Word of God is notbound.' The bitterness of his last days was changedinto great peace and divine sweetness.

=EFFORTS TO SAVE TYNDALE.=

His friends did not forget him. Among the English{218}merchants at Antwerp was one whose affection hadoften reminded him that 'friendship is the assemblageof every virtue,' as a wise man of antiquity styles it.[449]Thomas Poyntz, one of whose ancestors had come overfrom Normandy with William the Conqueror, had perhapsknown the reformer in the house of Lady Walsh,who also belonged to this ancient family. For nearly ayear the merchant had entertained the translator of theScriptures beneath his roof, and a mutual and unlimitedconfidence was established between them. WhenPoyntz saw his friend in prison, he resolved to do everythingto save him. Poyntz's elder brother John, whohad retired to his estate at North Okendon, in Essex,had accompanied the king in 1520 to the Field of theCloth of Gold, and although no longer at court, he stillenjoyed the favor of Henry VIII. Thomas determinedto write to John. 'Right well-beloved brother,' hesaid, 'William Tyndale is in prison, and like to sufferdeath, unless the king should extend his gracious helpto him. He has lain in my house three quarters of ayear, and I know that the king has never a truer-heartedsubject.[450]When the pope gave his Majesty thetitle of Defender of the Faith, he prophesied likeCaiaphas. The papists thought our prince should be agreat maintainer of their abominations; but God hasentered his grace into the right battle. The king shouldknow that the death of this man will be one of thehighest pleasures to the enemies of the Gospel. If itmight please his Majesty to send for this man, it might,by the means thereof, be opened to the court and councilof this country (Brabant) that they would be atanother point with the bishop of Rome within a shortspace.'

John lost no time: he succeeded in interesting Cromwellin the reformer's cause, and on the 10th of September{219}1535, a messenger arrived in Antwerp with twoletters from the vicar-general—one for the marquis ofBergen-op-zoom, and the other for Carondelet, archbishopof Palermo and president of the council ofBrabant. Alas! the marquis had started two daysbefore for Germany, whither he was conducting theprincess of Denmark. Thomas Poyntz mounted hishorse, and caught up the escort about fifteen milesfrom Maestricht. The marquis hurriedly glanced overCromwell's dispatch. 'I have no leisure to write,' hesaid; 'the princess is making ready to depart.' 'I willfollow you to the next baiting place,' answered Tyndale'sindefatigable friend. 'Be it so,' replied Bergen-op-zoom.

On arriving at Maestricht, the marquis wrote toFlegge, to Cromwell, and to his friend the archbishop,president of the council of Brabant, and gave the threeletters to Poyntz. The latter presented the letters ofCromwell and of the marquis to the president, but thearchbishop and the council of Brabant were opposed toTyndale. Poyntz immediately started for London, andlaid the answer of the council before Cromwell, entreatinghim to insist that Tyndale should be immediatelyset at liberty, for the danger was great. The answerwas delayed a month.[451]Poyntz handed it to the chanceryof Brabant, and every day this true and generousfriend went to the office to learn the result. 'Yourrequest will be granted,' said one of the clerks on thefourth day. Poyntz was transported with joy. Tyndalewas saved.[452]

The traitor Philips, however, who had delivered himto his enemies, was then at Louvain. He had runaway from Antwerp, knowing that the English merchantswere angry with him, and had sold his books{220}with the intent of escaping to Paris. But the Louvainpriests, who still needed him, reassured him, and remainingin that stronghold of Romanism, he began totranslate into Latin such passages in Tyndale's writingsas he thought best calculated to offend the catholics.He was thus occupied when the news of Tyndale'sapproaching deliverance filled him and his friends withalarm. What was to be done? He thought the onlymeans of preventing the liberation of the prisoner wasto shut up the liberator himself.[453]Philips went straightto the procurator-general. 'That man, Poyntz,' hesaid, 'is as much a heretic as Tyndale.' Two sergeants-at-armswere sent to keep watch over Poyntz at hishouse, and for six days in succession he was examinedupon a hundred different articles. At the beginning ofFebruary 1536, he learnt that he was about to be sentto prison, and knowing what would follow, he formed aprompt resolution. One night, when the sergeants-at-armswere asleep, he escaped and left the city early,just as the gates were opened. Horsemen were sent insearch of him; but as Poyntz knew the country well,he escaped them, got on board a ship, and arrived safeand sound at his brother's house at North Okendon.

=TYNDALE'S FIRMNESS.=

When Tyndale heard of this escape, he knew whatit indicated; but he was not overwhelmed, and almostat the foot of the scaffold, he bravely fought manya tough battle. The Louvain doctors undertook tomake him abjure his faith, and represented to himthat he was condemned by the Church. 'The authorityof Jesus Christ,' answered Tyndale, 'is independentof the authority of the Church.' They called upon himto make submission to the successor of the ApostlePeter. 'Holy Scripture,' he said, 'is the first of theApostles, and theruler in the kingdom of Christ.'[454]The{221}Romish doctors ineffectually attacked him in his prison:he showed them that they were entangled in vain traditionsand miserable superstitions, and overthrew alltheir pretences.

During this time Poyntz was working with all hismight in England to ward off the blow by which hisfriend was about to be struck. John assisted Thomas,but all was useless. Henry just at that time wasmaking great efforts to arrest some of his subjects,whom their devotion to the pope had driven out ofEngland. 'Cover all the roads with spies, in order tocatch them,' he wrote to the German magistrates;[455]but there was not a word about Tyndale. The kingcared very little for these evangelicals. His religionconsisted in rejecting the Roman pontiff and makinghimself pope; as for those reformers, let them be burntin Brabant, it will save him the trouble.

All hope was not, however, lost. They had confidencein the vicegerent, thehammer of the monks. Onthe 13th of April Vaughan wrote to Cromwell fromAntwerp: 'If you will send me a letter for the privy-council,I can still save Tyndale from the stake; onlymake haste, for if you are slack about it, it will be toolate.'[456]But there were cases in which Cromwell coulddo nothing without the king, and Henry was deaf. Hehad special motives at that time for sacrificing Tyndale:the discontent which broke out in the North of Englandmade him desirous of conciliating the Low Countries.Charles V. also, who was vigorously attacked by FrancisI., prayedhis very good brother (Henry VIII.) to unitewith himfor the public good of Christendom.[457]QueenMary, regent of the Netherlands, wrote from Brusselsto her uncle, entreating him to yield to this prayer, andthe king was quite ready to abandon Tyndale to suchpowerful allies. Mary, a woman of upright heart but{222}feeble character, easily yielded to outward impressions,and had at that time bad counsellors about her. 'Thoseanimals (the monks) are all powerful at the Court ofBrussels,' said Erasmus. 'Mary is only a puppetplaced there by our nation; Montigny is the playthingof the Franciscans; the cardinal-archbishop of Liège isa domineering person, and full of violence; and as forthe archbishop of Palermo, he is a mere giver of wordsand nothing else.'[458]

Among such personages, and under their influence,the court was formed, and the trial of the reformer ofEngland began. Tyndale refused to be represented bycounsel. 'I will answer my accusers myself,' he said.The doctrine for which he was tried was this: 'The manwho throws off the worldly existence which he has livedfar from God, and receives by a living faith the completeremission of his sins, which the death of Christ haspurchased for him, is introduced by a glorious adoptioninto the very family of God.' This was certainly a crimefor which a reformer could joyfully suffer. In August1536, Tyndale appeared before the ecclesiastical court.'You are charged,' said his judges, 'with havinginfringed the imperial decree which forbids any one toteach that faith alone justifies.'[459]The accusation wasnot without truth. Tyndale'sUnjust Mammon had justappeared in London under the title:Treatise of Justificationby Faith only. Every man could read in it thecrime with which he was charged.

Tyndale had his reasons when he declared he woulddefend himself. It was not his own cause that heundertook to defend, but the cause of the Bible; a Brabantlawyer would have supported it very poorly. Itwas in his heart to proclaim solemnly, before he died,{223}that while all human religions make salvation proceedfrom the works of man, the divine religion makes itproceed from a work of God. 'A man, whom the senseof his sins has confounded,' said Tyndale, 'loses allconfidence and joy. The first thing to be done to savehim is, therefore, to lighten him of the heavy burdenunder which his conscience is bowed down. He mustbelieve in the perfect work of Christ which reconcileshim completely with God; then he has peace, andChrist imparts to him, by his Spirit, a holy regeneration.—Yes,'he exclaimed, 'we believe and are at peacein our consciences, because that God who cannot lie,hath promised to forgive us for Christ's sake. As achild, when his father threateneth him for his fault, hathnever rest till he hear the word of mercy and forgivenessof his father's mouth again; but as soon as he hearethhis father say, "Go thy way, do me no more so; I forgivethee this fault!" then is his heart at rest; thenrunneth he to no man to make intercession for him;neither, though there come any false merchant, saying:"What wilt thou give me and I will obtain pardon ofthy father for thee," will he suffer himself to be beguiled.No, he will not buy of awily fox what his father hathgiven him freely.'[460]

=TYNDALE DEGRADED.=

Tyndale had spoken to the consciences of his hearers,and some of them were beginning to believe that hiscause was the cause of the Gospel. 'Truly,' exclaimedthe procurator-general, as did formerly the centurionnear the cross; 'truly this was a good, learned, andpious man.'[461]But the priests would not allow so costlya prey to be snatched from them. Tyndale was declaredguilty of erroneous, captious, rash, ill-sounding, dangerous,scandalous, and heretical propositions, and wascondemned to be solemnly degraded and then handed{224}over to the secular power.[462]They were eager to makehim go through the ceremonial, even all the mummeries,used on such occasions: it was too good a case to allowof any curtailment. The reformer was dressed in hissacerdotal robes, the sacred vessels and the Bible wereplaced in his hands, and he was taken before the bishop.The latter, having been informed of thecrime of the accusedman, stripped him of the ornaments of his order,took away the Bible from the translator of the Bible; andafter a barber had shaved the whole of his head, thebishop declared him deprived of the crown of the priesthood,and expelled, like an undutiful child, from theinheritance of the Lord.

One day would have been sufficient to cut off fromthis world the man who was its ornament, and those whowalked in the darkness of fanaticism waited impatientlyfor the fatal hour; but the secular power hesitated forawhile, and the reformer stayed nearly two monthslonger in prison, always full of faith, peace, and joy.'Well,' said those who came near him in the castle ofVilvorde, 'if that man is not a good Christian, we donot know of one upon earth.' Religious courage waspersonified in Tyndale. He had never suffered himselfto be stopped by any difficulty, privation, or suffering;he had resolutely followed the call he had received,which was to give England the Word of God. Nothinghad terrified him, nothing had dispirited him; with admirableperseverance he had continued his work, andnow he was going to give his life for it. Firm in hisconvictions, he had never sacrificed the least truth toprudence or to fear; firm in his hope, he had neverdoubted that the labor of his life would bear fruit, forthat labor had the promises of God. That pious andintrepid man is one of the noblest examples of Christianheroism.

=TYNDALE'S DYING PRAYER.=

The faint hope which some of Tyndale's friends hadentertained, on seeing the delay of justice, was soon destroyed.The imperial government prepared at last tocomplete the wishes of the priests. Friday, the 6th ofOctober, 1536, was the day that terminated the miserablebut glorious life of the reformer. The gates of theprison rolled back, a procession crossed the foss and thebridge, under which slept the waters of the Senne,[463]passed the outward walls, and halted without the fortifications.Before leaving the castle, Tyndale, a gratefulfriend, had intrusted the jailer with a letter intendedfor Poyntz; the jailer took it himself to Antwerp notlong after, but it has not come down to us. On arrivingat the scene of punishment, the reformer found a numerouscrowd assembled. The government had wishedto show the people the punishment of a heretic, butthey only witnessed the triumph of a martyr. Tyndalewas calm. 'I call God to record,' he could say, 'thatI have never altered, against the voice of my conscience,one syllable of his Word. Nor would do this day, if allthe pleasures, honors, and riches of the earth might begiven me.'[464]The joy of hope filled his heart: yet onepainful idea took possession of him. Dying far fromhis country, abandoned by his king, he felt saddened atthe thought of that prince, who had already persecutedso many of God's servants, and who remained obstinatelyrebellious against that divine light which everywhereshone around him. Tyndale would not have that soulperish through carelessness. His charity buried all thefaults of the monarch: he prayed that those sins mightbe blotted out from before the face of God; he wouldhave saved Henry VIII. at any cost. While the executionerwas fastening him to the post, the reformerexclaimed in a loud and suppliant voice: 'Lord, openthe king of England's eyes!'[465]They were his last words.{226}Instantly afterwards he was strangled, and flames consumedthe martyr's body. His last cry was wafted tothe British isles, and repeated in every assembly ofChristians. A great death had crowned a great life.'Such,' says the old chronicler, John Foxe, 'such is thestory of that true servant and martyr of God, WilliamTyndale, who, for his notable pains and travail, maywell be calledthe Apostle of England in this our later age.'[466]

His fellow-countrymen profited by the work of hislife. As early as 1526 more than twenty editions ofTyndale's New Testament had been circulated over thekingdom, and others had followed them. It was like amighty river continually bearing new waters to the sea.Did the reformer's death dry them up suddenly? No.A greater work still was to be accomplished: the entireBible was ready. But could it be circulated? The kinghad refused his consent to the circulation of Coverdale'sBible; would he not do the same with this, and withgreater reason? A powerful protector alone couldsecure the free circulation of Scripture. Richard Grafton,the printer, went to London to ask permission tosell the precious volume, and with the intention of applyingto Cranmer.

Would Cranmer protect it? The king and Cromwellhad declared against Tyndale, and the primate hadlooked on: that was too much his custom. His essentiallyprudent mind, the conviction he felt that hecould do no good to the Church unless he kept theplace he occupied, and perhaps his love of life, inclinedhim to yield to his master's despotic will. So long asHenry VIII. was on the throne of England, Cranmerwas (humanly speaking) the only possible reformer. AJohn the Baptist, a Knox, would have been dashed topieces at the first shock. The sceptre was then an axe;to save the head, it was necessary to bend it. Theprimate, therefore, bent his head frequently. He hid{227}himself during the royal anger, but when the storm hadpassed he appeared again. The primate was the victimof an error. He had said that the king ought to commandthe Church, and every time the tyrant's order washeard, he appeared to believe that God himself enjoinedhim to obey. Cranmer was the image of his Churchwhich, under the weight of its greatness and with manyweaknesses hidden beneath its robes, has notwithstandingalways had within it a mighty principle of truth andlife.

Grafton, the printer, had an audience of the archbishopat Forde, in Kent: he presented the martyr'sBible, and asked him to procure its free circulation.The archbishop took the book, examined it, and wasdelighted with it. Fidelity, clearness, strength, simplicity,unction—all were combined in this admirabletranslation. Cranmer had much eagerness in proposingwhat he thought useful. He sent the volume to Cromwell,begging him to present it to his Majesty andobtain permission for it to be sold, 'until such time thatwe (the bishops),' he added, 'shall put forth a bettertranslation—which, I think, will not be till a day afterdoomsday.'[467]

=SALE OF THE BIBLE PERMITTED.=

Henry ran over the book: Tyndale's name was not init, and the dedication to his Majesty was very wellwritten. The king regarding (and not without reason)Holy Scripture as the most powerful engine to destroythe papal system, and believing that this translationwould help him to emancipate England from theRomish domination, came to an unexpected resolution:he authorized the sale and the reading of the Biblethroughout the kingdom. Inconsistent and whimsicalprince! at one and the same time he published andimposed all over his realm the doctrines of Romanism,and circulated without obstacle the Divine Word thatoverthrew them! We may well say that the blood of a{228}martyr, precious in the eyes of the Supreme King,opened the gates of England to the Holy Scriptures.Cromwell having informed the archbishop of the royaldecision, the latter exclaimed, 'What you have justdone gives me more pleasure than if you had given mea thousand pounds. I doubt not but that hereby suchfruit of good knowledge shall ensue, that it shall wellappear hereafter, what high and acceptable service youhave done unto God and the king, which shall so muchredound to your honor that (besides God's reward) youshall obtain perpetual memory for the same.'[468]

=RECEPTION OF THE BIBLE.=

For centuries the English people had been waitingfor such a permission, even from before the time ofWycliff; and accordingly the Bible circulated rapidly.The impetuosity with which the living waters rushedforth, carrying with them everything they met in theircourse, was like the sudden opening of a huge floodgate.This great event, more important than divorces, treaties,and wars, was the conquest of England by the Reformation.'It was a wonderful thing to see,' says an oldhistorian.[469]Whoever possessed the means bought thebook and read it or had it read to him by others. Agedpersons learnt their letters in order to study the HolyScriptures of God. In many places there were meetingsfor reading; poor people clubbed their savings togetherand purchased a Bible, and then in some remote cornerof the church,[470]they modestly formed a circle, and readthe Holy Book between them. A crowd of men, women,and young folks, disgusted with the barren pomp of thealtars, and with the worship of dumb images, wouldgather round them to taste the precious promises of theGospel. God himself spoke under the arched roofs ofthose old chapels or time-worn cathedrals, where for{229}generations nothing had been heard but masses andlitanies. The people wished, instead of the noisychants of the priests, to hear the voice of Jesus Christ,of Paul and of John, of Peter and of James. TheChristianity of the Apostles reappeared in the Church.

But with it came persecution, according to the wordsof the Master:The brother shall deliver up the brother todeath, and the father the child. A father exasperatedbecause his son, a mere boy, had taken part in theseholy readings, caught him by the hair, and put a cordround his neck to hang him.[471]In all the towns and villagesof Tyndale's country the holy pages were opened,and the delighted readers found therein those treasuresof peace and joy which the martyr had known. Manycried out with him, 'We know that this Word is fromGod, as we know that fire burns; not because any onehas told us, but because a Divine fire consumes ourhearts. O the brightness of the face of Moses! O thesplendor of the glory of Jesus Christ, which no veil conceals!O the inward power of the Divine word, whichcompels us, with so much sweetness, to love and to do!O the temple of God within us, in which the Son of Goddwells!'[472]Tyndale had desired to see the world on fireby his Master's Word, and that fire was kindled.

The general dissemination of the Holy Scripturesforms an important epoch in the Reformation of England.It is like one of those pillars which separate oneterritory from another. Here, for the moment, wesuspend our course, and repose for a brief space ere weturn our steps to other countries.

The Reformation of Geneva, prepared by the restorationof civil liberty and begun by the reading of theWord of God and the teaching of various evangelists,was about to be definitively carried out by the devoutministry of Froment, Viret, and particularly of Farel.Afterwards Calvin, in accord with the Councils,who never renounced their right of intervention, willstrengthen the foundations and organize and crown theedifice. The civil and ecclesiastical powers had (especiallysince the days of Hildebrand) struggled continuallywith each other in the different nations of Christendom,and stirred up hatreds, divisions, and wars. A betterstate of things was to take the place of these perpetualtroubles. Church and State were not always to beunited even in Geneva; but they would show moremoderation in their relations, would more frequentlyhave the same thoughts, and would advance hand inhand towards a mutual independence, which would not,however, estrange them from each other.

=IS LIBERTY A BLESSING?.=

At the beginning of 1535 the opposition to Reform{231}was still vigorous in that city, whose inhabitants werediscussing the important question whether liberty was agood or an evil? The partisans of the pope and Savoytried to demonstrate to such of the citizens as wereknown to be in favor of civil liberty and religious reform,that their condition would go from bad to worse,if they did not accept the sovereignty of their bishop,the protectorate of a neighboring prince, and the supremacyof the pope—three masters for one. The fruits ofthat independence with which they were so captivated,would be (they said) agitation, disorder, violence, andmisery. The feudal party was sincerely convinced thatthe path of liberty is rugged and dangerous; that hewho follows it stumbles, falls, and is ruined; and thatwhether a nation be great or small, it needs an absoluteand energetic power to keep it in order. They advisedthe Genevese to lay aside their fine theories, their oldparchments, and their ancient franchises, and to take amaster if they desired to see peace, wealth, pleasure,and prosperity abound within their walls.

The citizens rejected this advice. They believed thatas the liberties they possessed came from their fathers,they ought not to rob their children of them. Theyknew that independence had dangers, privations, andtroubles to which they must submit. But life itself isnot without them, and we should not think that areason for making away with it. If God has enrichedman with noble faculties, it is not that he may mutilateor stifle them, but develop, regulate, and increase them.No man worthy of the name voluntarily accepts laws inthe making of which he has had no share. Cæsarism,violence, and secret societies cannot be substituted in anation for independence, justice, and publicity. Despotismdwarfs a man, liberty strengthens him. To take itaway in order to prevent abuses, is to change the workand plan of the Creator.

And yet everything seemed to indicate that liberty{232}and reform were about to be destroyed in Geneva. Anassembly of the Swiss Cantons held, as we have seen, atLucerne on the 1st of January, 1535, had been occupiedabout Geneva; and Berne, the only canton that wishedwell to the Genevese, had consented that the bishop andthe duke should be reinstated in the rights which theypretended to possess, provided religion remained free;for, the Bernese had added, 'faith is the gift of God.'But the envoys of Savoy had demanded the completeand unconditional recognition of the absolute authorityof the duke and the bishop, which alone (they affirmed)could put an end to all hatred and effusion of blood.[473]The diet had decided on this, so that the reformationand independence of Geneva were about to be annihilatedby the Swiss themselves.

=HUGUENOT MAGISTRATES ELECTED.=

But it is when men draw back that help is nearest.If all were resolved, outside of Geneva, to destroy itsReformation, the small phalanx of citizens within itswalls was not less resolved to uphold it. Three partiescalled for it alike. The old huguenots wanted it to beimmediate, violent even if necessary; the magistrateswished it to be legal, slow, and diplomatic; and theevangelicals desired it to be spiritual and peaceably accomplishedby the Word of God. There were manypious souls in the houses of people of mark, as well as inobscure dwellings, who cried to God day and night forthe triumph of the good cause. That little city of 12,000souls had determined to resist the powers who wantedto crush it. Without hesitation, without fear, Genevatrusted in God and marched onwards. The period (7thof February) having arrived at which the magistrateswere elected every year, the Genevese resolutely votedto the first offices of the state the friends of independenceand reform.[474]Among the councillors there were{233}also some of the most decided huguenots.[475]With suchmen—with Farel, Viret, and Froment within its walls,and with the Divine protection, the transformation ofGeneva seemed imminent, notwithstanding the effortsof Switzerland, Piedmont, the emperor, and the pope.

The government party desired to precipitate nothing;they intended to conciliate opposite opinions, and toseek a certain middle course which would satisfy everybody;but the cause of the Reformation and of libertyfermented in many hearts. Those waters, which themagistrates would have desired to see motionless, werestrongly agitated, and the Roman ship, already dismasted,might be suddenly engulfed. Almost every daysome citizen, some woman, or even some monk, left theChurch of the pope and entered the Church of theGospel; or else some foreign Christian, who hadforsaken everything to obey his conscience, entered thefree city, principally by the gate of France. Thosepious refugees were received like brothers. Peoplegathered round them, looked at them, and questionedthem. The strangers told how they had waged abitter war, endured vile reproaches, wept much andgroaned much; but the annoyances they had suffered(they added) appeared light, now that they had founddeliverance and liberty. The Christians of Geneva werestrengthened by the faith of these noble confessors ofJesus Christ. The reforming torrent increased, it wasseen rushing against the weakened barriers. TheRoman-catholics both from without and within vainlyendeavored to check it; it was about to sweep away theworm-eaten timbers of popery.[476]The council, however,{234}seemed motionless. The ardent Bandière was pushingforward, the catholic Philippin was holding back; butthe halfway opinions of the chief syndic and of DuMolard finally prevailed.

The moderate party agreed that some concessionought to be made to the evangelical party, if they wishedto remain in office. A good opportunity occurred ofrealizing this plan. They discovered a gray friar whooffered to preach the Word of God, while wearing thehood of St. Francis. To give a mitigated Gospel, undera Roman form, is the plan ordinarily chosen by thosewho have set peace before truth. One or two days afterthe election of syndics, the cordelier, supported by thecouncil, asked the Chapter for a place to preach in.The canons, who were a little mistrustful, examinedhim: he wore the brown frock of St. Francis, and acord served him for a girdle. Still they feared therewas something underneath. 'Go to the vicar-episcopal,who lives at Gex,' they said. The 'evangelical monk'did so; but the vicar also regarded him with an uneasylook. 'My lord bishop,' he answered, 'will soon cometo Geneva; he will bring with him whatever preacherhe likes.' The poor Franciscan came back and told thecouncil that they had bowed him out everywhere. Twocouncillors now waited upon the Chapter to support themonk's petition; when some of them, who lived ascanons do, as idly as can be imagined, suddenly foundthat they had their hands full. 'We have to read theservice,' they answered, 'and it is so long! and thenthere is other work to do; there is the procession, inwhich we must walk in order. We have not the timeto think about preaching! Make the best arrangementyou can.' The council was disgusted. To bawl outlitanies, that was a pressing matter; but to have theWord of God preached was a supererogatory work.'Well then,' said the offended syndics to the monk, 'wewill give you a place ourselves,' and they assigned him{235}the church of St. Germain, situated in a district devotedto catholicism. This was Saturday, 12th of February,the eve of the first Sunday in Lent.[477]

The report of this decision threw the catholics of theparish into confusion, and there were violent scenes inmany a household. The women were beside themselves;they abused their husbands, called them cowards, andenjoined them to oppose the monk's sermon. One ofthem, by name Pernette, was distinguished in this opposition.Small, fat, short-legged, and with her headbetween the shoulders, she was so like a ball that theycalled her in the cityTouteronde.[478]But a restless spiritagitated her little body, and a big voice came out of it.Pernette bestirred herself, plotted in-doors, shouted inthe streets, and at last went to see the parish-priest.

The priest of St. Germain and bishop's procurator-fiscalwas Thomas Vandel, brother of Robert, Pierre, andHugues. He was an undecided character, disposed towalk like his brothers in the way of independence, butclose ties attached him to the bishop, and he hesitated.Divided in heart, he was continually driven backwardsand forwards by opposing sentiments.

For the moment, thanks to the efforts of certaincanons and noble ladies, the wind at the parsonage wasfavorable for the papacy. Certain huguenots, however,were just then speaking in a loud voice; and Vandel,unwilling to pronounce for either side, threw the burdenon the principal members of his parish, by requestingthem to present a petition to the council.

=A RIOT IN CHURCH.=

On Sunday morning a little before the hour at whichthe monk was to preach, the deputation proceeded tothe hôtel-de-ville. The members were really speakingfor their wives. There was no question of heresy. 'Wefear that there may be a disturbance,' they said, 'andtherefore beg to have our usual service.' The syndics{236}answered, 'You will hear the preacher. If he preacheswell, he shall stay; but if he preaches any novelty, anythingcontrary to Holy Scripture, he will be expelled.'Accordingly the priest had it announced in the churchthat the monk would preachby order of the council.The women and a few men returned to their homesmuch irritated. An insurrection was at once organized;a clerical partisan collected a number of the parishionersabout him in the street and shouted out, 'Shut thechurch doors against the gray friar.' Pernette, whowas there, went home, caught up a great wooden pestlewith which she used to pound salt,[479]and brandishing itlike a club, marched fiercely to the combat. A greatnumber of women, among whom were some of ratherquestionable morality, surrounded her, crying, 'TheLutherans want to give us a preacher. Oh, the dogs,the dogs!' Pernette raised her pestle and declaredshe would brain the first heretic who dared approachthe pulpit. Her bellicose companions followed her, enteredthe church, drew up in battle-array, and waitedfor the enemy. Directly the cordelier appeared, theybegan to make a great uproar,[480]and rushed in front ofhim, shouting and tossing their arms and their weapons.Pernette got on a chair, and brandished the pestle overtheir heads. The Reformed who had entered the doorsgathered round the preacher, crying, 'Forward, courage!'and made a way for the monk, who, little by little,reached the foot of the pulpit. 'Then,' says sisterJeanne de Jussie, 'that apostate from St. Francis, whostill wore the robe of the holy order, began to preachin the heretical fashion.'[481]But as soon as the Franciscanopened his mouth, Pernette gave the signal byraising her pestle, and immediately the bigots of both{237}sexes made such an uproar that the cordelier was compelledto be silent.

The council, unwilling to see their orders defied, tookproceedings against the rioters. The friend of thepriests who had prompted the insurrection lost hiscitizenship; Pernette was condemned to a few days'imprisonment on bread and water; and two otherwomen of loose conduct were banished from the city.From that time the cordelier preached in peace; andthecuré seeing which way the wind was blowing, graciouslyreceived him into his own house. Before longhe began to have a liking for the monk's opinions, andappeared to range himself on the side of the Gospel.[482]

This victory—as was natural—precipitated the movementof the Reformation in Geneva. Easter day waskept with much fervor by the friends of the Gospel.They went in considerable numbers to the Lord's table,which was spread at the Rive convent. Husbands accompaniedtheir wives; the young guided the old.Some huguenots, who probably were not among thecommunicants, wishing to prove to the catholics, thatalthough they were in the last days of Holy Week, thebells had not made a journey to Rome, as the priestsled the superstitious people to believe, rang them inloud peals on Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, sayssister Jeanne.[483]The fanatical adversaries of the Reformation,exasperated by this progress, were about totake a cruel revenge.

=THE PIOUS KNIGHT OF RHODES.=

Gaudet of St. Cloud, near Paris, a pious man andformerly knight of Rhodes,[484]saw with joy this activemovement of Reform. Accordingly, he had left hisuncle, the Commander of Rhodes, Sire Loys Brunis deCompésières, a man heartily devoted to the pope, andhad gone and settled in Geneva with his wife and{238}household. The city of the huguenots was speciallyadapted to offer a refuge to the exiles. Then, at least,there was no exclusive aristocracy; every individualityhad its place. Any one might by his intelligence andenergy take his seat among the notables. Gaudet,touched by these liberal manners, and edified by thezeal with which Farel and the other ministers scatteredthe true doctrine of the Son of God amidst great difficulties,[485]lived happily in Geneva, heard the preachingand even preached himself, which seemed extraordinaryin a knight of Rhodes. One day a Genevese Roman-catholic,visiting the Commander of Compésières, toldhim what his nephew was doing. When Sire Loys heardthat the knight of Rhodes was turning heretic andpreacher, he resolved to get him out of so dangerous acity, and to that end gave his visitor a letter in whichGaudet was invited to go to Gex, where he would findimportant news from Paris. Gaudet set off. It wasnot an easy thing at that time to make this journey.Genevese mamelukes, Savoyard knights, and other brigandsfilled the castle of Peney. Perched on the walls,they kept watch on all the surrounding country, and assoon as they perceived a traveller, they swooped downupon their prey, and carried him off to their eyrie.Their brigandage was the chief topic of conversation inall the country round. 'On the 9th of February ofthis year,' people said at Geneva, 'three cordeliers andtwo printers, all disciples of the Gospel, who had comefrom France and were journeying hither, were carriedaway from the inn at which they had halted by twelvearquebusiers from Peney. A little later another Frenchmanwas taken, tortured, and hanged. Between the1st and 5th of April several Genevans were taken tothe castle with their hands tied behind them like criminals.A huguenot, condemned, without proof, of havinghelped to drive the bishop out of Geneva, was torn limb{239}from limb by horses in the courtyard at Peney. Thegarrison of that castle creates continual alarm nightand day; and carries off cattle, goods, and even men,women and children.'[486]Such savage acts were of anature to prevent Gaudet from acting upon his uncle'sinvitation; but a knight of Rhodes knows no fear. Hereached Gex on the 22d of June without hindrance,and departed the next morning. He was travellingwithout suspicion when some armed men pounced uponhim and carried him off to the castle of Peney.

=THE KNIGHT CRUELLY TORTURED.=

The fanatics who had taken up their abode there,tried to bring Gaudet back to the teaching of Rome;but as their efforts were useless, they took other meanswhich doubtless were not to be found in his uncle'sinstructions. They kept him for about five days ingreat torment.[487]'If you will recant,' they said, 'yourlife shall be spared.' But the ex-knight knew that wehave to fight continually, and he had the doctrine ofsalvation too deeply engraved in his heart to forget it.'He remained constant,' say the chroniclers, 'supportingthe cause of the Gospel.' The men of Peney had notexpected this. In their eyes Gaudet's firmness wascriminal obstinacy, and they resolved 'to put him tothe cruellest death ever heard of in this country.'[488]Theydetermined that he should be 'burnt alive over a slowfire, for having settled at Geneva, for having attendedsermons, and heard and preached the Gospel.' Thatwas his crime. Wishing to let their neighbors enjoya spectacle so worthy of being seen, the gentlemeninvited the peasantry of the neighborhood, men,women, and children, to be present. Gaudet wasbrought from his dungeon, and taken into the castleyard, which was filled with spectators, and there fastenedto a post. One of the Peneysans brought some{240}embers and placed them 'neatly' under his feet; whenthe soles of his feet were burnt, the fire was removedand passed in succession over the different parts of thebody. But the Christian knight remained firm. Heknew that when God puts his Holy Spirit into a man,he cannot fail, although the heavens should fall. Hiscruel torturers showed as much determination as he did.They said that Gaudet was a member of that famousorder of St. John of Jerusalem founded in the HolyLand, placed under the protection of the holy see, andwhich had defended with so much glory the Crossagainst the Crescent. The knowledge that one of itsknights had joined the heretics, that he had even becomea preacher, transported them with fury. Seeing thattheir burning coals did nothing, they tied the discipleof the Gospel to a pillar, stood round him with theirarms, and, more cruel than the Red Indians, began toprick him all over with their spears and halberds.[489]Gaudet, forgivingly, blessed his enemies. 'You areputting me to death,' he said, 'because I have preachedthe Word of God. I call to the God of mercy, and praythat He will pardon the sufferings you inflict uponme.'[490]

The martyr was visibly sinking, but he ceased not toinvoke the name of Christ; and 'that invocation,' saysthe chronicler, 'brought him alleviation in his bittertorments.' He had put his hope in the faithfulness ofthe unseen God. The punishment and the joy of themartyr had a different effect upon the spectators fromwhat had been expected. They were seized with horror;they uttered deep sighs, and 'departed weeping andgroaning to their homes, being grieved at such an outrage.'[491]At length Gaudet, exhausted, rendered up his{241}soul to God, two days after he had been fastened to thepillar. Geneva, who had had her martyrs of liberty, nowhad her martyrs of faith.[492]

=ATTACK ON PENEY.=

So cruel an action revolted every heart. The priestssaid: 'It will do us more mischief than twenty ofFarel's sermons.' The huguenots exclaimed that thebrigands' nest must be destroyed. The relatives of thecitizens confined in it feared lest they should meet withGaudet's fate, and called for their deliverance. Thecouncil met one night after supper, the gates of the citybeing already closed, and the attack of Peney wasproposed. They were reminded, in vain, 'that it containedold soldiers, men tried in war, and that the castlewas strong and well supplied with artillery.' Gaudet'scruel punishment carried the day: the proposal forattacking was voted. The herald passed through thedark streets, with orders that every man, bearing arms,should go to his muster-place without delay. A force ofnearly five hundred men and two pieces of artillery leftthe city. About an hour after midnight, the little armywas under the walls of the fortress. All was quiet:everybody was asleep. Unfortunately, the ladders hadnot yet arrived, and the Genevese, fearing they would beobserved if the assault was deferred, pointed their cannonsand fired a shot. The men-at-arms in the castlewere aroused: at first they imagined they were taken,says the chronicler; but recovered themselves beforelong. Some rang the alarm-bell to call their friendsfrom outside, others ran to the ramparts. Renouncingtheir idea of scaling the walls, the Genevese aimed theircannons at the gate and battered it down; the Peneysansimmediately set up another. Bullets and cannonballsrained on the besiegers, the walls seemed on fire.Some of the Genevese fell where they stood; others,who were wounded, retired out of gunshot, and sat{242}down mournfully by the road-side. At this moment itwas reported that M. de Lugrin, who commanded atGex, was approaching with his troops. As the Genevanswere about to be caught between two fires, thecommanders ordered a retreat.

Everybody crowded to the gates to receive the discomfitedforce. What a disaster! women looking fortheir husbands, mothers for their sons! 'What remedycan be found for the ills that now oppress us?' was thecry. The voices of the Reformers revived their droopingspirits, and said: 'God will do other and greaterthings. He will deliver you from your enemies, but byother means which you do not understand, in order thatthe honor may be entirely paid to Him, and not to yourhuman enterprises and artillery.'[493]The Genevansneglected nothing for their defence. They took thebells from the convents and cast them into cannon; theycleared away the walls of the faubourgs which stillexisted; they established a permanent force to protectthe open country and seek provisions; and, finally, sentaway the traitors whom they found in the city. Theytrusted in God, but they wished to be ready for battle.

=ULTRAMONTANE PLOTS.=

The ultramontanes were more zealous than ever.Many would only employ lawful arms; but there weresome who were by no means scrupulous as to the meansadopted to vanquish the enemies of Rome. Fanaticsmake a false conscience for themselves, and then lookupon culpable actions as good ones. Empire was slippingfrom the hands of the Church; it must, at anycost, be restored to her, thought the extravagant Roman-catholicsof Geneva. Canon Gruet, in particular—hisfamulus, Gardet the priest, and Barbier, in the serviceof the bishop of Maurienne, thought that, as neitherduke, bishop, nor mameluke could do anything, othermeans must be devised to check that furious torrentwhich threatened to sweep away papacy, temples, priests,and images. Fanatics, whom the wise men of catholicismare unanimous in condemning, were plotting inthe dark and muttering softly that as Farel, Viret, andFroment were all living in the same house, they couldeasily be got rid of at one blow. Some inkling of theseguilty designs got abroad, and the Reformers werewarned to be on their guard; but such plots did nottrouble them. 'If we were all three dead,' said Froment,'God would soon raise up others. Out of stonescan He not raise up children unto Abraham?' The workof darkness began.[494]

There lived in Geneva at that time a married womanand mother of a family, Antonia Vax by name; she wasof quick perception, melancholy temperament, enthusiasticimagination, weak rather than depraved. Inthose days poison was much used; Bonivard had oftenrelated, 'how pope Alexander VI., wishing to have themoney and benefices of two or three cardinals, haddrunk in mistake from the flagon in which stood thepoisoned wine, and had been caught in his own trap.'Antonia had seen poison employed. When in serviceat Lyons, nine years before, she had remarked that oneof her companions always carried with him a little boxpiously covered with anAgnus Dei: 'It contains sublimate,'he had told her. More than once after this,when the unfortunate woman, of dark and dreamytemperament, felt the vapors rise to her brain, she hadcried out: 'How wretched I am! how I should like tobe out of this world! If I only had some sublimate!'At Bourg she had seen her mistress, in complicity with aSpanish doctor, give her husband poison; and enteringafterwards the household of an illustrious family, theSeigneur de Challe, nephew to the bishop of Maurienne,she had seen her master poison his mother's husband.After this Antonia came to Geneva with her husbandand children.[495]

=ANTONIA AND THE PRIESTS.=

Barbier, one of the chief instigators of the plot, hadknown Antonia when she was in M. de Challe's service.On his return from a conference held at Thonon, he casthis eyes upon her to carry out the guilty designs formedby him and his accomplices. At Geneva, as in England,it was a woman whom the misguided priests selected tostrike the blow which they hoped would destroy the Reformation.Neither of those wretched women wasdeprived of all moral sentiment; but the heated imaginations{245}of the maid of Kent and of Antonia, andtheir unhealthy sensibility, made them embrace enthusiasticallythe schemes of wicked and crafty men.Barbier accosted the woman Vax, spoke to her of thepreachers, and of the ills which threatened Holy Church;and when he thought he had sufficiently prepared theground, he represented to her the great service shewould do to religion, if she freed Geneva from theheretics. 'If any suspicions should be aroused,' headded, 'you will only have to remove to Canon Gruet's,secretary to Monseigneur of Maurienne.' Antoniahesitated. Some monks of the abbey of Ambournay, inBresse, whom she had known, and who were then atGeneva, got round her, and endeavored to persuade herthat such an action would merit the glory of heaven.She appeared sensible to their persuasions, and yet thedeed was repugnant to her. To decide her, Barbiertook her to D'Orsière, a canon held in great esteem.'Act, act boldly,' said the canon; 'you need not beanxious.' The unhappy woman yielded.[496]

The next step was to prepare the means: by representingher as a poor woman who fled to Geneva for theGospel, they contrived to get her admitted into ClaudeBernard's house, where Farel, Viret, and Fromentlodged. Bernard's heart was touched, and he engagedAntonia to wait upon his three guests, who took theirmeals apart. She knew so well how to play her part,that she was in fact regarded as one of the more ferventseekers of the Gospel. To procure poison was notdifficult: she had lived for some time with MichaelVallot, the apothecary, and continued to go there. Oneday she paid him a visit, and, at a propitious moment,caught up some poison in a box and ran away.

When the poison was in her hands, she had still (asit would appear) a moment of uneasiness; but the{246}wretches, whose tool she was, pressed her to deliverGeneva from heresy. Accordingly, on the 8th of March,Antonia, taking courage, prepared some spinach soup,which she made very thick, for fear the poison shouldbe noticed, threw in the sublimate, and, entering theroom where Farel, Viret, and Froment were at table,put the deadly broth before them. Farel looked at it,found it too thick for his taste, and, though he had nosuspicion, asked for some household soup. Froment,less dainty than Farel, had taken the spoon, and wasabout to lift it to his mouth, when some one came inand informed him that his wife and children had justarrived in Geneva. He rose hastily, 'leaving everything,'and ran off to meet them. Viret was left, stillpale and suffering from the sword-cut he had receivedfrom a priest near Payerne. The perfidious Antoniahad told him that she would make him some soup 'goodfor his stomach,' and he therefore ate tranquilly the foodshe had 'dressed to kill him.'[497]

The crime was accomplished. If the good providenceof God had miraculously saved two of the evangelists,the third was to all appearance lost. At this momentthe wretched woman suddenly became agitated; herconscience reproached her with her crime; and burstinginto tears, she ran hurriedly to the kitchen, where shebegan to moan. 'What is the matter with you?' askedher companions: but she made no answer. Unable toresist her remorse, and believing pure water to be a goodantidote to the poison, she formed the resolution ofsaving her victim, poured some water into a glass,hurried up-stairs, and desired Viret to drink it. Thelatter was astonished, and wanted at least to know thereason of such a request. She refused to tell him, butdid not cease begging him until he had drunk. Froment,much irritated against the woman, regarded her{247}emotion as 'mere crocodile's tears;' he says so in hisChronicle. We are inclined to believe them sincere.

=FLIGHT OF ANTONIA.=

Viret became ill, and his friends were heart-broken.'Alas!' said Froment, 'we expect death for him, andnot life.' People asked the cause of this sudden illness,and Antonia, suspected of knowing something about it,was seized with terror. She felt herself already caughtand sentenced. 'I know very well that it is nosport,'she exclaimed. Her imagination was heated; she wentto the house where her children lived, and, taking theyoungest in her arms, leading a second by the hand, theothers following her, she ran with alarm to the shore ofthe lake, wishing to escape, and her little ones with her.'Take me away from the city,' she said to the boatmen.They carried her as far as Coppet, about threeleagues off. Claude Bernard and one or two of hisfriends, who had reasons for mistrusting the woman,jumped into a boat, and, having found her, brought herback. They did not, however, charge her with anything;but her conscience accused her: her agitationkept increasing during the passage; and her haggardeyes were fixed upon her old master, his friends, andthe boatmen. 'You are betraying me,' she said: 'youare playing me a trick.' At length they arrived.Antonia got out of the boat first, and while Bernard andhis friends were occupied in landing the children, sheslipped away lightly, plunged into a dark alley betweenthe Molard and the Fusterie, hurried through it, climbedthe Rue de la Pélisserie, and reached the house of CanonD'Orsière, who had said to her: 'Act, act boldly, youneed not be anxious.'—'Save me!' she exclaimed. Thecanon hid her in his cellar. But some people had seena woman pass hurriedly along: the officers of justicesearched the canon's house, found Antonia crouching ina dark underground cellar, and took her away to prison,where she confessed everything.

Meanwhile Viret was in peril of death, and, as there{248}was no woman at Bernard's to tend him, Dame Pernette,a pious Christian, and wife of the councillor MichaelBalthasard, begged that he might be removed to herhouse, which was done. Froment, who went to see himoften, said: 'Really, Dame Pernette is doing him agreat service, and showing him great kindness.' Onedoctor said he was poisoned, another denied it. Thewhole city was filled with the affair: men and womenassembled and expressed their sorrow. 'Must theChurch be robbed of such a pearl,' they said, 'by such amiserable creature?... Poor Viret! Poor reformers!...Sword-cuts in the back, poison infront.... Such are the rewards of those who preachthe Gospel!' Viret was saved, but he felt the effects ofthe poison all his life.[498]

The investigation began on the 13th of April.Antonia was not of a character to conceal her crime:thevénéfique, as they called the poisoner, declared openlyshe was led into it by the 'round caps (the clergy).'[499]The priests, and even the canon who had ruined her, werearrested and taken to prison. A canon arrested by laymen!All the clergy were in commotion: Aimé deGingins, the bishop's vicar-general, represented to thesyndics that a canon ought not to be imprisoned byanybody, not being a subject of the State, but only ofthe chapter. The magistrates declared that the investigationof criminal matters belonged to them, and thepriests were forced to submit to be tried according tothe common law—a great innovation in the sixteenthcentury.

=EXECUTION OF ANTONIA.=

Antonia was condemned to have her head cut off, herbody hung on the gibbet of Champel, and her headfixed on a nail. At first she remained firm. 'Takecare, my lords,' she said, 'that your servants do not{249}poison you, for there are many who practise it.' Butwhen she had returned to prison, she became quiteprostrated. Pale and speechless, she rolled her haggardeyes around her. It was still worse when she was ledto the place of execution. Her mind wandered: shewas like one of those personages spoken of in antiquity,who were said to be pursued by the Furies. Althoughsurrounded by an immense crowd, she did not observeit: her eyes seemed fixed on some mysterious beings.She fancied she saw the priests of Geneva and themonks of Ambournay standing round her. 'Take themaway, take them away!' she exclaimed, waving her hand;and as the guards showed by their looks of astonishmentthat they did not know what she meant, 'Takethem away,' she resumed, pointing with her finger at whatshe believed she saw; 'in heaven's name take awaythoseround-caps who are before me; ... it is theywho are the cause of my death!' Having mounted thescaffold, she cried out again in great anguish: 'Takethem away!' and her head fell.[500]She paid dearly forher crime—a crime too frequent in those days, whenfanatics thought it their duty to serve by violence thecause which they said was the cause of God. Theadversaries of the Reformation, in the countries which itreached, have too frequently employed the arms ofiniquity against it.

The guilty project of getting rid of the three Reformersat once had the opposite consequences to what itsauthors had hoped. The atrocity of the attempt increasedthe love of the people for the Reform, and detractedgreatly from the reputation of the priests. Themost sinister reports were circulated about them. Itwas said that they had tried to poison the bread andwine of the Lord's Supper, in order to cut off all the{250}reformed at a blow. People shrank from them in thestreets as they passed, as if their simple approach couldinflict death.[501]

All Geneva was in commotion: a transformation ofthat little state became imminent. At this time ambitiouspopes and despotic princes exercised absolutepower. Two kinds of enfranchisement were necessaryfor Christendom: that of the nation and that of theChurch. The Genevese sought after both: some ralliedround the banner of faith, others round that ofliberty; but the more enlightened minds saw that thesetwo holy causes should never be separated; and thatthe political awakening of a nation can only succeed sofar as the awakening of the conscience tends to preventdisorder.[502]In no country, perhaps, were these twomovements so simultaneous as in Geneva. Certain naturalphenomena are studied in microscopic animalcules:a moral phenomenon may be illustrated in the historyof this small city which may be enunciated in thesewords: 'He who desires to be free must believe.'[503]

The Gospel, however, was not as yet triumphant.While the Roman-catholics always had their parishes,their churches, and numerous priests, the reformed hadbut one place of worship, and three ministers. Such astate of things could not last long. An important eventoccurred to hasten the victory of the Gospel and ofliberty.

=JACQUES BERNARD CONVERTED.=

At the very moment when a pious reformer was descendingnear to the gates of death, the head of theFranciscans in Geneva was taking the new road 'thatleadeth unto life.' The three brothers Bernard—Claude,the elder, in whose house the reformers receiveda Christian hospitality; Louis, priest of St. Pierre; and{251}Jacques, guardian or superior of the Franciscan convent—wereamong the most notable citizens of Geneva.The two elder had for some time embraced the Reform;but the third, a monk, had remained a zealot for popery.Ere long he himself was shaken. Seeing the threeministers closely at his brother Claude's, he learnt bytheir life to esteem their doctrine, and their virtuesstruck him so much the more, as he had lived in poperya life by no means regular himself. He examined himselfseriously whether he would not do well to renouncemonasticism.[504]The light of the Gospel began to shineinto his heart. Nothing struck him so much as thethought that Christ, in his great love, had procured forhis followers by his death aperfect reconciliation withGod. The character which popery ascribed to the massappeared to him to do injury to the infinite price of theSaviour's passion. 'I am convinced,' said he to Farel,at the end of one of their conversations. 'I am one ofyou!'—'Good!' answered the reformer, 'but if faith iskindled in your heart, it is necessary that the lightshould be shown abroad. Confess your faith publiclybefore men.' Jacques was determined not to spare himself,and not only to declare for the Gospel, but, further,to endeavor to make it known to his fellow-citizens.He posted up bills on February 19th, that during Lenthe would preach every afternoon in the convent church.

This was something new: a numerous crowd filled theplace. 'Men and women, catholics and Lutherans,crowded in,' says the nun of Ste. Claire, 'and thatduring all the first week.' Some fancied that the guardianwas going to thunder against the Reform; but alldoubts were soon dispersed. He spoke, and the astonishmentwas universal. The reformed were surprised atseeing one who formerly had rejected so rudely thegrace of Christ, now rushing like a common soldier into{252}the midst of the battle and defending it. The catholicswere still more amazed. 'This scandalized them somuch,' adds the sister, 'that they never went afterwards.'[505]It seemed impossible to come to an understanding,and the confusion continued increasing.

How could they get out of a struggle which looked asif it would never end? There appeared one very naturalmeans which does honor to the epoch in which men hadrecourse to it. The magistrates of the sixteenth century,whether in Switzerland or elsewhere, studied theircharters when there was a question of establishing whatwas right, and assimilated the principles which haddictated them. But their love of the right was not aplatonic love, as among enervated jurists. Thesenotable men wished to realize in the government of thepeople what was in its constitution. Now if the book oftheLiberties, Franchises, Immunities, Uses, and Customsof Geneva was the charter of the state, theHoly Scriptureswere the charter of the Church: the Bible was thegrand muniment of their spiritual franchises. Nothingmust be decided, therefore, except by this sovereignrule.[506]While such thoughts occupied the syndics, thesame desire animated the Reformers. 'We will forfeitour lives,' they said, 'if we do not prove by HolyScripture that what we preach is true.' A conference,at which, with the divine charter before them, the faith,duties, and rights of Christians should be established,seemed the wisest way of getting out of the difficulty.

=A PUBLIC DISCUSSION DEMANDED.=

One thing stopped the members of the council: theywere reluctant that foreigners—two Frenchmen and aVaudois—should be at the head of the disputation.Farel respected such a feeling, and desired that thename of an old Genevan should be inscribed first inGeneva on the list of the Reformation. He went to{253}Jacques Bernard: 'Brother,' said he, 'it is necessarythat your change of life should turn to the edificationof the people.[507]Write down some propositions; announcethat you are ready to answer all men in a publicdisputation, and defend your theses by clear andmanifest reasons. They would refuse us this favor, forwe are foreigners; but you are a citizen of Geneva,[508]and superior of an important order. They will grantyour request.' The recent epoch of Bernard's conversion,his want of Christian experience, the annoyances,the dangers to which he would be exposed, might haveinduced him to refuse this demand. But he knew thatin the new life on which he had entered, the rule was,that every one, forgetful of himself, should work for thegood of others; and that with regard to his insufficiency,God would provide. The head of the Cordeliers askedthe council's permission to maintain publicly theevangelical doctrine in a conference to which all thelearned in the city and abroad should be invited. Thesyndics, who desired that the Reformation should be accomplishedby reason and not by force, granted hisprayer, and everything was got ready for this importantaction. For a long time Geneva had seen the partiesarmed from head to foot, crossing their swords andhalberds: now minds were to be ranged in battle-array,and the spiritual combat would, to all appearance,decide the future of the Reformation.

=THE TEN PROPOSITIONS.=

Jacques Bernard and the Reformers had a meetingfor the purpose of drawing up their propositions. Thejustifying power of faith was to hold the first place, for,according to the Gospel, man must, before everything,condemn the selfish existence he has lived until themoment of his awakening, and place all his confidencein the redemption accomplished by Jesus Christ alone.The theses drawn up by the Reformers were as follows:—

I.Man must seek justification for his sins in JesusChristALONE.[509]

II.Religious worship must be paid to GodALONE.

III.The constitution of the Church must be regulated bythe Word of GodALONE.

IV.The atonement for sins must be ascribed to Christ'ssacrifice, offered upONCE,and which procures full and entireremission.

V.We must acknowledgeONE ONLYMediator betweenGod and man—Jesus Christ.

The fault of Rome had been to add to the Gospelmany strange dogmas and ceremonies, and place themabove the primitive edifice, stage after stage, pile afterpile, thus crushing it: this is indeed the proper meaningconveyed by the word superstition. The Reformers aspired{255}to pull down this framework, and liberateChristian truth from all the fables by which it was disfigured.Hence, as we see, the wordalone plays a greatpart in this disputation. Its object was to exclude allhuman additions and to exalt God alone, Christ alone,the Gospel alone. These propositions, however, did notentirely satisfy Farel. In his opinion it was necessary,after laying down truths, to point out errors. Fivenegative theses were, therefore, added to the five positivetheses:—

VI.It is wrong to put our trust in good works and lookfor our justification in them.

VII.To worship saints and images is to be guilty ofidolatry.

VIII.Hence our traditions and ecclesiastical (or ratherRoman) constitutions are not only useless but pernicious.

IX.The sacrifice of the mass, and prayers to the dead orfor them, are a sin against the Word of God, and men arewrong to look to them for salvation.

X.The intercession of saints was introduced into theChurch by the authority of men and not of God.

These propositions seem to us now mere theologicalformulæ: they were more than that. There was thetrue spirit in them. 'There are different ways of speaking,'said the friend[510] to whom Farel wrote an accountof this disputation; 'the roaring of a lion is differentfrom the braying of an ass.' There was indeed in thesetheses, destined to throw down a whole world of errors,the formidable 'roaring of a lion.'

On the 23d of April Jacques Bernard went to thehôtel-de-ville and presented his propositions to thecouncil, who authorized him to defend them, and desiredhim to inform the members of the chapter of St. Pierreand other priests, monks, and doctors.[511]At Constance,freedom of discussion had been suppressed; and that{256}assembly, therefore, had produced no other light thanthe flames of the scaffold. It was not thus that theReformation was to advance. 'Let the truth appearand triumph!'

The theses were immediately distributed in all thechurches and monasteries of the city. No worshippercrossed the threshold of the sanctuary without receivingone of the printed handbills. The superior of theFranciscans waited personally upon the canons and presentedeach of them with a copy of the propositions.He gave them to every member of the government, layand clerical: there was no shop or refectory in whichthe ten propositions were not read and commentedupon. They were posted on the church doors and inthe public places, not only in Geneva, but in the alliedand neighboring cities. They were even sent to gentlemenat their châteaux. In its very infancy, the Reformationproclaimed and practised the widest publicity.The trumpet sounded in every quarter of the city, andthe herald announced that a discussion would take placeon the 30th of May in the great hall of the Cordeliers ofRive, and that scholars of all classes, Genevese orforeigners, clerks or laymen, were invited with fullliberty of speaking, and the offer of a safe-conduct.'Ah!' said Froment, one of the champions, 'if such alicense were given by every prince, the business wouldbe soon settled, without burning so many poor Christians.But the pope and his cardinals forbid all discussionof this or that, except it be with fire and sword: afashion they have learnt no doubt from the GrandSeignor.'[512]

=ALARM OF THE PAPISTS.=

The remark was but too true. The news of thediscussion had no sooner reached the bishop than afeeling of horror came over him. 'What!' he said,'convoke a council in my own city! nobody has theright to do it but myself.' And he immediately published{257}throughout his diocese a proclamation 'forbiddingthe faithful to be present at the assembly under pain ofexcommunication.' The duke of Savoy also forbade hissubjects to attend it, and the Franciscans, at that timeassembled in general chapter at Grenoble, having receivedthe invitation, declared they would not come.[513]There were, no doubt, capable men among them; but todiscuss the truths taught by the Church was, in theireyes, aiming a blow at its authority. The result wasa universal silence on the part of the priests. Theywere very clever in making the most of miraculous appearances,of dead children restored to life; but of discussion,not a word. One or two fervent Catholicswould, however, have willingly broken a lance withFarel, but the orders of their chiefs held them back.The army of the pope, summoned by the voice of thetrumpet, was wanting on the day of combat.

Still Roman-catholicism did something. Monsignorde Bonmont went to the council on the 25th of May,and begged the syndics to take part in a torchlightprocession and other ceremonies which were to takeplace on the 27th of the month, the festival of CorpusChristi. That procession, however brilliant it mightbe, was very displeasing to the zealous Reformers:they did not like that the Word of God should be supplantedby millinery, lace, and all the empty glitterwhich dazzles the eye in sacerdotal costumes. Theanswer of the council was judicious: 'We have appointeda discussion,' said the premier syndic to thevicar-episcopal; 'that will decide whether the processionis holy or not. Wait a little, then; if the conferenceis in favor of the procession, it shall be proclaimedwith sound of trumpet.'[514]

At the same time the council resolved to send a{258}deputation to all the convents to invite the monks,who answered, 'We have no learned men among us;it is impossible for us to take part in the discussion.'[515]

One convent, however, displayed resolution: it wasthat of the nuns of Ste. Claire. The mother-vicar,Mademoiselle de Montluet de Château-Fort, a womanof warm and fiery temperament, answered the invitation:'Begone! you are wicked people who want tovex the servants of God.' The deputies replied, 'Itis said, madam, that certain of your nuns remain onlyby force under your instruction, and would like to hearthe voice of the Good Shepherd.'... At these wordsthe mother-vicar burst out. 'Satan has no part amongus,' she cried; and turning towards the nuns, added,'My sisters, speak, speak!' Almost all exclaimed at thetop of their voices, 'We will live and die in our holy calling.'The clamor was so great that the deputies could notmake themselves heard. 'Do not be afraid, gentlemen,'said the mother, 'this is nothing. You will hear somethingvery different if you take us to yoursynagogue.When we are there, we will make such an uproar, thatwe shall remain mistresses of the place.' 'Dame vicar,'said a deputy, 'you are very arrogant.' Thereupon thegentlemen retired, acknowledging however that theyhad not witnessed such courage in the convents of themonks.[516]

Farel, who was distressed at seeing the priests ofGeneva refuse the discussion, would have supplied theirplace by distinguished athletes belonging to one partyor the other. He wrote to Lefèvre of Etaples, the celebrateddoctor of the Sorbonne, and invited him to thecombat in which liberty and truth were about to engagein Geneva.[517]The aged and venerable doctor shed tears,{259}and returned thanks to God for what he heard.[518]Buthe was too old to take part in a disputation; perhaps,too, his faith was not bold enough; he declined theinvitation. Farel turned his eyes in another direction.A chapter of the order of St. Francis was at that timesitting at Lyons, its president being Pierre de Corne, orde Cornibus, the most intrepid adversary of the heretics,the butt of Rabelais' jests and of some unbelievingworldlings, but highly extolled by the devout, andespecially by Loyola's friend, Francis Xavier. Farelpressed De Cornibus to come to Geneva; the reformercould not give a plainer proof of the seriousness of hisintentions and the impartiality of the discussion. 'I amquite ready to break a lance in Geneva,' wrote DeCornibus. The council were highly delighted with thisanswer, and prepared to receive the warlike doctor withgreat honor. But all of a sudden De Cornibus informedthem that he could not come.

If the combatants were not to be very numerous, thespectators at least were crowding in from all sides—menand women, great and small. Everybody wanted to seeand hear, but nobody was willing to speak. The reformerswere in despair, lest the dialogue should beturned into a monologue, and instead of a grand combat,one army alone should appear on the field ofbattle.[519]

=CAROLI AT GENEVA.=

An unexpected help now appeared. A doctor of theSorbonne, named Caroli, arrived in Geneva and declaredhimself ready to dispute. Possessing insupportablevanity, tossing his head as he walked along thestreet, assuming a haughty and impudent air witheverybody, the Parisian doctor made a great stir, talkedincessantly, aped the gentleman, and boasted loudly.{260}Much taken up with himself, he sought marks of honor,and to obtain them employed cunning, artifice, andintrigue. He represented himself to be, or allowedothers to call him,bishop. 'Have you heard,' said thecitizens, 'that a bishop has arrived from France?'[520]Everybody thought that Farel had found his man atlast. But the reformer, who had known him long,shook his head. The foolish admiration which Carolifelt for his own person had drawn upon him thecontempt of those who were not to be deceived by hisbraggadocio. The reformer knew that he was fluentof tongue, but was without firm principle, uprightness,or solid character, and that his sole desire was to makea name—whether in the Roman or in the evangelicalcamp mattered little to him. He was known to uniteand to quarrel with everybody in turn. He was neithercatholic nor reformer, but simply Caroli. As skilful asthe famous Beda in the tricks of sophistry, he haddisputed in Paris with that illustrious champion; andthe Sorbonne having interdicted him, Margaret of Valoislooked upon him as a victim of the Gospel, and gave himthe living of Alençon. He had come from that city toGeneva, where nobody had expected or wanted him.[521]It was rumored abroad that there would be a great stirin the city; and Caroli, who had 'a keen scent' (to usethe words of a contemporary), thought that Genevawould be a theatre where he might display his profoundlearning and fine voice, and gather fresh laurels toadorn his brow. There was only one point about whichhe still hesitated: should he take the side of Rome or ofthe Reformation?

=FAREL REBUKES CAROLI.=

Farel liked not those ambiguous characters who hoistone flag or another according to the place they may beat. Catholic at Paris, Erasmian at Alençon, Caroli{261}would probably be a reformer at Geneva. Farel wentto his inn, where he found him at breakfast. Enteringupon business immediately, the reformer said to himfrankly: 'You are driven from France for the faith, yousay; certainly you have not deserved it, for you havedone nothing that was unworthy of the pope or worthyof Jesus Christ.'[522]The doctor of the Sorbonne, offendedby such words, held his tongue and continued his meal.'The song I sang him while he was at breakfast,' saidFarel, 'did not seem to please him much.'[523]'Are youwilling now,' resumed Farel, 'to confess the truth openly,as God requires, and to repair the evil that you havedone by your dissimulation?' The Parisian doctorcleverly turned the conversation and began to parade agreat zeal for the poor. 'I am going to send my servantback to France,' he said, 'to receive the money from mybenefices, and I shall distribute it among your poor refugees.'Farel remembered how certain monks in Parishad made a great display about a collection in favor ofthe poor, not a penny of which had the latter ever seen.'God,' he said, 'will never fail either the poor or us.Let us now give the bread of the Word to men'ssouls,' and left him. Several days elapsed. Carolicompensated himself for the humiliation Farel had inflictedupon him by representing himself everywhere asone of the greatest orators of France; and accordinglyall the Genevans wanted to hear him. 'Let us put himto the test,' said Farel, who asked him to preach. ButCaroli, no doubt fearing the proof, urged a thousandexcuses to get off. 'Your sermons charm me,' he saidto Farel, 'and I cannot persuade myself not to hearthem.'[524]

This braggart priest, who pretended to support therefugees, was living upon them, extorting their money,wine, and other things. 'Our master,' said one of themto Farel, 'behaves very theologically: he uses winemagisterially, and even Sorbonically.' The reputation ofcertain doctors of the Sorbonne was established on thatpoint. 'He has women to make his bed,' they added,'to pull off his stockings, and even for other familiarities.'[525]The wretched man imagined that, coming into acountry which rejected the law of the pope, he couldthrow off the law of God. Farel, assured of the truthof these reports, visited this vain and impure priest,spoke to him of his dissolute life, reminded him of thejudgment of the Lord, and entreated him to change hisconduct. Farel spoke with so much authority, that allwho were present were struck with it. The Sorbonnedoctor was confounded: he hid his face in his hands,and did not open his mouth. From that time he behavedmore prudently, and did nothing (openly, atleast) that could be charged against him. He had hisreasons for not quarrelling with the reformers.

Jacques Bernard, who had but recently thrown offthe cowl, was not so clear-sighted as Farel; Caroli tried,therefore, to throw dust into his eyes. He hinted that,as a doctor of the Sorbonne of Paris, celebrated byformer struggles with the most illustrious doctors, hewas well qualified to be appointed arbiter in the disputation,and invited to pronounce authoritatively the finaljudgment.[526]Thus, becoming umpire between Genevaand Rome, he already fancied himself the most importantperson of Christendom. The simple-mindedBernard, circumvented by the artifices of the wilyFrenchman, consented to make the strange proposition{263}to Farel.—'No,' at once answered the reformer; 'it isto God and to Holy Scripture that we must pay supremehonor. We do not want men as judges of our controversy:the Lord is the only judge, who will decideauthoritatively by the Scriptures. That presumptuousman would only seek his own glorification in the dispute.'The magistrates supported this opinion.

=THE DEBATE PROCLAIMED.=

In fact, the council, finding itself between two confessions—onecoming, and one departing—regardeditself as mediator, and wished to see which was right orwrong; then, if there were cause, to do as certain goodkings of Israel and Judah had done—'extirpate theidolatry of their people.'[527]Placed at the head of therepublic, the magistracy did not understand thatreligious matters, so important at that period, were notwithin its jurisdiction; and even when the questionwas decided somewhat later, when the firm Calvin wasestablished at Geneva, the State continued to holdunder its jurisdiction all matters which are consideredin this day as belonging to the Church. The council,therefore, nominated eight commissioners, empoweredto regulate the discussion, and chose them from amongthe most respected leaders of the people: four belongedto the catholic party,[528]and four to the reformed opinions;[529]all of them had been syndics. The council,moreover, named four secretaries, belonging to the twoparties, and instructed them to draw up the minutes.The discussion was proclaimed by sound of trumpet,and it was published everywhere, that the disputationwould be entirely free. Then, fearing lest the enemyshould take advantage of the opportunity to attack{264}Geneva, the syndics bade the captain-general 'keepcareful watch and ward at the gates, towers, and ramparts,and prevent any disturbance taking place in thecity.'[530]

Sunday, the 30th of May and the feast of Pentecost,the day on which the discussion was to begin, came atlast. A year had passed away since the Reformationhad made its public entrance into Geneva; it was nowabout to take another step—one that would secure itstriumph. The day of Pentecost, so important for theestablishment of Christianity, was to be important alsofor the Reformation. The same Spirit which had begunthe Church, is also that which will renew it when it hasfallen. Friends and enemies crowded that day to theconvent of Rive, animated with the liveliest and mostopposite emotions. Nothing had been spared so thatthe debate should take place with solemnity. 'Atheatre,' that is to say, a platform, had been erected inthe great hall. The eight commissioners took theirseats, and an immense concourse of Genevans andforeigners filled the vast auditory. A table had beenplaced in thearena for the combatants. Jacques Bernardappeared first: he was followed by Farel, Viret,and Froment; but the places set apart for the champions{265}of the Roman Church remained unoccupied, andpeople began to ask if Rome would fail to appear. Atlast two ecclesiastics came forward: one was Chapuis,prior of the Dominican convent, the most learned manat that time in Geneva; the other was Caroli, the Sorbonnedoctor.

=BERNARD AND CHAPUIS.=

Bernard spoke first. He undertook to prove that, inthe Romish Church, men did not look to Christ for justificationfrom their sins, and for that purpose put in therules of his order, and showed how the monks claimedto be saved by their vain practices, and gave themselvesup to pride, avarice, and even to great impurity. Hespoke from personal knowledge. A man of uprightheart, quick, a little violent even, he repelled withenergy the disorders in which he had once taken part.Standing in the great hall of his own convent, the guardianpulled down what he had worshipped and worshippedwhat he had pulled down. This made thefather-confessor of Ste. Claire exclaim: 'How thataccursed Jacques Bernard despises the frock he oncewore.' Chapuis, the Dominican, came forward resolutelyin defence of the monastic orders, and reproved theguardian severely. Farel rose in support of Bernard,but Chapuis, who feared such an adversary, maintainedthat nobody but Bernard ought to answer him.[531]Thenext day Bernard and Chapuis, the heads of the twogreat convents of Geneva, met again; but Chapuisreceived orders from his Provincial to leave the cityimmediately.

This vexed the magistrates exceedingly: they rememberedFurbity, and the excessive zeal which hadcaused his imprisonment: they had no doubt that hewould joyfully seize the opportunity of defending thefaith of Rome. Having sent for the jailer's wife, they{266}ordered her to place the articles under dispute in thereverend father's hands. As she was a zealous Roman-catholic,and on good terms with Furbity, they thoughtthat he would receive them more willingly from her thanfrom her husband, who was ardent for the reform. Thewoman, a timid soul, was afraid of everybody: of herhusband, whom she did not wish to displease byneglecting the commission, and of the reverend father,whom she feared to offend by giving him the hereticalpropositions; so she sent them by one of the turnkeys.'Alas!' exclaimed Furbity, 'even my poor hostess istrying to seduce me.' He tossed the paper out of hiscell. The jaileress sent it back to him by her little girl;but the latter, who was harshly received, brought itback to her mother, who, frightened at the probabilityof displeasing their worships, slipped the theses into thecell by the window. The reverend father, seeing thepaper which he had cursed falling at his feet, picked itup, tore it to pieces, and trampled it under foot.[532]Allhope of seeing him defend popery had to be given up.

The disputation began again without him. Bernardand Farel, having Caroli for respondent, showed byScripture that Jesus Christ alone saves men from sin.Caroli was very weak, but hinted to his partisans thathe reserved his hardest blows till the last, and wouldthen pound his adversaries to powder. He did notspeak up for either side. The honest Viret, indignantat such trickery, attacked him so skilfully, that he wasconstrained to pronounce for or against the truth. TheSorbonnist took the side of the reformers. 'All theefforts of man are in vain,' he said. 'Without the graceof Christ, he can neither begin what is good, nor pursueit, nor persevere.'[533]'Very good,' exclaimed Farel;'thank you, doctor. The glory of God and the edification{267}of the people, is all we desire.' Caroli was quiteproud of having spoken so well.

=FURBITY INVITED TO DEBATE.=

The reformers were again without antagonists, Caroliappearing to agree with them. The magistrates returnedto their notion about Furbity, and as Caroli hadbeen his theological tutor in Paris, the Council askedhim to invite his old pupil to come and defend his doctrine,or to disavow his errors as he himself had done.'Willingly,' said the vainglorious doctor. After dinner,the four syndics, the great Parisian doctor, thatSatanWilliam Farel (as Sister Jeanne calls him), Pierre Viret,and several of their friends, went to the prison. TheDominican appeared: he was thin, weak, debilitated,and his feet tottered, so that when he saw the Sorbonnedoctor in the company of all those heretics, he fellfainting to the ground.'[534]They lifted him up, and whenhe had recovered his senses, Caroli, addressing him in adoctoral tone, said: 'How is this, brother Guy; will youdie in your obstinacy—in your errors, now that we havearrived at the truth? Acknowledge that you have beendeceived, and return to God.' Furbity, divided betweenrespect for his old teacher and fidelity to the pope, exclaimed:'God forbid that I should quarrel with mymaster.... I desire to die in the truth as I learnt itof you.'—'Come, then, and defend it,' they said. ButFurbity imposed a singular condition: he requiredFarel's beard to be cut off. We know that the bigotsbelieved in the existence of a devil in each hair of thereformer's beard. 'If I must dispute with that idiot,'he exclaimed, 'let the dwelling of his master the devilbe first cleared away, and all his skin shaved.'[535]Theyurged the doctor to no purpose: nothing could shakehim. No beard or no discussion.

The debate began again, and that day Caroli wasRoman-catholic from head to foot. Bernard maintained{268}that Christ was the only mediator; Caroli affirmed thatit was Mary. 'The Virgin having remained upon earth,after the death of the Saviour,' he said, 'the mothernaturally succeeded the Son.'[536]—'Mary,the successor toher Son!' exclaimed Farel. 'Let us have done withthese foolish questions: let us get out of this labyrinthof quibbling which men callRoman theology.' It wasagreed that the discussion next day should turn uponthe Mass.

Caroli, determining to arm himself completely to defendthis palladium of popery, spent a portion of thenight in hunting over huge folios,[537]and in taking notesof the reasons that might be adduced in favor of thatsacrifice. TheMysteria Missæ of Innocent III., theSumma Theologiæ of Thomas Aquinas, theSentences ofBonaventure, were in turn examined by him. The nextday he began to pour out the arguments he had hastilycollected. 'Firstly,' he said; 'secondly'.... But helost the thread and stopped short, continuing to repeatthe same words. The scholar forgot his lesson. Tocomplete the comedy, it only wanted Farel to promptthe arguments which he had forgotten. 'You mean tosay this or to say that,' suggested the reformer.—'Yes,yes,' said the poor doctor, 'it is exactly what I meantto say.'[538]

Caroli, piqued at this triumph of Farel's, made aneffort, and getting once more into the saddle, beganto prance about valiantly. 'Really,' said Froment, whoheard him, he now argues with subtlety and great earnestness.'The catholics, without waiting for the reformer'sanswer, ran off to the canons: 'The Parisiandoctor is speaking admirably,' they said. The canons{269}ordered some of their best wine to be taken to him.Caroli was at this moment the happiest man in theworld; the papacy and the Reformation both lavishedtheir favors on him at once.

The next day the audience was more numerous thanusual: the doctor's eloquence had been much talkedabout, and the catholics came in crowds. Sworn enemiesof Reform[539]said to one another, 'Let us go and witnessthe triumph of the divine mysteries of popery.' Thatday the points to be defended were transubstantiation,the sacrifice of the mass, the adoration of the bread,the taking away of the cup, the invocation of saints,the use of a foreign tongue, and other rites and customs.Caroli, puffed up by the good position he had acquired,tossed his head and challenged his adversaries in a loudtone: 'Give me a man who shows himself a man,' hesaid, 'and we will fight together.' Then stood forwardto answer him a mere boy. When the veteran doctorsaw this novice, so puny in body,[540]he despised him asGoliath despised David. 'Surely,' he said, 'you do notmean to pass him off for one of your pastors!' Thisyoung man was Pierre Viret, then twenty-four yearsold, whose health was still weakened by the poison,and who had such a pale face and weak look that heseemed ready to faint. 'Alas!' he said of himself, 'Iam but a mere bag of bones.' His language showedlittle color or elegance: but he had a logical style,perfectly clear, the skill of an orator, and all accompaniedby an indescribable sweetness and charm.

=TRIUMPH OF REFORM.=

The two champions joined in combat; and Viretrefuted Caroli's assertions so clearly and so completely,that all the spectators took his side.[541]Caroli, notknowing what to say, began to vociferate a long 'Bah!{270}bah! bah!'[542]It was useless for Viret to adduce themost solid reasons, the Sorbonne doctor could find noother argument than that foolish interjection. 'Whatdo I hear?' exclaimed Farel; 'we should blush toanswer in such a manner.' Caroli held his tongue, andsome catholics began to ask themselves whether thedoctrines they had held for sacred might not be merelythe opinions of men.[543]

Quitting this part of the subject, the doctor proceededto defend the forms of popery. 'How much more augustis the service,' he said, 'if it is celebrated in Latin!What majesty there is in the Roman ceremonies! Thetonsure of the priests is a crown to them.'—'It isChrist's wish,' said Farel, 'that leaving shadows, weshould worship the Father in spirit and in truth. If weload the Church with ceremonies, signs, and ornaments,we rob it of the presence of Jesus Christ. If KingHezekiah broke the brazen serpent, what must be donewith all these superstitions, which surpass the idolatryof the Jews in scandal?'

It was too much. The bishop, informed of theprogress of the discussion, issued from Arbois on the13th of June, in the very midst of the debates, an order,'forbidding people of every condition to be from thatday forward so bold and daring as to speak or trade withthe syndics, preachers, and citizens of Geneva, underpain of excommunication and a fine of twenty-fivelivres.'[544]

Thus the bishop set up a quarantine to separateGeneva from Christendom; but it was precisely at thisepoch that the obscure city of the Allobroges came intocommunication with the world, and spread abroad the{271}light which it had received. While the papacy ceasedto utter its oracles there, and had in its service none butthe dumb, the Word of God made its loud and mightyvoice heard through the mouths of the Reformers.Such was the result of the discussion. 'In that controversy,'says a modern historian who does not belong tothe Reform, 'the catholics were defeated by thereformers.'[545]

Rome had set up, beside the Bible and even above it,the word and the traditions of men. The Reformationdemanded that the Holy Scriptures should be read byall and preached from the pulpits. The written Wordand oral teaching were to displace that pretendedinfallible chair, which alone was authorized (they said)to set forth the will of God.

=THE FRENCH BIBLE PRINTED.=

One fact of great importance was being accomplishedat this time. The discussion maintained at Genevaby Farel, Bernard, Chapuis, and Caroli was but amusketry skirmish; but at a little distance from thatcity—at Neuchâtel—thanks to the labors of Calvin andOlivetan, a tradesman, a Picard like themselves, waspreparing that great artillery, whose formidable volleyswere to break down the walls of error, on the ruins ofwhich a divine hand was to establish the truth ofJesus Christ.

Pierre Robert of Noyon, called Olivetan, had finishedthe work the Church had intrusted to him. On the4th of June, 1535, appeared the first French Bible ofthe Reformation.[546]'Possessing a keen and penetratingmind,' said one of its readers who was thoroughly capableof appreciating the work, 'the translator is not deficientin learning; he has spared neither labor, research,nor care, and has ably discharged the duties of a translatorof the Bible.'[547]'I have done the best I could,' saidthe translator himself, on presenting the book to hisbrethren; 'I have labored and searched as deeply as Ipossibly could into the living mine of pure truth; but Ido not pretend to have entirely exhausted it.'[548]Somepeople have asserted that Olivetan's Bible was only acopy of that by Le Fevre of Etaples. The translation ofthe Old Testament, probably begun before Olivetan'sjourney to the Valleys, is the best part of his work, andit may be said to be original.[549]Calvin's cousin no doubthad his predecessor's translation before him; but thelatter does not contain three consecutive verses in whichOlivetan has not changed something. His New Testamentis more like Le Fevre's; still numerous changeswere introduced into it. It has been calculated that thenew translator had corrected the biblical text of theSorbonne doctor in twenty-three thousand five hundredplaces, and in more than sixty thousand, if account betaken of all the minutiæ of style.[550]Calvin's share hasreference particularly to the later editions of this Bible.With regard to the mechanical part, the two cousinshad found a distinguished auxiliary.

Pierre de Wingle (called also Pérot Picard) was one{273}of the good printers of the sixteenth century. Theepiscopal court of Lyons, where he lived, had prosecutedhim for printing 'certain writings come from Germany;'he then took refuge at Geneva, but the impression ofthe New Testament and various pamphlets had compelledhim, in 1532, to flee to Neuchâtel—a reformedcity since 1530—which behaved more hospitably, andshortly after made him a citizen. About half an hour'swalk from Neuchâtel, is the little village of Serrière;here Wingle set up his presses, and this modest buthappy locality, which first had heard the Gospelpreached by Farel, was destined also to be the first towitness the birth of Olivetan's Bible. The latter haddated his dedication,

Des Alpes, ce XIIᵉde feburier 1535,

as if he wished to confound the Vaudois valleys of theCottian Alps, where the idea had been conceived, withthe parts of Switzerland where it had been carried out.The Vaudois had collected for this publication five hundredgolden crowns, a sum equivalent to about 2,400l.sterling.

=OLIVETAN TO THE CHURCH.=

The volume had scarcely left the press, when Wingleand his friends sent it wherever the French languagewas spoken. 'Has not the King of kings proclaimed,'they thought, 'that HisWord should go forth to the endsof the world?' 'The people who make thee this present,'said Olivetan to the Church, 'are the true people ofpatience who, in silence and hope, have overcome allassaults. For a long time they have seen thee maltreated,seeming rather a poor slave than the daughterand heiress of the universal Ruler. But now that thoubeginnest to recognize thy origin, these people, thybrothers, come forward and lovingly offer thee their all.Cheer up then, poor little Church! go and cleanse thyspattered rags; go and wash thy befouled hands. Desirestthou to be always subject to masters? Is it not{274}time to think of the Bridegroom? Here is a preciousjewel He sends thee as a wedding-gift and pledge of aloyal marriage.[551]Art thou afraid that He will some dayleave thee a widow, He who lives for evermore? Courage!bid farewell to that traitorous hag whom thou hastso long called mother. It is true that thou canst bringto thy husband nothing of any value; but come, comeboldly with all the nobles and titled ones of thy court,with thy insulted, excommunicated, imprisoned, banished,and plundered ones! Come with thy tortured,branded, crop-eared, dismembered ones![552]Such arethose whom Christ calls to triumph with him in hisheavenly court.'[553]

If the fruits of the Bible published at Neuchâtel weremore numerous, those of the discussion at Geneva weremore prompt. The most candid catholics were struckat seeing the men who were on the side of the Reformgiving an account of their faith, while those on the otherside stood dumb. There was eloquence in this contrast.Accordingly priests, laymen, and women, stripped oftheir prejudices, declared that the truth of God, broughtforward during the discussion, had opened their eyes.No doubt many simply quitted the forms of popery forthe forms of protestantism. To put aside superstitions,to break images, and to reject the authority of the popewas in their eyes the Reform: their chief was AmiPerrin. But with a great number of Genevans, themovement within, the conversion of the heart, correspondedwith the movement without. There were{275}rivers of running water in that city which no man couldstop, and at which many quenched their thirst.

=DELAYS IN THE COUNCIL.=

The magistrates, however, far from reforming theRoman worship, remained motionless and silent. Thefriends of the Gospel took the initiative. Claude Bernard,the brother of Jacques, one of the captains ofthe city, a man full of zeal for the truth, went beforethe council on June 28th, accompanied by the ministersand several notables, and represented that themass, images, and other inventions and idolatries,[554]being contrary to Holy Scripture, as the disputationhad showed, it was time they were suppressed. Thelaw of conscience ought to become the law of theState also. Bernard said: 'Ought a father to permitthe children whose guardianship God has intrusted tohim, to become attached to errors opposed to thetruth of God? Magistrates, act like fathers. Itwill be to the glory of God and the salvation of thepeople.'[555]

The syndics and councils could not come to a decision.The step they were asked to take was thatof a giant. They feared to excite the catholics to takeup arms, and the duke of Savoy to surround Genevawith his artillery. To cross definitively the line whichseparated the old times from the new was too much forthem. St. Paul and the Apostles had done it in theirday, and the reformers were doing it now; but thesyndics of Geneva were neither Pauls nor Farels. Theyfeared civil war and escalades; they preferred waitingfor the Reform to be accomplished without them, foreverything to be changed without any one's observingit. The council, therefore, procrastinated and did{276}nothing.[556]'The minutes of the discussion take a longtime arranging,' answered the premier syndic to ClaudeBernard; 'as soon as they are drawn out, we will seewhat is to be done.' The great evolution of the Reformationwas metamorphosed by these worthy ediles intoa question of drawing up minutes. To show theirlove for thestatus quo, they condemned to three days'imprisonment, on bread and water and the strappado,a huguenot who had destroyed the images placed infront of the chapel of Notre Dame.

Farel's friends determined to wait; but no measureof reform appeared, although they waited ten timesthe space required to examine the minutes. Thehuguenots thought that the council was taking refugein 'tortuous hiding-places,' when it ought to act boldlyin the light of day. The evangelicals thought that'as God gives us everything openly, the secrets of ourhearts ought also to be open and displayed.'

Never had courage and firmness been more necessary.Great miseries were beginning. Since the disputationnot a sack of wheat or a load of wood hadentered the city, while previously they used to enter ingreat numbers twice a week. There were no eggs, orbutter, or cheese, or cattle. One day, however, a cowwas brought by a man from a neighboring village;what a supply for a whole city! But the man hadscarcely got out of the city, when the enemy seized himroughly and made him pay three times the price hehad received. If friends wanted to bring some triflingstores from the nearest farms, they dared not do it bydaylight.[557]Finding themselves reduced to such extremities,a few citizens on one or two occasions wentout of the city to procure bread: they were insultedand beaten. 'Alas!' said the poor creatures, 'we{277}have only to move the tips of our fingers, or go a nail'sbreadth out of the city, to make our enemies cry outthat we are upsetting heaven and earth.'[558]

Seeing that no progress was made, the evangelicalsdetermined to assert the free publication of the Wordof God. It was not enough for them to have it printed,they wanted it preached,—not only in their own housesor in the great hall of Rive, but in the churches. Theyhad within their walls one of the most powerfulpreachers of the age—Farel: they believed that theirduty towards God and their fellow-citizens called uponthem to make his eloquent voice heard by the multitude.

=FAREL AT THE MADELEINE.=

The 22d of July was the feast of Mary Magdalen.The bells had been solemnly rung to call worshippersto the church of that name, and already a great numberof catholics and even evangelicals had gathered withinits walls. Was it by a Latin mass that the memory ofthat Magdalen ought to be commemorated to whomJesus had said:Thy faith hath saved thee? Ought notthose words to be preached which Jesus had addressedto her, and not the rubbish with which the priests senttheir flocks to sleep? This was what the reformersasked each other. They observed, moreover, that thecatholics, less numerous than the protestants, had sixchurches, while the latter had scarcely one or twoplaces of worship. They added that if the marvellouswork begun in Geneva was to be completed, great meetingsmust be held in the temples. Some persons calledout, 'Farel.'—'Yes, Farel,' repeated many: 'let us goand fetch him;' and they all ran to the convent ofRive. The reformer had just gone into the pulpit whenthe message was handed to him. Farel was alwaysready and believed he had a right to speak in a church.'My friends,' he said to his congregation, 'we mustto-day preach the good news under the vaulted roof ofthe Madeleine, and abolish idolatry there.' He then{278}came down from the pulpit and bent his way towardsthat huge old gothic church, with its Carlovingian tower,whose foundation dates from the eleventh century. Thecrowd of his hearers followed him. He entered: hisfriends made signs of joy: the priest standing beforethe altar, where he was celebrating mass, stopped inalarm and ran away; his acolytes followed him, and allthe worshippers wished to do the same. But the huguenots,thinking that the Word of God was specially necessaryfor them, shut the doors. This roused the catholics,the frightened women shrieked, and all made such anuproar, that the reformers opened the doors and letthose depart who pleased. There remained, however, acertain number of undecided persons; and Farel beganto preach with power, that Saviour who had pardonedthe Magdalen and who still pardons sinners.

Meantime those who had fled, dispersing in the streetsand houses, cried out against the scandal, while theparish priest, running off to the hôtel-de-ville, complainedto the council. Farel was forbidden to preachagain in that church. When the sermon was ended, thecatholics returned and the priests sang mass in it withmore fervor than ever. The huguenots made no opposition,but they also claimed that no one should opposetheir meetings. The two worships were to be free. Infact the very same day at vespers, 'those rascals(canailles),' says Sister Jeanne, 'again took possessionof the holy church, and every day afterwards it was theusual custom to preach in it.'[559]

The irritated council summoned Farel before them onthe 30th of July. 'Sirs,' said the reformer, 'you haveyourselves acknowledged that whatever cannot beproved by Scripture ought to be suppressed; why thendo you delay doing so? Were not the defenders ofpopery vanquished in our debates? And has not{279}almost the whole city recognized the finger of God inthis signal defeat of the papacy? Give us orderswhich we can obey, for fear we should be constrained toanswer you with Scripture, thatit is better to obey Godrather than men. Assemble the Council of Two Hundredand let them decide.' The syndics, knowing thatthe friends of Reform had a majority in that assembly,refused the demand, and repeated their prohibition toFarel, adding:For good reasons.

Farel thought their reasons bad. In such a matterhe knew but one really good:Preach the Gospel to everycreature, the Lord had said. He set no bounds eitherto his desire for the triumph of the truth, or to hisexpectation of help from God to give him the victory.A holy ambition that would not be straitened, animatedhim, and according to the words of Elisha, hesmote fiveor six times until the enemy was vanquished. Farel wasone of those men whom God raises up for great andsalutary revolutions: opposition only served to inflamehis courage.

=FAREL AT SAINT-GERVAIS.=

On the 1st of August he went to Saint-Gervais, wherethe friends of the Reform were numerous. The uneasysyndics sent a guard of fifty men; but Farel went intothe pulpit and preached in the old church the ever newGospel of Jesus Christ. On the 5th of August he becamestill bolder, and proclaimed the anti-Romandoctrine in the church dedicated to St. Dominic, thefather of the Inquisition. This evangelist did notperform his office at his own time only and according tohis own convenience: he never spared himself, whateverwere the vexations he gathered from his labors. Hesummoned weary souls to rest at the feet of Christ; hefollowed up the obstinate; he argued, reproved, entreated,exhorted. He multiplied the inducements tomake the dilatory enter upon the way of life, and 'hisvehemence was always tempered with meekness.' Thehour had arrived when divine truth was to triumph over{280}human errors; he therefore multiplied his attacks.The greatest blow yet remained to be struck. A thunder-clapwas about to bring down an abundant rainupon the thirsty earth, and the outpouring of the HolyGhost which cometh from heaven.[560]

The cathedral of St. Pierre, whose three old towerssoar above the city, played a great part in its history,and every Genevan was attached to its stones, thoughthey were now (as it were) broken and scattered, andthe divine service was contaminated by mournful profanations.But the greater the desolation, the more didpious men desire to see that august temple purifiedand the good news proclaimed beneath its vaulted roof.Fourteen canons still belonged to it, established to defendit; but those unhappy clerks, isolated, scared, andconquered before a blow was struck, waited tremblinguntil the tide of Reform, which still kept rising, invadedtheir sanctuary. They had not long to wait. OnSunday morning, 8th of August, a crowd of reformedGenevans mounted the streets leading to the church,and approached it with the firm intention of replacingthe light upon the candlestick. 'When rust has tarnishediron,' said a reformer, 'we endeavor to restoreit to its former brightness: must we not, then, cleanseaway from the Church of Christ the thick rust whichages of darkness have accumulated on it?'[561]Havingentered the noble edifice, the reformers began to ringthe great bell to call the people to hear the Gospel.Clémence was tolling the last hour of the MiddleAges, theDe Defunctis of images, 'those gods of thepriests,' as the huguenots called them. The chapelwhich contained the arm of St. Anthony, on whichmen used to swear in serious cases, was to be pulleddown; all that mass of waxen hands offered by devotees,and a thousand other relics equally stupid,were to disappear. In that temple, now 'crammed{281}with idols,' God and his Word were henceforward toreign alone.

=FAREL IN THE PULPIT.=

Farel arrived and went into the pulpit. The worshipthey were about to celebrate was not to be anordinary service: a religious revolution was about tobe accomplished. Ceremonies were the essence ofpopery. Now Farel was full of the idea that thereare no ceremonial laws in Christianity; that an act ofworship, discharged according to the rules of theChurch, is not on that account pleasing to God andmeritorious: that to overburden believers with festivals,bowing of the head, crossing, kneeling beforepictures, and ceremonies, is opposed to worship in thespirit; that to fill the churches with images, offerings,relics, and tapers is dealing a blow at justification byfaith and the merit of Christ's death which alone savethe sinner. He believed with his whole heart thatdivine worship, according to the New Testament,does not consist in processions, elevations, salutations,bowings, genuflexions before the host, and other superstitioususages; that its essence is faith in the Gospel,the charity which flows from it, patience in bearing thecross, public confession of Jesus Christ, and the livingprayer of the heart. At the sight of the statues, thepictures, the votive offerings which surrounded him—atthe recollection of the superstitious ceremonieswhich for centuries had profaned that cathedral, Farelin great emotion was ready to do anything, even at therisk of his life, to establish that religion which isspiritand life. 'Those idols,' he said, pointing from thepulpit to the images around him, 'the mass and thewhole body of popery are condemned by the HolyGhost. The magistrates, ordained by God, ought to pulldown everything that is raised in opposition to God'sglory.' The images, if they remained, would be in hiseyes a sign of the victory of catholicism; but if theyfell, their fall would proclaim the victory of the Reformation.{282}This point had been often discussed: thepriests and devout people opposed Farel's intentionswith all their power, and maintained that such changesrequired the consent of a general council. The alarmedpoliticians objected that if they pulled down the images,then for one enemy Geneva would have a hundred—theduke of Savoy, the king of France, the emperor,the pope, the cardinals, and all the bishops in theworld.

There were at this time two powers and two systemsin the city:—the reformers, whose ideal theories hadnot yet been modified by reality, said that the State, aswell as individuals, ought to become a new creature;that the Gospel would accomplish this work of transformation;that the Church would change the peopleand would make of the State a kingdom of God uponearth.... Alas! that task is still far from beingaccomplished, and can it ever be? On the other handthe politicians, without wishing to reject the influenceof the Gospel, thought that the State occupied the firstplace in human society, and that order was not possiblewithout it. They believed that the magistrates, withoutbeing the masters of the faith, ought to be thesource of regularity in the Church, and accordingly theState undertook to restrain the evangelicals. It was attemptedlater in Calvin's day; now it was done inFarel's. The council sent for him after the sermon atSt. Pierre's and asked him why he had preached in thecathedral. 'I am surprised,' said the reformer, 'thatyou make a crime of what is in accordance with Scripture.'If, however, he rendered unto God the things thatwere God's, he was willing to render unto Cæsar thethings that were Cæsar's. He therefore expressed a desirethat the reformers should be summoned by thelegitimate authority, and renewed his demand for theconvocation of the Council of Two Hundred.

The syndics ordered him to discontinue his sermons atSt. Pierre's until further notice.[562]

The Reformation protested against a ritualistic andmeritorious worship; against the multiplicity of feasts,consecrations, ecclesiastical usages and customs; againstany adoration whatever rendered to creatures, images,and relics; against the invocation of mediators whousurped the function of the Son of God; lastly, andchiefly, against a pretended expiatory sacrifice, effectedby the priests, which was substituted for the only sacrificeoffered by Jesus Christ.

=CHANTS OF THE PRIESTS.=

All these human vanities were about to disappear.Farel and his friends waited for the reformatory ordinance;but the ardent huguenots, among whom AmiPerrin was the most active, became impatient at theperpetual hesitations of the council. A chance eventcalled forth an energetic demonstration on their part.The same Sunday (8th August) in the afternoon at vespers,the canons, assembling again in their church,chanted the PsalmIn exitu Israël, 'When Israel wentout of Egypt,'[563]and, with the utmost simplicity, repeatedin Latin what Farel had said in the morning in French:

The canons could not have chosen a fitter text. Somehuguenots, who knew Latin better perhaps than theydid, smiled and called out: 'Ho there, you priests, youcurse in your chants those who made the images andtrusted in them, and yet you allow them to remain.'They restrained themselves, however, for the moment.The magistrates continued repeating, 'There is no needto abolish the mass and images; else very formidableprinces will be to you like ravening wolves rushing uponsheep.'[565]

A very extraordinary thing occurred at this moment.Nobody was willing to begin the work and yet it wasaccomplished. 'God,' said the reformers, 'who holdsthe world in his hand, loves to choose the contemptiblerather than what is great and apparent.' In fact, it wasa mischievous jest of some children which dealt the firstblow. 'For this work,' says Froment, 'God stirred upa score of little boys.' These children had often heardthe priests, and their errors and abuses spoken of; andtheir parents had added that it was time they wereended. They slipped into St. Pierre's; stopped andlistened, and were struck with the strange intonations ofthe canons. Making their way towards a part of thechurch remote from that in which the reverend fatherswere chanting, they began to play like boys of their age,'while nobody thought anything about it,' says thechronicler. They commenced singing and shouting in{285}imitation of the canons' voices. Presently they liftedup the seats of the low stalls, on which the reverendfathers used to sit when they were not engaged in theservice, and let them fall with a noise. Everybodyknows the fondness little boys have for amusements ofthis kind. They gambolled about, but in their gamesthere was a certain opposition to the worship which theirfathers condemned. The petulance of their age carriedthem away. They saw in a corner certain things thatresembled dolls; they could not resist their desire totake them; and catching hold of the 'priests' mannikins,'[566]as Froment calls them, they began to toss to oneanother the small grotesque figures with which thechapels were decorated.

=THE IMAGES BROKEN.=

At this moment Perrin, Goulay, and their friends,attracted perhaps by the noise, entered the cathedral.They saw that the great execution had begun; childrenwere beforehand with them. Passion and impulse carriedthem away. They knew that it was the province ofthe government only to work out a reform; but whenthe government hangs back from its duty, what is to bedone? 'We have petitioned the council to pull downthe idols,' they said; 'and it has not done so for wantof courage. Let us then come to its help and do whatGod commands.' At once the daring citizens, goingfarther than the children, penetrated into the choirwhere the priests were singing, and the latter asked inalarm what these laymen were going to do. 'On asudden,' says the chronicler, 'Perrin and his companionsthrew the idols to the ground and broke them.' Thechildren who saw this began to run about and 'jumpupon those little gods.' Taking up the pieces, they ranto the door with glee, and called to the people collectedin front of the church: 'Here are the gods of thepriests, will you have a piece?' At the same time theythrew the fragments among the crowd. There was great{286}confusion. The wiser heads ineffectually argued thatthis work of reform should be left to the council; thosehuguenots had no doubts as to their duty. If the magistrateswere unwilling to have the images destroyed,the Bible commands it. 'The sun is now rising,' theysaid, 'and scattering throughout Christendom the denseclouds that obscure the religion of Jesus Christ.'

The order of things in the middle ages was indeedincompatible with the new wants of society. Later, inthe time of Calvin, after the first victory had beengained, it was important to establish Christian doctrineand to constitute Christian society; but now it was thetime of Farel. It was necessary to appeal to the spiritof liberty and to the energetic development of the will—thisa conservative writer has acknowledged[567]—anecessityin the first ages at the time of the establishment ofChristianity; it was no less a necessity in the sixteenthcentury. The powers that had invaded the Churchwere so tenacious that the labor necessary to pull themdown was a work of revolution and of war. The moralfact was the same at the epoch of these two greatdispensations. Whoever applauds the axe which shatteredthe colossal statue of Serapis at Alexandria,[568]cannot blame that which threw down the images of acorrupt worship in the temples of Geneva.

Great was the sorrow felt by the devotees during thatexecution; they seemed looking at the fall of thepapacy itself. Some who had remained in the churchcontemplated the heart-rending spectacle from afar.Foolish women of the city, says Froment, began toweep and to groan. 'Alas! our good saints, oursacred images (they said) before which we used tokneel!... Whom shall we adore now?'—and they'cursed those dogs (cagnes).'

A new and still more striking act increased the wrathof the priests and that of their partisans. Of all the{287}Romish dogmas there was none which more disgustedthe huguenots than transubstantiation. To affirm it(they maintained) was to presume that Jesus Christ,man and God, was transformed into a little cake. Andhence a French refugee, Maigret, surnamed the Magnificent,a man without pity for Roman errors, havingfound some wafers in the church, threw them upon theground; his dog, who followed him, sprang upon themand ate them up. 'Now if these little cakes had beenreal gods,' said the pitiless Maigret, 'they would nothave allowed themselves to be eaten by that beast.'[569]No one has combated the doctrine of transubstantiationmore vigorously than Calvin, but he would not haveapproved of such a rude mode of acting; later, he expresslycondemned it. 'Let us not take too greatlicense,' he said.

=HUGUENOT DISCOVERIES.=

The horror of the priests knew no bounds; they ranout of the church, hastened to the hôtel-de-ville, anddescribed to the council the violent scenes that had justtaken place. The syndics, irritated because the huguenotshad despised their orders, sent two of their numberto the cathedral—Antoine Chiquand and Ami Bandière.They were 'much excited,' shouting and threatening'those who had done this.' But the reformed were notinclined to give way. They had made strange discoveries.Some who had begun to search after the famousarm of St. Anthony—upon which, in important cases,oaths used to be made with the ringing of bells andgreat pomp, found—not the arm of the saint, but thelimb of a stag. Others, opening the precious shrinewhich inclosed the head of St. Peter, brought out apiece of pumice-stone instead of the skull. 'See,' theyexclaimed, showing these objects to the surroundingcrowd, 'see what the priests used to make us worship.'This gave another direction to the indignation of thedelegates from the council, and one of them, disgusted{288}at such mean frauds, said to the other: 'If the gods ofthe priests are true gods, let them defend themselves.As for us we can do no more.' The huguenots, wishingto make these scandals known to the people, put thepumice-stone and the stag's bone under magnificentcanopies, and prepared to carry these precious relics ofan apostle and a saint all round the city. The novelprocession attracted an immense crowd, and the disgustingfalsehoods, of which it was a proof, opened theeyes of the most obstinate. 'Now we know,' they said,'the value of the priests' words! They made us payfive florins for the ceremony; they pretended that ifany one made a false oath, the saint would wither up hishand. All that was only to frighten and plunder us.'Every one began to despise a clergy who, for so manyages, had thus played upon the good faith of the people.An old writer has said: 'Justæ quibus est iræ.'[570]'Woeunto the Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites!'[571]

In the evening, a certain number of citizens mettogether after supper, when the more excited 'proposedthat they should make the round of the other churchesand throw down the idols everywhere.'—'No,' repliedthe wiser ones, 'not now; if we did it at so late anhour, folks would say, as they did of old at Pentecost,that we arefull of new wine. Let us wait until to-morrowmorning.'[572]This was the general opinion.

The next day, Monday the 9th of August, early inthe morning, the drum beat in the streets. Somepeople asked 'Whether there was any alarm of theenemy.'—'Make yourselves easy,' they answered; 'itis only a fight against Rome and her idols.' Everything{289}was conducted with order: the citizens weredrawn up in their companies. Baudichon de la Maisonneuve,Pierre Vandel, and Ami Perrin, who werethe three captains of the city, put themselves at theirhead, and then they all marched with drums beatingto the church of St. Gervais. It was not a tumultuousband, but the majority of the people advancingunder the orders of their regular captains. None ofthose citizens had the least doubt as to the lawfulnessof his proceedings. The new crusade, like that ofPeter the Hermit, was accomplished to the cry of—Itis the will of God!

=SCANDALS AT ST. GERVAIS'.=

There were at St. Gervais' scandals still greaterthan at St. Pierre's. The priests, to procure money,pretended that St. Nazaire, St. Celsus, and St. Pantaleonwere buried under the high altar. When apoor woman approached, she heard a confused noise.[573]'It is the voices of the holy bodies,' said the priests,'praying to be taken up and canonized; but that requiresa large sum of money.' Others related how atthe dead of night small luminous creatures were oftenseen moving about the cemetery. 'They are souls frompurgatory,' explained the ecclesiastics; 'they wanderabout here and there asking for masses for their deliverance.'Certain persons, wishing to learn thetruth, crept one night into the cemetery, caught someof those poor souls, and found that they were—crabs,with small wax tapers lighted and fastened on theirbacks.[574]Frivolous men laughed, but serious men, seeingto what guilty manœuvres the priests had been drivenby the love of gain, were seized with horror. 'Avariceso excites them,' said Calvin one day, 'that there isnothing they will not try, how bad soever it may be—treacheries,{290}frauds innumerable, hatreds, poisonings—assoon as the gleam of silver or gold has dazzledtheir eyes.'

The three captains and their companies, havingreached the church, began by exploring the vault wherethe three saints groaned, and discovered the trick.They found under the altar two earthen vessels connectedby a tube, and pierced with holes like those in anorgan-pipe, so that the least noise over the vessels producedthe effect of organ-bellows, and caused a soundlike the indistinct murmur of persons talking.[575]'Thepoor papists could not believe it.'—'No!' they said; 'itis St. Nazaire, St. Celsus, and St. Pantaleon.'—'Comeand see then,' answered the reformers. They came andsaw, and 'some of them from that hour refused to believeany more in such abuses.'[576]

=MIRACLES AT ST. DOMINIC'S.=

The judgment having been accomplished at St. Gervais,the three captains turned their steps towards the churchof St. Dominic, one of the chief sanctuaries of poperybetween the Jura and the Alps. Great miracles wereworked there: the huguenots called them 'great swindles.'A beautiful image adorned in a costly manner, andrepresenting Our Lady, stood in the church, and hadthe power (it was said) of calling back to life the childrenwho had died without baptism. Poor peoplecame to Geneva from all the country round, with theirlifeless little children, and laid them on the altar beforethe image. Then a feather placed on the infant'smouth flew into the air, or else the cheeks flushed withred: sometimes the child perspired. The spectatorscried out: 'A miracle!' 'The child is resuscitated'(revicoullé), said the monks. Immediately the bells{291}rang, the child was christened, and then buried. 'Thechild had never been restored alive to its father ormother,' said the huguenots, 'and yet they had to paydearly for it.' The citizens lifted up the altar andfound two machines under it: on one side were certaininstruments in which they blew to make the childbreathe, and on the other some stones which were heatedto make the child turn color or perspire. An ointmentwith which they had smeared it became soft, andgave a certain hue to its flesh. 'Really,' exclaimed theGenevans, 'those who believe such clumsy absurditiesought to have been converted—into blocks!' HenceforthOur Lady ceased to work miracles.[577]

The band of reformers, having passed to the refectory,found there a carving representing a big fat woman at atable cutting up a large pie, with monks seated roundher. Beneath were these words from psalm cxxxiii.,Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren todwell together in unity! At this moment Farel cameup: 'Is it thus, my fathers,' he said, 'that you interpretHoly Scripture? Have you not jeered enough at men,but you must jeer also at the Word of God? By whatright do you adapt it to your gluttony?' 'Alas!' exclaimedthe monks, 'excuse us; you have come too lateto make us renounce our good customs.'[578]

Meanwhile some huguenots had stopped before anotherpiece of sculpture, at which they were quite amazed.At the top they saw a devil with seven heads: fromthe devil issued the pope with his triple crown; fromthe pope issued the cardinals; from the cardinals thebishops, monks, and priests ... and below them wasa burning furnace representing hell. The reformedGenevans were astonished to find in a convent of St.{292}Dominic a satire upon the papacy, more cutting than allthat they had ever imagined.[579]

The three captains and their companies arrived atlast near the Arve, where stood the church of NotreDame; but the syndic, informed of what was goingon, arrived at the same time, and wishing to save afamous picture of the Virgin, had it carried beforethem to the hôtel-de-ville. There was no lack ofraillery; people asked if they were going to work miracleswith the picture? and they were compelled toburn it in the great hall to escape the jokes that wereshowered upon them.

The campaign was over; the citizens returned totheir homes; the Christian conscience approved oftheir work. The suppression of so many shamefulfrauds—was it not ordered in heaven? From thatday mass was sung no longer in any of the churches.[580]The action of the citizens was more than a popularmovement: the Reform was strengthened by it. Noone would have condemned the vile tricks of thepriests more than the honest and brave Luther. YetLuther, putting specially in the foreground the greatdoctrine of man's justification by faith, thunderedagainst indulgences and other pretended good works,but tolerated images; while Zwingle, Farel, and Calvin,regarding especially God, His glory, and His grace,protested against every apotheosis of the creature,against all paganism, and particularly against all imagesin the Lord's temple. Here then was a characteristicdifference between Lutheranism and the Reform.

Great was the sorrow and anger of the priests.Gathered round the ruins of what they had adored,some remained silent while others uttered cries of{293}horror. The threats of the clergy were such that thealarmed council that very day called the three captainsbefore them, and asked if they intended to obey orders.'Certainly,' they replied; 'we destroyed the images,because they were set up contrary to God's Word.'The syndics, struck with the firmness of those men,summoned the council of Two Hundred for the nextday.[581]

The next day was the 10th of August, a memorableday which was to decide the destiny of Geneva. Therewas great agitation throughout the city. Some of thefriends of Rome still hoped, trusting in the antiquityof their forms and traditions; but the reformed believedthe cause of the Reformation gained, since there wason its side God, His Word, and the majority of thecitizens and of the councils. The two hundred senatorshaving taken their place, and many other persons ofnote sitting near them, Farel appeared, accompaniedby Pierre Viret, Jacques Bernard, and several laymen.His slight appearance, his complexion tanned by thesun, and his red beard, so dreaded by the priests, hadnothing imposing; but there was in that man a heartburning with love for Christ's Gospel, and from thosethick lips flowed streams of masculine eloquence whichcarried away all hearers. He advanced firm and sureof the victory of the Reformation. It is written:Whatsoeveris born of God overcometh the world. Fear not.There was much talking and agitation in the assembly:the men who composed it had a presentiment of greatthings; they felt the importance of the crisis, and, fullof anxiety about what would happen, fixed their eyeson Farel.

=FAREL BEFORE THE COUNCIL.=

Silence having been proclaimed, the reformer, holdingthe minutes of the disputation in his hand, began tospeak, and selected as the principal points of the debatethe worship of images and the sacrifice of the mass.{294}He reminded them 'that most of those who demandedtheir maintenance had abstained from appearing; thatothers had not been able to defend them, and that manyhad rejected them. 'Why,' he exclaimed, 'should notall embrace the Gospel? We are ready, my colleaguesand I, not only to make a public confession, but (ifnecessary) to sprinkle it with our blood.' Then addressingthe council directly, and raising his 'voice ofthunder,' says a Roman-catholic author, he called uponthe assembly to deliver a judgment that should giveglory to God. 'What!' said he: 'the dominion of thepapacy is falling, and would you lift your hands tosupport what God is overthrowing? Will you alwayshalt between two opinions? If the pope really uttersoracles, listen to him; but if the voice we hear inScripture is God's voice, do what it ordains.'—HereFarel stopped: he felt the importance of the decisionthat was about to be taken, and a profound emotioncame over him. Lifting his hands towards heaven, heexclaimed: 'O God! enlighten this council, make itunderstand that Thy glory and the salvation of all thispeople are concerned; humble the loud boasting of thepriests,[582]and make Thy cause triumph.' This 'earnestprayer,' as a manuscript terms it, made a deep impressionupon all who heard it.

The deliberation began: it was calm, serious, thoughtful,and marked with all the dignity such an importantaffair demanded. The most earnest reformers wouldhave liked the immediate cessation of popery in Geneva;but the council thought it wiser to proceed slowly. AsFarel had uttered a new challenge against the priests,the premier syndic proposed to call upon them to defendthe mass and image-worship if they could. Meanwhileit was ordered, that (not to offend the catholics)the pulling down of images should be stopped, and that(not to offend the reformers) the celebration of mass{295}should cease. These resolutions passed almost unanimously.[583]

But Rome was already vanquished and the friends ofthe reformed were eager to prove it. A layman stoodup and said: 'You call up the priests, but I am muchafraid there is not one left in the city. They are allthinking of running away and carrying off the churchtreasures. Why should we always temporize? The reformof the abuses which disfigured religion, far fromdamaging its existence, will restore it to itself, just aswashing a smeared and dirty picture restores it to itsprimitive condition. That bishop, those priests, thosecitizens who run away, are not the Church, they are onlydeserters.' The council resolved unanimously that theRomish priests who fled were not carrying the Churchof Geneva with them, and ordered an inventory to betaken of all ecclesiastical property. The sitting thenbroke up.[584]

=CONFISCATION OF CHURCH PROPERTY.=

The mass was suppressed: this was an enormous step.The abolition of the mass was the abolition of popery.The reform was immediately carried into execution.The next day (11th August) a formal order was issued'neither to sing nor to say mass' in the city of Geneva.The frightened priests obeyed: they drew in their horns,they hid themselves, and took good care not to permitthe least chant to be heard. Ere long there was a newtrouble. They saw the commissioners of the councilenter the churches and draw up an inventory of thefurniture, jewels, and ecclesiastical property. Withdowncast eyes and silent lips, the ministers of Romebeheld the disappearance of the fine portraits, pyxes,chalices, and other precious works, which were removedto a place of safety beyond the reach of dilapidation.They were valued at more than ten thousand crowns.From that day no Roman service was celebrated in the{296}city. There was not to be found among the clergy oneof those enthusiastic souls who rush into the midst ofdanger to uphold and to proclaim their faith.

These bold acts were not, however, accomplished withouta murmur. The populace generally was for theRoman worship, and some opposition cries were heard.'If the mass is no longer sung,' said some timid soulsto the syndics, 'the people may rise.'[585]'Ah!' said someprudent men, 'if the mass is sung again, that wouldcreate a still greater disturbance.' The council thereforemaintained the prohibition. A few catholics,faithful to the superstitions of ages, might be seen goingat the canonical hours into the silent churches, wanderinglike ghosts through the deserted aisles, andshedding tears. Alas! there were no more chants, nomore prayers, no more masses, no more litanies, no moreincense! The priests and the organ—all were silent.

In those days of great alarm a few women only displayedany courage. 'We will not strike our colors,'said the sisters of St. Claire. And in fact they did hearthe mass, but with closed doors and in low tones in themiddle of the choir, and sometimes, for greater security,in the refectory. Zealous catholics went and knockedstealthily at the convent gate and begged in a whisperto be admitted to the masses celebrated without singingand without pomp. They joined in the service withtrembling: they pricked up their ears and were alarmedat the least noise. This fidelity did not last long. Fivedays later, on the 5th of August, the feast of the Assumption,the last communion took place. The father-confessorand his companions, after saying mass timidly,stole out of the city.[586]

=CHRIST, AND NOT CEREMONIES.=

While night was gradually stretching its veil over{297}popery and its followers, the sun rose higher upon thefriends of the Holy Scriptures. There were no moreLatin chants, no more theatrical postures, sacerdotalgarments, pictures and incense; none of those practicespleasing to the eye, to the ear, or to the smell, whichhad so long reigned in the Church; but in their placeJesus Christ;—Christ, in the past, making atonementon the cross for the sins of His people;—Christ, in thepresent, always in the midst of His followers, vivifying,sanctifying, and consoling their hearts. These Christianmen had entered into the new era of truth and charity,to which the reformers invited them. While the councilswere busy particularly with the maintenance oftranquillity; while the great body sought only independenceand liberty—precious goods, but which cannotsuffice—the small body of truly pious souls, acknowledgingthe Son of God as the author of a new life, weredecided to follow wherever He should lead them.

The fall of the mass, which dates from the 10th ofAugust, was regarded by the reformed as a sign ofvictory, and the Genevan Church, adopting this idea,celebrates every century in the month of August (reckoningfrom 1535) the jubilee of its reformation. Afterthree years of struggles the first victory was gained;but a fourth year was to pass away before the definitiveestablishment of the Reform. Let us therefore continueour march until May 1536, and even until the arrival ofCalvin.

The Reformation protested against the hierarchy. Itdenied that Christ had given to the Church or to itsheads the power of making laws by the fulfilment ofwhich Christians would be justified before God. TheReformation protested against monkery. It deniedthat a cloistered life could merit salvation and give apiety superior to what the Word of God requires ofall Christians; it reproached the monastic disciplinewith lowering the divine institutions of marriage,government, and labor; and was an occasion of backslidingand unheard-of scandal.

=THE MONKS ARE DUMB.=

The priests were about to quit Geneva and carryaway with them those abuses; but the council, whichalways studied to proceed by equitable ways, would notcondemn them without hearing them. The monks ofthe different convents, demoralized and trembling likeculprits, had, it is true, fled in great numbers. Stillthere were some remaining, and they received an orderto appear before the Great Council to defend their faith.They were very alarmed, but the order was peremptory.On the morning of the 12th of August those membersof the order of St. Dominic, St. Augustin, St. Francis,and the minors of Ste. Claire who were still in Genevaarrived at the hôtel-de-ville. They were twelve innumber, a poor remnant of those powerful bodies whofor long had possessed such great power in the city.{299}The twelve, standing with bent heads before thecouncil, heard a summary of the disputation read, andthis added to their alarm. The premier syndic havingasked them if they had anything to say in favor of themass and of images, all remained silent. St. Dominic,St. Francis, and even St. Augustin were dumb beforethe Reform. The syndics, desiring at any price toextract a sound from them, ordered the monks to becalled up one after the other. Chapelain, a brother ofSt. Dominic, was called first. 'We are simple people,'he said, 'who cannot answer for want of knowledge.We are accustomed to live as our fathers lived and tobelieve as the Church does. Do not ask us aboutmatters beyond our reach.' The other monks wereunanimous in requesting that they might be permittednot to inquire into such questions. Monkery fell inGeneva amid universal astonishment and indignation.

But after the monks came the priests. Monseigneurde Bonmont, vicar-episcopal, had, at the request of thecouncil, assembled the canons and the secular clergy athis house. The same day (12th August) in the afternoon,a distinguished deputation of syndics and councillors,wishing to honor the church, went to the grand-vicar,instead of making him come to the hôtel-de-villelike the monks. The wise and pious Savoye, whohad been elected spokesman, informed the priests thata summary of the great disputation having been drawnup, it was about to be read to them, 'that they mightcome to a better decision.' The latter displayed lessweakness than the monks. Indignant that laymenshould presume to catechise the priesthood, they repliedhaughtily: 'We do not want to hear your debate, andwe do not care what Farel said. We wish to live as wehave hitherto done, and beg you will leave us in peace.'As the priests rejected the opportunity given them ofjustifying their doctrines, the representatives of thestate interdicted them from celebrating mass until{300}further orders. Some days later the council orderedthem 'to worship God according to the Gospel,' andforbade them to perform 'any act of popish idolatry.'[587]

A great and salutary revolution was thus carried out.The Romish priests, seeing their vast temples now silent,their rich abbeys now bare, and themselves reduced tosilence, determined to quit Geneva. The fear of beingdetained made them have recourse to various expedients.In the evening or early in the morning theystole out of the city, or else, hiding in some cornerduring the day, they fled during the night. Priests,laymen, women holding their children's hands, badeadieu to the cheerful city, to the shores of the beautifullake, and to its smiling hills. They loved Rome andRome was sufficient for them. On the 13th of Augusta cry of alarm was heard in the council: 'Geneva,' itwas said, 'by losing a part of its population, will lose itsimportance.' But it was the contrary that happened.Confessors of the Gospel compelled to quit their countryin the cause of faith, and especially Frenchmen, wereto fill up the void made by the adherents of the pope.

The exodus continued day and night, but not withoutdifficulty. Jean Regis, a priest, and two of his colleaguescrept one dark night to the back of St. Victor'sconvent, entered the stables, and took out three horses.They were preparing to mount them when they werearrested. The council assembled at two hours aftermidnight, and sent to prison the priests who wererunning away on stolen horses.[588]The council preventedthe clergy from laying hands upon what did not belongto them, but not from going wherever they pleased.

A great number of ecclesiastics and laymen succeeded,however, in gaining the states of the Duke of Savoy, andwherever they went they stirred up the anger of thecatholics against Geneva. The storm that was brewing{301}became more threatening. It was not enough for theGenevans to see their fields laid waste, they learnt fromSavoy that the city itself was going to be destroyed.The citizens thrilled with anger: 'As the attack is totake place in favor of popery,' they said, 'it is right thatpopery should pay for the defence.' The council, therefore,decided that the church jewels should be devotedto the necessities of the state. The priests of St.Germain, St. Gervais, and other parishes brought theirreliquaries and vessels; but the proctors of the Madeleineappeared empty-handed at the hôtel-de-ville, andsaid: 'By what right do you demand our treasures?'At the same time the ex-syndic, Jean Balard, and othercatholics, seizing the opportunity, exclaimed: 'Why doyou deprive us of our masses?' But the council wasfirm, and the priests of the Madeleine, quite broken-hearted,were obliged to bring their chalices and othervessels to aid in combating the defenders of their faith.As the value of these ornaments did not exceed threehundred crowns, those of St. Pierre were added tothem.[589]

=PAUL III. INFORMED.=

It was time for Geneva to be on its guard. Atthe beginning of September 1535, the ambassadorfrom the duke of Savoy, prince of Piedmont, informedthe pope (on behalf of his master) of what had takenplace and asked for prompt repression. He told thepontiff that 'on the 10th of August the wretchedLutherans had abolished religion; that they had enteredthe churches, had thrown out the relics and the images,had proclaimed the mass to be an abuse, and had setthe ministers preaching.' Paul III. was thunderstruck;but true to his silent habits, he only expressed hissurprise by signs. He shrugged his shoulders, said theambassador, as if a thrill of horror had run throughhim. Then bowing his head he sighed gently, and saidin a low tone: 'Holy Virgin! Holy Virgin!' and sank{302}into a deep silence. But if his lips were dumb and hisbody motionless, his mind, full of activity, was agitatedand sought some means of conjuring the evil. At last,breaking silence, he turned to the ambassador: 'Tellthe duke that he has behaved like a good servant of theChurch. He has done all in his power to prevent thisdisaster. Let him persevere in the same course.'[590]The duke understood him, and, secure of the support ofthe pope and of his brother-in-law the emperor, he continuedhis preparations against Geneva.

=FAREL PREACHES TO THE NUNS.=

During this time the houses of the priests who remainedin the city, and the aisles of the almost desertedcloisters, resounded with wailings. This was particularlythe case in the convent of St. Claire.

That convent was the only one worthy of any interest:the reformers wished to attempt to introduce a littlelight into it. The Sunday of the Octave after the Visitationof the Virgin, the syndics, with Farel, Viret, oneof the monks who had embraced the reform, and abouta dozen notables of the city, made their appearance thereabout ten o'clock. When the sisters were assembled,Farel took for his text the gospel of the day: 'Mariaabiit cum festinatione in civitatem Judæ:' 'Mary wentwith haste into a city of Juda,'[592]and tried to enlightenthe nuns. 'You see,' he said, 'the Virgin Mary did notlead a solitary life; she was diligent in aiding others,and went to the town where her cousin, who was olderthan herself, lived, in order to do her a service. Godsaid in the days of the Creation:It is not good that theman should be alone. Why then should man contradict{303}this law of God? The Lord is unwilling that anyrestraint should be imposed upon the conscience, sincehe has given it liberty. The service rendered to God inthe cloisters is therefore a diabolical tyranny.' At thesewords the mother-vicar, a violent woman, rose hastily,left her seat, went and put herself between the sistersand theheretics, and said sharply to the latter: 'Be off,for you will gain nothing here!'—'Return to your place,'said the syndics; but the mother replied: 'I will donothing of the sort.' Consequently they turned herout.

Farel continued: 'What is this monastic life that issubstituted for holy matrimony and liberty? It is a lifefull of great abuses, monstrous errors, and carnal corruption.'At these words the sisters began to cry out,'It is a falsehood,' and spat at the reformer in theirwrath.[593]But Farel, who had suffered worse things thanthis, said to the confessor: 'We know that many ofthese poor young women would willingly come to thetruth and liberty, if you and the old ones did not keepthem so close.' While saying these words he wasstopped by loud blows which prevented his being heard.It was the mother-vicar, who had been listening to him;she struck against the partition with her fists, andcried out: 'Hah! you wretched, cursed man! You arewasting your coaxing words. Bah! you will make nothingof them!' She then backed up her words by aterrible drumming upon the panels.[594]Some of the sistersstopped their ears with wax, so as not to hear Farel'ssermon. The latter, calling to mind the saying,Givenot that which is holy unto the dogs, retired, and the deputationwent down the staircase. The monk who hadembraced the Reform was the last of the file; one of thesisters walked behind him, thumping him on the shoulderswith her fists, and saying: 'Wretched apostate,{304}out of my sight!' 'But this fine fellow did not seem tonotice them,' says Jeanne, who was present; 'he saidnot a word, his tongue was palsied.'[595]The same couldnot be said of the mother-vicar, and some others, whokept on vociferating and thumping. Farel returned nomore to the convent.

One nun, however, had opened her heart to theGospel. Claudine Levet, who had a sister namedBlaisine Varembert, in the cloister, had often visitedher, had given her a New Testament, and prayed nightand day to God that Blaisine might be enlightened.The latter was touched with the love of the Saviour, ofwhich Claudine had spoken to her; and on the festivalof Corpus Christi she refused to adore the holy sacrament.Three of the sisters fell upon her, 'and bruisedher all over.' They put her in prison, and tied herhands and feet. 'Ah!' said Blaisine, 'you keep mein prison, because I reproach you for making good cheerand living in strife with one another day and night.'[596]

Claudine Levet and some other Genevan ladies, withBaudichon de la Maisonneuve and Pierre Vandel, wentto the convent with the intention of liberating the poorgirl. The mother-vicar 'stood upright on her feet,' andsaid: 'Gentlemen, consider well what you are about todo, for if any man comes near, either he or I shall dieupon the spot.'[597]Upon this, the men remaining in thebackground, two or three ladies approached theprisoner. The latter, standing by the side of her sister,declared that she desired to serve God purely, accordingto Holy Scripture, and added that she was detained inthe convent against her will. 'In that case you arefree,' said De la Maisonneuve. To no purpose did the{305}mother-vicar rush impetuously forward, wishing todetain her by force, and several nuns did the same;Blaisine left the convent without saying a word, entereda neighboring house, took off her religious dress, andwent in plain garments to her sister's.[598]

Claudine and Blaisine could not, however, make uptheir minds to abandon the poor recluses. Possessingthe Word of God, and the salvation that it announces,they desired to share their good things with them.The Genevese ladies, attached to the Gospel, had muchfaith and activity. The two sisters, therefore, returnedto the convent on Saturday, 28th, and Sunday, 29thAugust, and Dame Claude began to speak; but thenuns tossed their heads, and called out: 'Oh thegreat story-teller! Oh the devil incarnate!' And themother-vicar, turning towards a syndic who had accompaniedClaudine, along with other 'respectablepersons,' said: 'Take that witch away from here.''Beware how you abuse her,' answered the magistrate,'for she is a holy creature, enlightened by the trueGod, and produces great fruits by her divine doctrines,converting the poor ignorant people, and continuallytaking great pains for the salvation of souls.' 'Convert,'exclaimed the superior, 'you should rather saypervert.'At the same time the sisters spat in her face, accordingto the report of one of their number.[599]

=DEPARTURE OF THE NUNS.=

When the syndic saw this, he lost all hope. Theduke of Savoy invited the sisters to take refuge in hisstates, making them fine promises. 'Fair ladies,' saidthe magistrate, 'name the day you wish to depart.'—'To-morrow,'said the mother-superior, 'to-morrow, atdaybreak.'—'Fair ladies,' resumed the syndic, 'pack upyour goods.'[600]

Early next morning the syndics arrived, when thesisters, after singing aDe Profundis, put their breviariesunder their arm, and drew up in two ranks.The mother-vicar placed the young sisters, who mighthave any longing to quit the veil, by the side of somesturdy nuns who could detain them. A great crowdhad assembled before the convent and in the streets.Seeing this, many of the nuns 'shrank back with fear,'but the courageous superior said, with animation:'Cheer up, my sisters, make the sign of the cross, andkeep our Lord in your hearts.' They stepped forward.This procession of veiled and silent women representedRoman-catholicism leaving Geneva. Sobs were heardhere and there. Three hundred archers marched infront, behind, and at the side of the nuns, to protectthem. 'If any one moves,' said the syndic to thespectators, 'he shall lose his head.' The crowd lookedon silently as the sisters passed along.[601]

When the procession arrived at the Arve bridge,where the territory of the city ceased, the nuns, whohad imagined they would find the duke and his courtwaiting at the frontiers of his states to receive themwith great honor, could see nobody. A poor monkalone appeared, bringing a wretched wagon, in orderto carry the old and sick.[602]

The rain and the muddy roads delayed their progress.The poor nuns, who knew nothing but theirconvent, were startled at everything. Seeing a fewsheep grazing in a meadow, they screamed aloud,taking them (says one of the sisters) forraveningwolves. A little farther on, some cows which were inthe fields, attracted by this troop passing along,stretched out their heads towards the road, and lowed.The nuns imagined they werehungry bears, and had{307}not even strength to run away. At nightfall theyreached St. Julien, having taken fifteen hours to go ashort league. The next day they entered Annecy,where the duke gave them the monastery of the HolyCross. All the bells of the city rang at their arrival.Here the poor nuns found some repose; but they didnot forget the judgment of God that had banishedthem from Geneva, and did not hide the cause of theirmisfortunes. 'Ah!' said Sister Jeanne de Jussie, 'theprelates and churchmen did not observe their vows atthis time, but squandered dissolutely the ecclesiasticalproperty, keeping women in adultery and lubricity, andawakening the anger of God, which brought divine punishmenton them.'[603]

If the truth extorted such a confession from a nun,an honest but fanatical disciple of popery, we mayunderstand what the reformed thought and said. Acry came from their hearts against the immorality andhypocrisy of those who ought to have been theirguides. Hence there was great agitation among thepriests; they came running in a distracted manner toMonseigneur de Bonmont, and asking him: 'What isto be done? must we stay or go?'

=FLIGHT OF THE GRAND-VICAR.=

The grand-vicar thought it was necessary to go. Publicopinion declared unequivocally against him: he wasone of those priests who called forth Sister Jeanne'sreproof. 'Monseigneur keeps in his house several mistressesand agents of debauchery,' people said. 'Gaming,mots de gueule, dances, banquets, impudicity, andevery kind of dissolute living, are his delight. Hegenerally has five vile prostitutes at his table, seatedaccording to their degree, two at his right and two athis left, while the oldest waits upon the others. Hesmiles when he talks of impudicity, and says, "It is amere backsliding, and does not count."' Seeing the{308}storm grow darker, the wretched priest was terrified inhis conscience, and resolved to act like his bishop, andquit a city where he could no longer live as he hadalways lived. The Reformation was the re-establishmentof morality as well as of faith. Monseigneur fled to themountain, to solitude in the abbey of Bonmont, nearNyon, on a spur of the Jura, which overlooks LakeLeman and its rich valley. Another terror was soon todrive him thence.[604]

The anger of God (spoken of by Jeanne) continued towork out his judgments: opprobrium accumulated onthose priests who had thought themselves the kings ofthe earth. On the 18th of September, some of thecitizens having caught one of them in an act of impurity,they set him on a donkey, and paraded him thusthrough the city, making his mistress, disguised as alackey, walk behind him. Serious men disapprovedof such buffoonery. 'Ah!' they said, 'disease, the consequenceof their disorders, has so punished them, thatas we see them pass along in their processions we mightimagine them to be soldiers returning from the war, theyare so covered with scars—true martyrs of the pope!'[605]The magistrates would have liked not to punish them,not to banish them, but to reform them. 'Give up,'they said, 'your dances, gluttony, and dissolute living,and dwell in our city according to God's law, like citizensand good friends.' But that seemed too difficult for thepriests: they preferred to leave Geneva.

The most active, however, remained. Dupan andsome of his colleagues went from house to house,strengthening the weak. They might be seen passingalong the streets, wearing their sacerdotal vestments.If a child was born, they hastened to christen it according{309}to the Roman ritual; if fervent Catholics desired thesacrament, they met secretly in some chamber, kneltdown before a hastily constructed altar, crossed themselves,and said mass. They even carried their zeal sofar as to visit certain of the reformed, in order to bringthem back to the fold of the Church. At the verymoment when the edifice was giving way on all sides,their natural inflexibility and enthusiasm for the papacymade them remain, as if their feeble hands were sufficientto support it. Such courage claims our admiration,but the reformed considered it rather as a matterfor serious anxiety. They felt the necessity of concordand unity at this critical moment. 'See what yourcondescension exposes us to,' they said to the magistrates.'Just as the enemy is marching against thecity, these priests are going to stir up a civil war withinour gates.'[606]

=HOSPITAL AND SCHOOL FOUNDED.=

The syndics who knew the danger and the necessitiesof the city, thought that the best means of securing toGeneva her independence and her faith, would be to seteverything in good order. The Reformation is a goodtree; let it therefore bear its fruit! Christians oughtto take care of their sick and of their poor. Accordingly,a general hospital was founded at Ste. Claire, andendowed with the revenues of the old hospitals and theproperty become ownerless through the departure of theecclesiastics. Claude Salomon, one of the most ferventevangelicals, dedicated himself, his wife, and his fortuneto its service.

Christians ought to take care of their children. It istrue that in 1429, F. de Versonex, the syndic, hadfounded a school where grammar, logic, and the liberalarts were taught; but the director of that institutionhaving left the city, the school had been shut. It mustbe restored and improved. Farel and his friends requiredthat the instruction should be universal—for all{310}children. The school was established in the placewhich is still named Rue du Vieux Collège, and itsdirection intrusted to Saunier, a capable man.[607]

After the extirpation of ignorance came the suppressionof mendicity. An order was published by sound oftrumpet on the 29th of October, 'that no person shouldbeg, but seek shelter in the poor-house.'[608]

Subsequently these institutions received importantdevelopments. It was not until the period when thecollege and academy were founded by Calvin that instructiontook a start in Geneva, which carried intellectualculture to such a height in that city. But thestarting-point was Saunier's college, where primary instructionwas mixed up with religion. The Reformationlaunched Geneva like a ship, which at first coasts alongthe nearest shores, but reaches at last the remotest seas.It was not simply a matter of theological dogma, assome believe; it developed the conscience, the understanding,and the heart, and regulated the will. It didnot form merely a few Christian men; it gave to thatcity a new people, school, church, literature, science,and charity; it gave new value to the great interests ofman, and called into existence a well-spring of usefulresearch and elevated thoughts. The Reformation wasable to say:

Humani nihil a me alienum puto.[609]

=ROMANISM ENDS IN GENEVA.=

While the council was carrying out these beneficentmeasures, a certain number of agitated and restlesspriests kept going from house to house, consultingtogether and professing opinions that tended to rebellion.{311}Instead of taking harsh measures against them,the magistrates loyally determined to give them a freshopportunity of defending their faith. On the 29th ofNovember thirty priests, headed by Dupan, appearedbefore the council. There were still thirty priests inGeneva and only three ministers! It was not, therefore,by numbers and by the might of man, that theReformation was established, but by the power of God.The premier syndic asked them to undertake the defenceof popery. 'We have neither the ability nor thelearning,' answered Dupan; and he added: 'Soonerthan expose our religion to a new discussion, we willgive up all pastoral functions.' The priesthood abdicated.On the 6th of December the council againcalled the priests before them, and gave them thisoption: 'If your doctrine is good, defend it; if bad,renounce it.' Then the break-up began. 'For a longtime,' said Delorme, 'I have been saying mass unwillingly,'and he passed over, with others, to the side ofthe Reform. Some left the city; and the councilrequired that those who remained 'should wear otherhats,' and live like the rest of the citizens. Lastly,wishing to make it evident that there was no longer inGeneva either bishop or prince, the council voted thatthe episcopal palace should be converted into a prison.[610]This was no change in its destination, according tocertain sarcastic huguenots, since the bishop and his seehad never been of any use but to keep liberty captive.Thus ended the existence of the Romish priesthood inGeneva. The magistrates, far from persecuting catholicism,had on several occasions put the priests in aposition to defend it: it was the religion of the popesthat fled and made way for the religion of the HolyScriptures. Complete religions liberty, the conquest ofmodern times, did not certainly preside at that day in{312}the councils of the republic; but as an historian ofGeneva, who is not a protestant, has said, 'We mustnot demand of an age ideas, theories, and acts whichcould not exist until after events and revolutions still tocome.'[611]

Seeing that the priests were departing, that theirchants no longer re-echoed through the lofty Gothicaisles, that the tapers no longer burnt upon the gorgeousaltars and the varied ceremonial had disappeared,Farel, Viret, and Froment came forward and said: 'Weare ready to preach without sparing ourselves eitherweariness or labor, and to employ all the power of theWord to lead the flock into the straight road with wisdomand gentleness.' And in fact from that hour theWord which awakeneth and teacheth was heard daily inthe churches, and particularly at St. Pierre and St.Gervais. The hearers said that these true ministers ofthe Gospel 'did not behave like old-clothes men (revendeurs),who are accustomed to polish up their waresand put a gloss upon their old rags, in order to get moremoney for them; but they offered the pure and simpledoctrine of Jesus Christ.' Many felt that the Word ofGod was a sword which pierces to the heart and killsthe old man in such a manner that a new man takes theplace of him that was slain.

Farel assembled the people in the cathedral in orderthat they should all pray for peace to God who givethit.[612]These prayers ascended to heaven. Geneva wasto have peace, but after new trials.

=THE COMING TEMPEST.=

The joy which then filled Geneva was not to be oflong duration. The sky was fair, and yet certain signsindicated that the tempest was not far off. The Reformationwhich had been accomplished excited the mostserious uneasiness at Turin, at Rome, and around thepuissant Charles V. Hitherto a few desultory attackshad been made against the city: its territory had beenlaid waste, its provisions intercepted, and ladders hadbeen placed against its walls: but now a regular campaignwas about to be opened, and the enemy weredecided not to lay down their arms until they had takenit and transformed it into a popish and Savoyard city.The partisans of Rome felt their danger; they saw thatas Geneva was at the gates of France, Italy, and Germany,if the Reformation was settled there, it mightcompromise the existence of the papacy itself.[613]Accordinglyall their thoughts were bent on putting downthe revolt, though at the cost of much bloodshed, andof treating Geneva as Alby, 'of holy and illustriousmemory,' had been treated formerly. Paul III., afriend of the world and of the fine arts, wished, however,to employ milder means at first—to reduce the cityby famine. 'These Lutherans of four days' standing,'{314}he said, 'will soon be disgusted with their heresy.' Hewas deceived, but the duke of Savoy did not share hismistake. That prince, who showed a certain kindnesstowards his party, was hard, violent, and mercilesswhenever Geneva was concerned. He was to be theSimon de Montfort of the new crusade. 'It is impossible,'people said, 'that the Genevans can hold outin the face of the duke's alliances. On the one hand,there is his brother-in-law the emperor, his nephewthe king of France, his father-in-law the king of Portugal,and his allies the Swiss; and then all his ownsubjects, who hem in Geneva for two hundred leaguesround, as wolves surround a fold of helpless sheep.On the other hand, there is the pope, the cardinals, thebishops, and the priests, whose favor and support thebishop of Geneva possesses.'[614]The cabinet of Turinresolved, therefore, to set to work. On the 30th ofAugust the duke publicly proclaimed Geneva as infectedwith the plague, forbade his subjects, underpain of death, to have any communication with itsinhabitants, and promised hospitality in his states toall who desired to escape from the pestilence. It wasthought in Piedmont that only a few mischief-makerswould remain, and that one bold stroke would makethe ducal army master of the city. Everything wasprepared in the states of Charles IV. to strike a decisiveblow.[615]

=THE EMPEROR'S PROJECTS.=

On the 28th of August and 24th of September,numerous companies came as far as the gates of Geneva,but the citizens drove them back. These weremere skirmishes of outposts: more formidable attackswere in preparation. Charles V., victorious overBarbarossa, called upon the Swiss League, assembledat Baden near Zurich, to give material help to theduke of Savoy. It was said in many quarters that{315}the plan of that ambitious monarch was to destroyfour cities—Algiers, Geneva, Wittemberg, and Constantinople—twocities of the Koran and two of theGospel. Did not an old prophecy speak of an emperorwho was to achieve the conquest of the world,command 'the adoration of the cross under pain ofdeath, and then be crowned at Jerusalem byan angelof God?'—'That emperor,' said many, 'is Charles V.'[616]

Alarm was beginning to creep over the Genevesepeople; the councils deliberated, but in vain, as to whatcould be done to save the city. Fathers and motherssat by their firesides with downcast eyes, silent lips, andforeheads burdened with care; and groups collectedhere and there in the streets, talking earnestly abouttheir misfortunes! 'All round the city there is nothingbut fighting, blockade of provisions, plunder, andconflagration. Within the city correspondence on alarge scale with the enemy. How can a handful of menresist such a multitude?' Then the preachers of theWord pointed to the glorious deliverances recorded inthe Scriptures. 'God will do the same for you to-day,'they said, 'provided you place your whole trust in Him.'And lifted up by that mighty word, those men againstwhom princes took counsel together, exclaimed: 'Wewill place our hope and our refuge in God alone.'[617]

Charles III., encouraged by the emperor's support,sent his ambassadors to the Swiss Cantons, and demandedthat the duke and the bishop, 'escorted by myLords of Berne, should be brought back to Geneva, toresume all their pre-eminence therein; and that noperson should make innovations.' Happily the deputiesfrom Geneva—Lullin, Des Clefs, and Claude Savoye werethere, and remained firm as rocks to uphold the rightsof their country. The Swiss, finding the two parties{316}equally inflexible, withdrew, saying: 'This affair ofGeneva tires us to death; get out of it the best way youcan!' Lullin and Des Clefs returned to Geneva; butClaude Savoye, determined to obtain help, remained inthe territories of the League.[618]

The hopes of this energetic reformer were not withoutsome foundation. When the council of Berne hadheard of the abolition of the mass at Geneva, they hadrejoiced, and, on the 28th of August, had written a letterof congratulation to the magistrates: 'Seeing thatyou have learnt the truth,' they said, 'be watchful overit and persevere firmly. So doing, be not afraid thatGod will let you be destroyed at last.' Claude Savoyedeparted for Berne, and on arriving there went fromhouse to house and appeared before the heads of theState, 'What!' said he, 'you sent us your ministerFarel, and now that we have obeyed the Word whichhe preached to us, you deliver us up into the cruel handsof our enemies.' That noble reformer, Berthold Haller,supported him with all his strength, and called uponBerne 'not to abandon Geneva faint-heartedly.' Meanwhilethe deputies from Turin canvassed the lords of thecouncil on the opposite side. Self-interest prevailedamong the patricians. 'Raise troops for your own defence,'they told Claude Savoye, 'provided it be not onour territory; all that we can possibly do for you is tocommend you to God's grace.' And they ended withthis expressive but familiar saying: 'The shirt is nearerto us than the coat.'[619]

=GENEVA TRUSTS IN GOD.=

When the Genevans heard of Berne's refusal, theywere thunderstruck. Berne, reformed like themselves,abandoned them! The faith, so necessary to nations,began to waver in many hearts; but Farel endeavored{317}to strengthen those who were shaken. 'Certainly,' hesaid to them, 'my lords of Berne have sent us to agreat and strong master—to God. He it is who willhave all the honor of our deliverance, and not men.He has done mightier things than this. He alwaysshows his power in what is desperate; and when itseems that all is lost, it is then that all is won.'[620]

The court of Turin did not think like Farel, andseeing the Swiss abandoning Geneva, it felt no doubtthat the city, coveted so long, would soon fall into itshands. It was desirable to take advantage of thedejection of the citizens; and accordingly the Piedmontesecabinet hastily sent ambassadors to summon 'mylords of Geneva,' in the name of their masters, to expelheresy and the heresiarchs, to restore the bishop andclergy to their rights, and to set up the images again.But the Genevese, prouder still in misfortune than inprosperity, replied to the envoys: 'Noble lords, we willsacrifice our fortunes, our interests, our children, ourblood, and our lives in defence of the Word of God.And sooner than betray that holy trust we will set fireto the four corners of our city, as our Helvetianancestors once did.'[621]The ambassadors carried backthis heroic answer to their master, and the dukepressed forward his preparations.

A danger not less great—possibly greater—threatenedGeneva: discord. An implacable hatred 'likethat which in old times existed between Cæsar andPompey,' says Froment, divided the captain-generalPhilippe and the syndic Michael Sept; a fatal hatredwhence proceeded great woes, with loss of goods, ofhonor, and of men, exile, and death. Some tookpart with Philippe, others with Michael Sept. 'Whenthe eldest son of the captain-general,' said the former,{318}'was taken prisoner by the men of Peney, who offeredto exchange him against a number of their comradeswho were imprisoned in Geneva, Michael Sept answered:"No, it would be contrary to the interests ofthe state."'—'It is true,' replied the syndic's friends,'but did he not add: "Let us redeem Philippe's son; Iwill give three hundred crowns as my share. If itwere the case of my own child, my advice would notbe different."' The council having refused the exchangein consequence of this advice, the captain-general,a liberal and brave but haughty, turbulent,and violent man, swore a deadly animosity againstMichael Sept. He scattered fire and flame everywhereagainst that venerable magistrate, and sacrificing theinterests of his country to his resentment, he retiredmurmuring to his tent. 'I am sick,' he replied, 'I willbe captain-general no longer.' Extreme susceptibilitymay ruin a man and sometimes a state.

The retirement of the captain-general, in the seriousposition in which Geneva was now placed, as well asthe divisions with which it was accompanied, greatly increasedthe danger of the city. Moreover, they did notknow whom to appoint as Philippe's successor. Manynamed Baudichon de la Maisonneuve; but he was hastyand impetuous like the other, and the council wouldhave liked a more sedate, more penetrating, moreprudent character; they feared the eagerness and wantof circumspection of that daring citizen. But hisfriends represented that nobody was more devoted tothe cause of independence and of the Gospel; and thatwhat they wanted now was a chief full of courage andzeal. De la Maisonneuve was appointed captain-general.

The new commander immediately called a muster ofall the men who were ready to march out with himagainst the enemy. They were but four hundred in all.It mattered not. De la Maisonneuve grasped a banner{319}on which he had ordered some fiery tears to be emblazoned.Greater simplicity might have been more becomingat such a moment; yet it was a deep and truefeeling of the tragical position in which Geneva wasplaced that animated the captain-general. He wavedhis standard before his four hundred soldiers, and exclaimed:'Let every one be prepared to die. It is notcommon tears that we must shed, but tears of blood!'

=THE GENEVANS IMPLORE DIVINE AID.=

On returning into the city, the little army went tothe churches. Farel had as much ardor in praying asBaudichon in fighting. Every day there were sermonsand prayers to the Lord. 'O God,' said the reformer,'be pleased to defend thy cause!'[622]

In truth, it was not only the independence of Genevathat was threatened, but the Reformation. TheGenevans enumerated their sufferings, outrages, poverty,famine, cold, loss of goods, furniture, and cattle, stolenby bands of plunderers; young children, and even menand women, carried off, maltreated, and put to death;attacks made at all hours, and so violently that it wasscarcely possible to hold out longer. But greater misfortuneswere still to come. Charles of Savoy, supportedby the emperor, was recruiting old Italian and Spanishsoldiers, and had selected to command them one of thecruellest captains of the age, employed somewhat later byCharles V. against the Protestants of Germany. Theheads of the state, convinced of the danger, made thisdeclaration on the 3d of October: 'Our enemies arepreparing every day to attack us; so that, if God doesnot help us, we cannot escape their blood-stainedhands.'[623]

During this time Claude Savoye, who was solicitinghelp from Berne, received nothing but refusals. He wassad and heart-stricken; all was growing darker round{320}him; he knew not whence aid could come. On a suddena ray of light cheered him. Farel had proclaimed atNeuchâtel the Gospel he was preaching at Geneva. Thetowns and villages and valleys of that country were thescene of many of the reformer's victories. He had alsopreached to the mountaineers of the see of Basle, whohad imagined they were 'listening to an angel comedown from heaven.' Claude Savoye, rejected by thelords of Berne, turned his eyes towards the Jura, wherethe French language being in use, it would be easy forhim to plead the cause of his country. He shook offthe dust of his feet against Berne, and departed.

There was in those parts a man known for his evangelicalzeal, a friend of Farel, and on whom Savoyethought he could reckon. Jacob Wildermuth, or Wildermeth,[624]belonged to a family whose members hadfilled the highest offices at Bienne, of which they werethe hereditary mayors; but they also possessed thecitizenship of Neuchâtel, and the one of whom we arespeaking seems to have frequently resided in the lattercountry. His father had gained distinction in thefamous battles of Morat and Grandson, and he himselfhad made the campaigns of Italy from 1512 to 1515.Wildermuth signifieswild courage, a name very appropriateto the intrepid warrior. Although advanced inyears,[625]he had all the fire of youth and could supportgreat fatigue. About the end of 1529, when Farel wentto Neuchâtel, Wildermuth had welcomed him; andwhen the magistrates forbade the reformer to preach inthe churches: 'Stay,' said the soldier to him, 'I willmake you preach in the houses.' He was immediatelyassailed with threats: 'I can easily brave them,' he said,'for I know that God is stronger than man or devil.'[626]

Such was the man to whom Claude Savoye madeknown the danger of Geneva. He conceived at once thedesign of delivering that city. Wildermuth was notonly full of faith in the Gospel, and of aversion to ultramontanesuperstitions, but he was intelligent, skilful,and courageous; and having already made the campaignsof Italy, he knew better than others how toorganize and lead a body of volunteers. 'A burgess ofBerne,' said the Genevan to him, 'has given me sixhundred crowns, wherewith to raise a troop to fightagainst the duke and the pope.'—'Very good,' said theSwiss warrior, 'I undertake, with the help of mystrong-handed cousin, Ehrard of Nidau,[627]to enrol somestout fellows, and lead them secretly and promptly toGeneva.'

=THE HEROINE OF NIDAU.=

Half a league from Bienne, on the lake of that name,in the Seeland, which forms part of the canton of Berne,stands the pretty little town of Nidau. Ehrard Bourgeoiswas one of the citizens most devoted to the Gospeland to liberty; and, more than that, he was one ofthose strong, practical men, who know how to act uponothers, and who, when they have once embraced a cause,never give it up until it has triumphed. At once hemade the critical position of Geneva known in Nidau andits environs. If he had a strong hand, he had a no lesspowerful voice; those who loved the Gospel and hateddespotism answered to his call. In a humble dwellingof this neighborhood there lived a woman with herhusband and three sons, whose name has not beenhanded down to us. Filled with ardent zeal for theGospel, she determined to contribute to the deliveranceof her brethren of Geneva. A religious spirit has ofteninvested women with a strength that does not seem to{322}belong to their sex. The heroine of Nidau stood up:grasping a two-handed sword, and addressing her husbandand three sons, she inspired them all withcourage. She burnt with desire to march with herpeople to encounter those soldiers of Savoy, who, urgedon by the pope, were advancing against Geneva. Theirnumber and force did not stop her. 'Though I shouldbe alone,' she said to her husband and children, 'Iwould fight with this sword against all yonder Savoyards.[628]The father and sons were valiant warriors andfervent in the Gospel; and all five presented themselvesto Ehrard in order to march to the rescue of Geneva.It is a great sign when women bestir themselves aboutthe maintenance of rights, and encourage their sons andtheir husbands, instead of dissuading them from thebattle: when this occurs, the enemy is already beaten.We have seen it in antiquity, and in modern times.The fire which animated this heroine spread all aroundher, and a goodly number of valiant fellows hastenedfrom the Seeland, Bienne, and the valleys of the Jura,to be enrolled under the flag of Ehrard.

During this time Claude Savoye and Wildermuthwere appealing to the men of good-will at Neuchâteland in its valleys. In every place Savoye uttered hislament over the poor city of Geneva: 'Help us inGod's name,' he said. 'Give aid and succor to yourChristian brethren, who hold the same faith and obeythe same law as you: and who, because they have theGospel preached, and defend their liberties and franchises,are beleaguered by the enemies of the faith.'These words were not ineffectual. Many generousminds threw far from them the selfish thoughts thatmight have restrained them. 'Shall we not be movedwith pity towards our brethren in the Lord?' said themen of Neuchâtel to one another. 'Shall not thecharity we owe to our neighbor impel us?' One of{323}the most fervent was Jacques Baillod, called also theBanneret, whose family, one of the oldest in the Valde Travers, filled the chief offices of the state. Hewas, as it would appear, misshapen in body, short,[629]and a little hunch-backed, not very unlike Æsop (saidsome); but he was a skilful and valiant captain. Manymen from the Val de Travers and other places listenedto his appeal. Even at Neuchâtel, an ex-councillor wasdistinguished by his zeal; this was André, surnamedMazellier, or 'the butcher,'[630]one of those firm characterswho, when they have put their hands to the plow,never look back. 'In a short time,' says a contemporarychronicler, 'a thousand picked men, fine men-of-war,faithful and of stout heart—if there are any such in allSwitzerland—were assembled, and ready to march atonce to the succor of Geneva at their own expense.'[631]According to others, only eight or nine hundred mentook up arms.

=OPPOSITION OF DE PRANGINS.=

Meanwhile the rumor of these preparations reachedthe castle of Neuchâtel. The Sire de Rive de Prangins,governor of the county for the princess of Longueville,'a papist and a Savoyard,' says the chronicler Roset;'a great enemy of the Word,' says Froment; had doneall he could to prevent the establishment of the Reformationin the county, and now the Neuchâtelanswanted to go and support Geneva. Astonished at somuch audacity, he forbade those brave men to moveunder pain of his serious indignation. Among thosewho had answered to the appeal of Savoye, there weresome who now hesitated. A certain number of thesebrave men had no strong belief or strong will tomaintain them. Full of respect for the princess andher lieutenant, they bent easily beneath the authority{324}which presumed to constrain them. Their wives endeavoredto revive their zeal. In the eyes of the latterit was not an ordinary war; it was a struggle for theWord of God. Being ardent evangelists, they had atheart, as much as Farel, to uphold the faith, andcombined with pure doctrine that keen sensitiveness,that impulsiveness of the heart, which are the portion oftheir sex. 'Go,' they said; 'if you do not go, we willgo ourselves.' Some, indeed, did go, like the heroine ofNidau. Others, speaking in the name of religion, overawedtheir husbands and decided them: 'We will notleave our Christian brethren of Geneva to perishmiserably,' said the Neuchâtelans to those who wishedto detain them; 'they are attacked for no other causethan to destroy the Gospel and their liberties.In sucha quarrel we will all die.'

It was necessary to depart at once. The men whohad risen in the towns, the valleys, and the plain, todefend, without official character, a city they hadnever seen, were not armedcap-à-pied like the brilliantknights of Savoy whom they were going to fight.Some had muskets, all had swords, but they woreneither helmet nor cuirass. The justice of their causewas to be their breast-plate. In the evening of the 7thOctober the most distant corps—that from Bienne, thebishopric of Basle, Nidau, and the Seeland—begantheir march. It is probable that they crossed the lakeof Neuchâtel to avoid the city. On arriving at theentrance to the Val de Travers they halted, thatbeing the place of rendezvous. Those from Neuchâtel,Valangin, and other places soon arrived, and all werenow assembled in that picturesque country where theAreuse rushes out of the valley. The intrepid Wildermuthtook the command.[632]

=STRUGGLE OF THE NEUCHATELANS.=

The little army was preparing to depart when itsaw a cavalcade approaching from the direction ofNeuchâtel: they were officers of the government sentto prevent any of Madame's subjects from marchingto the help of Geneva. Having reached the force,these delegates from the Sire of Prangins approachedthe men under their jurisdiction, and ordered themto return each one to his home. To go and fightagainst the duke of Savoy was to put themselves inrevolt against their sovereign, who would treat them asrebels. 'They were forbidden, and in stronger termsthan before, and with fierce threats, so that manylost courage.' These Neuchâtelans had not at firstreflected that their government was strongly opposedto the Reformation. Now their respect for the establishedpowers counterbalanced the sentiments whichhad induced them to go to the help of the Gospel.They feared the unpleasant consequences that theirdisobedience might entail upon themselves and theirfamilies. They were agitated and divided. Wildermuthand other worthy persons perceiving that someof them were giving way, were grieved at it; butthey did not want men whose hearts were weakened.It was right in their eyes to protect the innocentagainst the wicked; but they would not force theirconvictions on their brethren. Wildermuth called out:'Comrades, if you have not the courage to die forGeneva, and kill as many false priests as shall offerthemselves, go about your business! It is better forus to be few, but men of heart, as in the days of Gideon,than to drag half-hearted ones after us.'

The struggle in these Neuchâtelans became moresevere. Should they go forward or should they return?{326}Wildermuth had named Gideon: they rememberedhow that Israelitish chief had consulted Godto know if he was to march against Midian. Thesehonest people, who had taken up arms in God'scause, believed in God and in His help. All, therefore,knelt down on the spot in order to ask of theirSovereign Lord the road they ought to take; and thattroop, but lately so tumultuous, remained for someminutes in deep silence. God himself was to choosewhom He would for the battle. When the prayerwas ended, each man stood up, and the energeticcaptain exclaimed aloud and with great earnestness:'Now, let those return home whom threats alarm;but you, to whom God has given hearts to fight foryour brethren, without fear for your lives—forward!'Three or four hundred returned home.[633]It is notdoubtful that they acted thus from a spirit of obedienceto the superior authority.

The others, who belonged particularly to the cantonof Berne and to the Jura, had not received a similarprohibition, and although diminished in number, theydid not hesitate. The little force was reduced byone half, and consisted of four hundred and fifteenmen; but those who remained were filled with faithand courage. They departed calling upon the nameof God, and praying Him to be their helper.

=THE SECRET MARCH.=

What road should this little army take? Thereseemed to be no other than that through the Paysde Vaud. But that country was occupied by thecaptains of the duke of Savoy, who separated Wildermuth'sband from Geneva, and could easily opposehim with four or five thousand men. Besides, if theSwiss auxiliaries followed that road, they would haveto pass near Yverdun and other strong towns capableof stopping them. 'I undertake,' Wildermuthhad said, 'to lead my companions secretly and promptlyto Geneva.' But how could he lead four to fivehundred men secretly? With that intent he hadformed a bold strange plan, by means of which hehoped to clear the distance between Neuchâtel andGeneva, without its being known what he was doing,and would present himself to the Genevese in distress,and to the Savoyards, their enemies, at a momentwhen neither of them expected him. The old captainintended to turn the Jura, and for that purpose tocross the Val de Travers, enter Franche Comté, makefor Sainte Claude, and thence, by the pass of theFaucille, he would descend directly upon Geneva.

His troops began their march: they passed throughCouvet, Môtiers, and other villages in the valley; butthey had hardly crossed the last meadows, when theyfound the mountainous and steep roads, which separated{328}them from Les Verrières and Pontarlier, entirelyclosed by the Savoyards.[634]Wildermuth, after takingcounsel with the other chiefs, resolved, instead ofturning the Jura, to march by the upper valleys.Some objected the season, the precipices, the absenceof beaten roads; but the leaders saw no other meansof escaping the armed corps which desired to stopthem. The troop was so small that, if it fought twoor three battles before reaching Geneva, scarcely ahandful of men would enter the beleaguered city.

=LABORIOUS MARCH.=

Turning, therefore, to the left, in a southerly direction,and passing the village of Butte, the volunteerspainfully climbed the steep path which, winding betweenMont Chasseron and the Côte-aux-Fées, leads toSainte-Croix. They passed through this village, descendedtowards Vallorbe, and then climbed again intothe high valleys of Joux.

These heroic adventurers were two days (Fridayand Saturday) on those cold and desert heights.Everything was already covered with snow, whichwas knee-deep, and forced them to clear the way withunheard-of labor. We must not forget that therewere women among them. It was the coldest periodof the year, says Froment, the winter being early andsevere. Thick flakes of snow fell and covered thosebrave men with a white mantle, and obliged themto move slowly. But Wildermuth, notwithstandinghis age; Baillod, notwithstanding his small stature;and Savoye, notwithstanding his fatigues, were fearless.One of them always marched in front; and whenthey had to encounter difficult passages, they sprangforward with fiery ardor upon those icy bulwarks, as ifmounting to the assault.

At that time there were only twenty families in thevalley, and some monks of the order of the Premonstrants,{329}who had been settled in the twelfth centuryat a place still calledthe Abbey. At the approachof this unexpected body of 'men in white,' the inhabitantsof the heights fled in terror, with such valuablesas they could carry; and those noble champions ofindependence and the Gospel could find nowhereeither men or provisions, so that famine 'pressed themsorely.' They went into the poor gardens, but couldgather nothing to appease their hunger except 'a fewcabbage stalks and some turnips—and very little ofthese,' adds the chronicler. However, they did notlose courage: they were going to help Geneva, andevery step carried them nearer. This idea stimulatedthem: the drifted snows, which often blockedup the road, were crossed with renewed courage.

On Saturday afternoon these warriors reached thewild lake of Les Rousses, where they turned to theleft, to make for the valley of the Leman, marchingslowly beneath long ranges of pine-trees. At lengththe troop, overwhelmed with fatigue, arrived at SaintCergues, on the heights of the Jura overlooking Nyon,2,800 feet above the lake. The valiant men conductedby Wildermuth expected to find provisions in thisvillage; but there were no inhabitants, and no victuals.However, as there were houses and beds too, the chiefsdetermined to pass the night there, and posted sentinelsall round.[635]

What were they to do next day? They might,indeed, continue their painful road over the mountainas far as La Faucille, whence they could descend byway of Gex to Geneva: this, as it appeared, wasClaude Savoye's first plan; but most of his comrades,pressed by hunger, fatigued by the snow and the difficultroads of the Jura, proposed to descend at onceinto the beautiful valley of the Leman. It was uselessto represent to them that they would infallibly{330}fall in with the ducal troops near Nyon; they answeredthat they had been two days without eating;how could an army, weakened by starvation, deliverGeneva? Nothing was decided, when the advancedsentinels brought in three young men whom they hadtaken near the village. Wildermuth and the otherchiefs questioned them: they were the first humanbeings who had approached them since they hadplunged into the Jura. 'We have been sent bythe people of Geneva,' said one of the three, 'to serveyou as guides. The ducal troops are assembled notfar from the mountain, to the number of four tofive thousand, horse and foot, and are preparing tosurround you, take you prisoners, and hang you.[636]Follow us, and we will lead you to Geneva safe andsound.' Claude Savoye did not know these men,which was not a good augury; but Wildermuth andhis followers had those upright hearts which do noteasily suspect treachery in others. Too happy to findguides, they resolved to follow the young men nextmorning. It was night, and the troop prepared totake the necessary repose.

There was, however, one man in that valiant bandwho was not to rest. TheGenevan, as he is generallycalled in this narrative, believing that the destiny of hiscountry was about to be decided, could not sleep. Justat that moment a native of the district presented himselfmysteriously at the outposts and desired to see him.Savoye at once went to speak with him. The messengertold him that he had come from the Seigneur d'Allinges,one of the noblemen then collected round Monseigneurde Lullin, governor of Vaud. D'Allinges had quittedthe castle of his family, situated on a steep hill nearThonon, whose beautiful ruins are still the admiration oftravellers, and had joined the Savoyard gentlemen.{331}Being a personal friend of Savoye's, he sent to tell himthat Louis de Diesbach and Rodolph Nägueli, the envoysof Berne, had arrived at the castle of Coppet, in orderto act as mediators in the affair. This news troubledSavoye; did Bernese diplomacy wish to neutralize hisexertions? He might have waited until the morning,but his character always carried him forward. Hedetermined to depart alone, and instantly. D'Allingeshad sent him a paper signed with his own hand, whichwas to serve as a safe-conduct. After conferring withWildermuth, Savoye quitted Saint Cergues at themoment when the others were about to seek the reposeof night. He descended the mountain hastily, thoughnot without difficulty; and, crossing rocks and penetratingthickets, he reached the foot of the Jura at last. Hefound there a fine Spanish courser, which D'Allingeshad sent for him. Savoye sprang into the saddle, andgalloped off to Coppet.[637]

=SAVOYE GOES TO COPPET.=

On the other hand, the Swiss who had slept at SaintCergues lost no time. Stirring early on the Sundaymorning, they departed under the conduct of the threeyoung guides. Geneva was in imminent danger; it wasnecessary to hasten to its assistance. The band passednear the castle, whence on a sudden a world sparklingwith beauty opens before the eyes of those who havebeen long shut up in the gorges of the Jura: the lake,its rich valley peopled with smiling villages; themagnificent Alps, in the bosom of which Mont Blancuplifts his kingly head; Geneva, and the towers of itsantique cathedral. Delighted to perceive the city towhose succor they were hastening, these generous menhailed it with joy. They descended and marched towithin a league of Nyon, at Gingins, whose castle wasthen occupied by the Seigneur de Gingins, brother tothe vicar-general of Geneva. Wildermuth's followers,{332}tired and hungry, hoped (according to what their guideshad said) to find there in abundance the provisions ofwhich they stood so much in need.

Behind a coppice between the village and the mountainwas a ravine, worn by the waters which descendfrom the hills during the heavy rains; it would scarcelyhold two persons abreast, a streamlet flowed along thebottom, and thick underwood bordered it on both sides.The guides of these valiant men said that they must becareful not to go near the village, for fear the enemyshould hear of their arrival, and desired them to hide inthe ravine and wait until their return. 'We will run toGingins,' they said, 'and bring you back refreshments;and then we will all set out for Geneva.' 'Go,' saidthe troop; 'we will pay fairly for all you can bring us.'The Swiss drew up noiselessly in the hollow way, andtheir guides quitted them.

=BATTLE OF GINGINS.=

At Gingins there was a body of the enemy composedof Italians, Savoyards, and gentlemen and men-at-armsof the bailiwicks of Nyon, La Côte, Gex, LaSarraz, and other localities. The priests had preacheda crusade in those parishes.[638]They had done more:they had armed themselves[639]and marched at the headof their villages, saying that they would not lay downtheir arms until heresy was extirpated from the valleyof the Leman. They were all waiting for the Swiss,impatient to fall upon that little band of four to fivehundred ill-armed soldiers, which they had seen descendingthe mountain. The duke of Savoy, accordingto the official report, had on foot to stop them three tofour thousand men. Froment, who often exaggeratesnumbers, speaks of four to five thousand, and reckonsSpaniards among them. This force was divided intocorps, one of which was then at Gingins.

This first division, composed of fifteen hundred men,{333}was commanded by the Sieur de Lugrin, chief ofthe Gex contingent, and an Italian, according to achronicler. Devoted to the Romish Church and tohis master the duke, Lugrin detested Geneva andthe Reform. Towards him the three guides had madetheir way; and, being received into the castle, theyinformed him of the results of the stratagem to whichthey had had recourse, and told him that the Swisswere shut up in a narrow place, where it would beimpossible for them to move, and where it would beeasy to kill them all. Lugrin immediately marched outat the head of his men, confident of crushing at thefirst blow these adventurers, exhausted by hunger andfatigue, and of staining with heretics' blood that deepmountain ravine.

The Swiss volunteers were waiting, without suspicionand in silence, for the provisions that had beenpromised them. Presently they fancied they hearda noise: Captain Erhard and one or two others raisedtheir heads. Great was their surprise when, insteadof the three pretended friends bringing them food,they saw a numerous and well-armed body of cavalryand infantry advancing and preparing a very differentsort of banquet for them. Wildermuth without hesitationissued from the ravine; at the same time theSieur de Lugrin came forward, and the two chiefs,each accompanied by an officer, met between thetwo forces. 'What is your intention?' asked Lugrin.—'Togo to Geneva,' answered Wildermuth.—'Wewill not grant you the passage.'—'Very well; thenwe will take it.' At this the officer who attendedLugrin dealt Wildermuth a blow with the butt-end ofhis arquebuse and knocked him down. But the Neuchâtelanwho was with him struck the Savoyard backagain and killed him.[640]Wildermuth sprang up immediately,{334}and ran eagerly towards his followers togive them orders to charge.

The soldiers who composed the troop of the dukeof Savoy were brave men, burning with enthusiasmfor the cause of Rome. They occupied a hill situatedbetween the ravine and the castle; they were set inmotion, and, on coming within gunshot, dischargedtheir muskets; but as the Swiss were still in the ravine,the bullets passed over their heads. 'Forward!' criedWildermuth at this moment. In an instant his followers,exasperated at being fooled and betrayed,issued from the hollow way, rushed through thehedge, drew up boldly in presence of the enemy, andfired a volley which brought several to the ground.Excited by rage and hunger, the valiant Switzersdid not give themselves time to reload their arms,but rushed impetuously upon the Savoyards. Theywere like bears or wolves whom hunger drives fromthe mountains, to seek food in the plain. Those whohad swords fought with them; those who had musketsused them as clubs; it was a struggle man to man,and the conflict was frightful. In the very middle ofthe fight was the heroine of Nidau, with her husbandand three sons, 'all fervent in the Gospel.' Wieldingher two-handed sword, she confronted the Savoyards.'This family of five persons,' says Froment, 'father,mother, and children, made a great discomfiture ofpersons.' The husband was killed, the sons werewounded, but the mother was unhurt, which was awonderful thing to see, says the chronicler, for nobodyattacked the enemy with more intrepidity. Anotherwoman, according to Stettler, rivalled her in courage,and four Savoyards had already bitten the dust whenshe fell, struck by a mortal blow.[641]

=THE PRIESTS CUT DOWN.=

The men did not remain in the background. Firedwith martial fury, they drove their swords throughtheir enemies' bodies, or brained them with theirarquebuses, or else, quickly reloading their guns,brought them down from a distance.[642]Being skilfulmarksmen, they picked out their victims; forty nobles,most of them Knights of the Spoon,[643]bit the dust; andthe priests paid a large tribute to death. The fanaticalanger of the clergy, who marched courageously tobattle, was met by the avenging anger of the Swiss,who were irritated at seeing men of peace on the fieldof strife. Wildermuth had pointed out 'the falsepriests' to his men. 'There they are now; we mustsacrifice them as did Elijah of old.' The curés, whohad not expected such a resistance, found themselvescut down by those terrible Helvetians, to whom twodays of suffering and the perfidy of their enemiesgave a sort of transport. An excited imaginationcould alone, perhaps, secure victory to the Swiss.One of them in particular seemed like the angel ofdeath. The indignation he felt at seeing the servantsof God wielding the sword, carried him away, andtwenty of them fell beneath his blows—a terriblefulfilment of the words of Christ to Peter:They thattake the sword shall perish with the sword. A hundredof these ministers of peace, turned ministers of war,remained dead or wounded on the field.[644]The noisewas frightful, and was heard a long way off. 'Duringthe battle,' says Froment, 'there was fierce lightningin the air and loud thunder.' Was there a storm or{336}are these words only figurative? Perhaps persons ata distance took the flashes of the guns and the noiseof the battle for thunder and lightning.

=SONG OF THE BERNESE SOLDIER.=

The defeat seemed total and decided. Wildermuthand his followers thought they would have nothingmore to do than march into Geneva, when an unexpectedcircumstance forced them to begin again. Anothercorps d'armée of Savoye, that which was nearest,summoned by the noise of the battle, hurried forwardto Lugrin's help. It was commanded (as it would appear)by Michael Mangerot, baron of La Sarraz; he isindeed the only chief of his party mentioned by somehistorians.[645]Mangerot, a Frenchman by extraction andowner of the barony of La Sarraz, had been, since theSieur de Pontverre's death, the most formidable of theKnights of the Spoon. Despite his efforts, none of hismen could stand before the ardor of the Swiss, andintrepidity triumphed over numbers. Those 'tall foreigners,'[646]as the German chronicler styles the Savoyards,were alarmed and discouraged; they threw away theirarms, turned their backs, and shamefully took to flight,[647]leaving the field of battle covered with firelocks, breastplates,lances, dead horses and men, among whom (saysthe catholic Pierre-Fleur) were manygoodly personages.The loss of the Savoyards has been variously estimatedfrom five hundred to two thousand. In the first rankof the victims of the fight the Swiss recognized theirperfidious guides. The latter had lost only seven menand one woman. The hill on which these terrible blowswere dealt is still called, in memory of this battle, theMolard or themound of the dead. The valiant band ofthe Jura, at the sight of the victims of the day, haltedon the terrible battle-field, and piously bending theirknees amid the scattered arms and blood-stained corpsesof their enemies, returned thanks to God for the great{337}and unexpected victory He had granted them. Thefeelings which animated them have been expressed by aSwiss poet of the time in aSong of the Bernese Soldierafter the Battle of Gingins, of which we give a fewverses:

Meanwhile the report of the battle had spread throughthe whole district; all the neighboring villages were incommotion; couriers, dispatched by Lugrin, hastilyordered up the various corps, stationed at intervals, tothe support of their unhappy commander. These troopshurried forward at the top of their speed. When theSwiss had finished their thanksgiving, they lookedbefore them and perceived that the hostile chiefs werebusied in filled up their thinned ranks, and that freshbands were joining the Savoyard army. The Sire deLugrin and the Baron of La Sarraz at the head of thesefresh troops, supported by the old ones, were about toattack the terrible battalion, posted on the Molard.The Savoyards were much superior in number, and theirleaders were determined to do everything to recovertheir honor and crush liberty in Geneva. The Swissdid not hesitate; they moved forward and descendedthe hill to scatter their enemies once more. Thestruggle was about to be renewed. Could these famishedand exhausted men sustain the shock of soldiers burningwith desire to avenge the deaths of their comrades?

That was the question: a few hours would probablyanswer it; but an unexpected circumstance occurred togive a new turn to affairs.

=DIPLOMACY AND WAR.=

Diplomacy and war are the two means employed todecide international differences. It is customary tospeak disparagingly of both, and not without cause.All who care for their fellow-men and desire thematerial and moral prosperity of nations, look uponwar as a crime against humanity; and yet a people,invaded by an unjust and ambitious conqueror, whodesires to despoil them of their independence andnationality, have as much right to defend themselvesas the man attacked on the highway by a robberbent on depriving him of his purse or his life.

Diplomacy has its faults, like war. Its object beingto conciliate jarring interests, it falls easily into narrowand selfish views, while it should possess that broadwisdom which reconciles differences with impartiality.Fully acknowledging the tact with which in ordinarytimes it adheres to the path it ought to follow, wethink that it gets confused and goes astray in periods oftransition, when society is passing from one phaseto another. Seamen on a distant voyage have observedthat in certain latitudes and on certain daysthe compass-needle is so agitated that the steersmancannot make use of it to direct his course: it turns,perhaps, to the right when it should point to the left.This is just the case with diplomacy in those greatepochs, when, as in the sixteenth century, society is{340}turning on its hinges and entering into a new sphere.In such a case diplomacy acts first in a directioncontrary to the impulses which prepare the future:it devotes all its care to maintain what has been,while the normal character of the new epoch is preciselythat what has been must give place to what is tobe. Governments, naturally enough, always begin byopposing the new developments of social, political, andreligious life. This is just what the powerful aristocracyof Berne did at first with regard to Geneva:we have seen it once and we shall see it again. Butif there is a bad diplomacy, there is also a good one.Would it be out of place to remark here, that if thechâteau of Coppet, where some of the facts of our historyoccurred, was in 1535 the seat of bad policy, itbecame afterwards the centre of a liberal statesmanship?[650]

The Council of Berne had kept themselves carefullyinformed of the proceedings of Claude Savoye. Theyhad learnt that about four hundred and fifty men,'among whom were several of My Lords' subjects,'were crossing the Jura to succor Geneva, 'not withoutdanger, because of the smallness of their number.'The Council knew that these men would have to fightthe nobles and other people of the country, broughttogether from every quarter in the villages and on theroads, to the number of more than three or four thousand.The Bernese magistrates wished, besides, toavoid war. They had, therefore, deputed Louis ofDiesbach and Rodolph Nägueli to the Pays de Vaud,with instructions to order the volunteers to returnhome. The two Bernese ambassadors had made theirway to the castle of Coppet, situated between Genevaand Gingins.[651]

There was just then a great crowd in that feudalresidence, which has since been replaced by a modernchâteau. That place, which was one day to be theasylum of letters and of liberty, was now, by a singularcontrast, the head-quarters of a rude and ignorantgentry, who desired at any price to maintain feudalism,and destroy in Geneva light, independence, and faith.Monseigneur de Lullin, governor of the Pays de Vaudin behalf of the duke, had taken up his abode therewith his officers and several gentlemen of the district.

=CONFERENCE AT COPPET.=

On Saturday, 29th October, the day when Wildermuthand his band reached the village of Saint Cergues,the ambassadors from Berne had arrived at the castleof Coppet, with the intention of coming to some understandingwith the governor of Vaud on the means ofpreventing the battle that was imminent. Here theylearnt that it was nearer than they had imagined, andthat the Swiss were expected on the following morning.The Savoyard and Bernese chiefs immediately enteredinto a conference on these serious matters, and theywere still in discussion when Claude Savoye, who hadonly two or three leagues to pass over, arrived on hispanting courser. The daring Genevan was fully consciousthat it was very imprudent to show himselfin the castle occupied by the commander-in-chief ofthe enemies of Geneva; but it mattered not to him;he wanted to obtain from Diesbach, at any risk, a promisethat he would not stop the troops that Claude wasbringing to the help of his fellow-citizens.

The Sire de Lullin, being informed of his arrival,was surprised and exasperated: there was a stormyscene in the conference, and that clever but hasty andpassionate administrator ordered the heretical and rebelliousGenevan to be seized. The latter, escortedby armed men, soon appeared before him in the principalhall of the castle. To the Savoyards about thegovernor, a huguenot of Geneva was a kind of monster{342}which aroused alike their curiosity and horror. Savoye,finding himself in the lion's jaws, presented the paperthat D'Allinges had sent him. This put a climax tothe governor's passion. 'By what right,' he asked thatchief, 'do you give a safe-conduct?'[652]Lullin, imaginingthat the noble Savoyard might be a traitor in correspondencewith the enemies of his highness, orderedboth the bearer and the giver of the passport to belocked up. The ambassadors of Berne did not thinkit their duty to offer any opposition: the main thingfor them was to obtain a promise from the governorto do all in his power to hinder the arrival of the Swissband. They therefore asked him to set out with themthe next morning (Sunday, October 10th) at daybreak,to climb the mountain on whose top they hoped still tofind Wildermuth and his followers, and to make themreturn.[653]De Lullin would not consent to this proposition.He wished to suffer the little Swiss force todescend into the plain, not doubting that the soldiersunder his orders would crush them to pieces. Anopportunity offered of giving a sound lesson to thoseadventurers who dared measure themselves againstthe duke of Savoy: not one of those rash men shouldreturn home. But the Bernese were still more decidedthan the Savoyard governor, and after manyefforts succeeded in bringing him round to their views.'We came to the conclusion, after much trouble,' theysaid in their report, 'to go and meet them and makethem retire in confidence to their own country, at theexpense of My Lord of Savoy.'[654]

=SIRE DE LULLIN'S SCHEMES.=

Very different thoughts occupied the dwellers in thecastle during the night which followed these deliberations.{343}While the Bernese were reflecting on the meansof preventing a battle, the governor examined his plans:he had three to four thousand soldiers, fresh, vigorous,and ready for the combat, while the Swiss were only fouror five hundred tired and starving men. Not to takeadvantage of such an opportunity of punishing those'heretics and mischief-makers,' appeared to him aserious fault. Without breaking his promise, it waspossible (if he procrastinated) that the Swiss wouldhave time to come down from the mountains and be cutto pieces by the Savoyards. On Sunday morningDiesbach and Nägueli were stirring at daybreak, butLullin made them wait a long time for him. When heappeared, the Bernese told him they were ready to start,according to their agreement. 'Excuse me, gentlemen,'said the governor, 'I must hear mass first: we catholicsnever begin a journey without it.'[655]The mass was verytedious; at length the Bernese, seeing the governor return,thought their long trial was ended; but Lullin,convinced as ever that by giving time to his troops theywould destroy Wildermuth's band, said to them:'Gentlemen, they are about to serve up a collation: itis impossible to start without breakfasting.'[656]Thecollation had to be waited for: Lullin and his officerstalked much and with extreme amiability. 'Really, thegovernor and his gentlemen are keeping us a little toolong this morning,' said the ambassadors,[657]who werequite wearied with these delays. At length they satdown to table, and would no doubt have sat there long,but that suddenly a noise like discharges of musketrywas heard. The Bernese ambassadors sprang to theirfeet. There was no more room for doubt: the battlehad begun, and it was perhaps too late to fulfil their{344}commission. They determined, notwithstanding, to rideto the field of battle. The Savoyard governor, thinkingthat, in consequence of all his delays, his men-at-armswould have had time to cut the Swiss to pieces, raised nomore difficulties. They went down into the courtyardof the castle, where for several hours thirty horses hadbeen stamping impatiently, and a great number ofofficers, guards, and servants had been gossiping.'Bring me the Genevan's fine Spanish horse,' said thegovernor, 'and give him a donkey.'[658]They broughtSavoye's noble courser to the Sire de Lullin. 'Give mealso his arquebuse,' added the sharp-witted Savoyard,'for I am sure it is a good one.' The troop fell in: thethirty horsemen and the governor's guards surroundedthe Sire de Lullin, his officers, the Bernese, and poorSavoye mounted on his humble quadruped. They couldnot go very fast in consideration of the heretical donkey,which Lullin would not leave behind. Claude did notallow himself to be vexed by the ridicule with which thegovernor tried to cover him, and sooner than stay atCoppet he preferred they should laugh at him and treathim as a common prisoner.

Meanwhile, the governor and his escort kept advancing,looking before them and trying if they couldnot discover the Swiss. Suddenly, at a short distancefrom Gingins, the strangest and most unexpected sightmet their eyes. Soldiers were flying in every direction—alongthe highway, through the lanes, across thefields: everywhere terror, confusion, and all the marksof a signal defeat. The governor looked attentively: itwas useless trying to deceive himself, the runaways werehis own soldiers. He had expected to see the hostileband destroyed, and he found those who were to accomplishhis designs fleeing in confusion. Incensed bysuch cowardice, he approached some of the fugitives and{345}cried out: 'What are you doing, you poltroons? Stop!why are you running away? Are you not ten times asnumerous as the heretics? Turn back and help me tohang them!'[659]But the Savoyards, smitten with apanic terror, passed near him almost without seeinghim. It was impossible to check their flight.

=THE BERNESE AMBASSADORS.=

What was to be done at such a strange conjuncture?There was but one course to be taken. The governorhad flattered himself with the hope of seeing the Swisscrushed or of crushing them himself, and he had foundthem victorious. Instead of having recourse to thesword, he must make up his mind to an humble prayer.It appears that neither Lullin nor Diesbach had anyhope of seeing a third attack succeed. The Berneseambassadors, commissioned by their Council to act asmediators, must therefore advance and stop the terribleband. De Lullin gave them some of his horsemen asan escort, and they galloped off. At one time they werestopped by bands of fugitives, at another they fell intothe midst of the Savoyard cavalry marching forward torejoin their colors: at last they arrived on the field ofbattle. It was the moment when the Swiss, havinggained two victories and returned thanks to God, hadperceived that fresh troops were approaching, and werepreparing to renew the combat for a third time.[660]Butat the sight of the lords of Berne they halted. Thisimportant circumstance was about to give a new andunexpected turn to events.

During this time what was the Genevan doing on hisdonkey? The chroniclers do not tell us: he disappeared,he vanished. We may conjecture that, seeing{346}Lullin occupied in rallying his troops, still hoping thatanother battle would be fought, and comprehending thenecessity of informing the Councils of what was goingon, he took advantage of the general confusion to makefor Geneva, to call his fellow-citizens to take part in thisheroic affair, and unite with the Swiss. However thatmay be, the news of the battle of Gingins was broughtto Geneva by Savoye, or some other person, on the 11thof October, the day after the fight, and the whole citywas in commotion. A deadly combat (they said) hastaken place between our liberators and our oppressors.Four hundred Savoyards were left on the field, but theSwiss, surrounded by numerous troops, are shut up nearNyon, and in great danger of being cut to pieces!

=GENEVA IN ARMS.=

Then arose a cry in the free city! They knew thenumber of the Savoyards, and even exaggerated them;but the Swiss must be saved at any cost. Besides,there could be no doubt that if that little band wasdestroyed, Lugrin, Mangerot, and the other chiefswould turn against Geneva. The Genevese did nothesitate: they had already fought many a battle, andwere ready to fight others. The strong man is he whostruggles continuously. The swimmer who ceases tomake head against the current is swept away by thestream and disappears. The people whose liberty orfaith is threatened, must, like the strong man, struggleuntil the last, for fear the rushing waters should overwhelmhim. This was the example long given by thesmall city of Geneva: for ages she had been strugglingfor her independence; for ages to come she struggledfor her faith.

Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, the captain-general,summoned all the citizens to arms. There was nodifficulty in collecting them. They talked in Genevaof the unheard-of difficulties which the Swiss had hadto overcome in traversing the Jura. Such sufferings,toils, diligence, and love (said the people); such signal{347}services; the great dangers to which those brave menhave been exposed on our account—shall we repaythem only with ingratitude?[661]The Genevans resolvedto deliver the Swiss or to die with them. In an instantthey were under arms; 'about two thousand men,'says Froment, placed themselves, fully equipped, underthe orders of Baudichon de la Maisonneuve; otherdocuments speak of five hundred only—a numberwhich seems nearer the truth. Froment, probably,counted all who took up arms: the oldest, who remainedin the city to defend it, as well as the youngest,who left it to march to the aid of Wildermuth's band.Eight pieces of artillery were taken out of the arsenal,[662]and the army having been divided into three corpsunder separate captains, Baudichon de la Maisonneuvetook the command-in-chief.[663]

They departed. The soldiers of Geneva advancedenthusiastically towards the Pays de Vaud, andhastened their steps for fear they should arrive toolate. At the sight of Baudichon's little army thescattered Savoyards, whom fear had brought as far asVersoix and the neighborhood of Coppet, and whowere still trembling at the thought of yesterday'scombat, imagined that everything was lost. 'We areall going to be killed,' they said, 'and the countryconquered.' Some fled in different directions acrossthe fields; others, fearing there would be no time torun, hid themselves in thecourtels or inclosed gardensin the vicinity of Coppet; while others more frightenedstill, wishing to put the lake between them and theirenemies, jumped into some boats moored to the bank,and for want of oars employed their halberds, andthus, rowing with all their might, reached the shore{348}of Savoy. The Genevans, without stopping to pursuethe fugitives, arrived to within a short distance ofCoppet. 'If once we are united with the Swiss,which can be easily done,' they said, 'our country issaved.'[664]

On Sunday evening and Monday morning diplomacyhad done its work. The envoys of Berne,arriving on the field of battle at the moment whenthe Swiss were going for a third time to rush uponthe Savoyard army, had stationed themselves in frontof that band of heroes, and, faithful to the diplomaticspirit which at that time prevailed in the councils of thepowerful republic, had said: 'Halt! On behalf ofour superiors we command you to retire. The Savoyardsare many, and quite prepared to receive youwarmly.' The lords of Berne were accustomed tocommand, and their dependents to obey: they hoped,therefore, to gain the men of Seeland. Further, Louisof Diesbach, who had distinguished himself in theItalian wars, and had been governor of Neuchâtel afterthe Swiss had carried off its prince, Louis of Orleans,fancied himself on that account sure of persuadingthose Neuchâtelers who had remained faithful to theenterprise. Calling them aside, he endeavored toshow them, as well as the Bernese, 'that it wouldbe better for them to retire with a good victory than torun into greater danger.'—'Every effort was madeby soft words to induce the valiant champions toreturn,' says Froment.

Diplomacy was less sure than it appeared to be of thedefeat which, as it pretended, awaited the companionsof Wildermuth. If alone they had won two victories,what would they not do with the help of the menof Geneva? The Savoyards were placed betweentwo fires, and it appeared to many that they were{349}all going to be taken and their country conquered.[665]The followers of La Maisonneuve, combining withthose of Wildermuth, would expel the Savoyards fromthe country and unite it either to Geneva or toSwitzerland. On the other hand, the diplomatistssaid to the Swiss, that another attack would exposethem to the risk of a defeat as signal as their triumphhad been; that the battles which such brave men hadfought would not be useless; and that the Bernese,intrusted with the task of mediation, would obtainfrom Savoy a good peace in favor of Geneva. 'See,you have been two or three days without eating,'added Diesbach; 'two battles have exhausted yourstrength. Make your way to the village of Founex,above Coppet; abundant supplies are waiting foryou, and there you shall receive our last directions.'Thus spoke the lords of Berne.

=THE SWISS MARCH TO FOUNEX.=

But the intrepid men of the Seeland and Neuchâtelcontingent were 'greatly angered;' they asked whetherthey should let themselves be seduced by 'soft words'or 'foolish fears;' they laughed at the attempt tofrighten them with the Savoyards, who were (theysaid) so scared that they did not know what theywere about! But the ambassadors did not ceasetheir exertions, and already the Swiss were hesitating.A number of the Bernese did not wish to put themselvesin opposition to the government of their canton;and the Neuchâtelers thought that as it was the lordsof Berne who had supported Neuchâtel in the workof Reform, they would not be likely to abandonGeneva. The greater number, exhausted and wornout by two days' journeying in the snow and one day ofhard fighting, and having had no other food than afew turnips, were of opinion, that as they were weakenedby hunger, and the food was offered them atFounex which had not been given them at Gingins,{350}it was quite natural to go there. Besides, that wasnot relinquishing their design. Was not Founex onthe road to Geneva? The ambassadors became moreurgent, and at last all marched off, leaving, not withoutregret, the glorious field of battle. 'And so they cameto Founex, where they were supplied with meat anddrink,' say the registers of Geneva.[666]

The Bernese lords saw them march off, and whenthe last had passed them, they breathed freely, turnedtheir bridles, and with their escort took the road toCoppet, much pleased at having succeeded so well.But they were not yet at the end of their troubles.They had hardly proceeded half way when they wereexposed to a new danger. A Savoyard squadron,about sixty strong, was approaching: on comingwithin a short distance of the Bernese, the horsemenset spurs to their horses and dashed upon theambassadors and their escort, shouting out, 'Slay,slay!' One of them, placing his musket on Diesbach'sbreast, was preparing to kill him.[667]In the midst ofthe alarm that had seized them, the Bernese diplomatistsbegan to understand that it is not wise to chooseone's friends badly. However, Diesbach escaped witha fright, one of his escort having turned the musketaside. The explanations of the ambassadors did notsatisfy the Savoyards, who were a reinforcement ofcavalry on their way to Gingins, to help their countrymento take satisfaction for the defeat which theirfriends had suffered. They were furious, and sworethey would avenge their comrades murdered in twoaffairs by the Bernese. Convinced that these patriciansof Berne were in a plot with the victors, theymade them prisoners, ordered them to get off their{351}horses, and forcing them to march on foot betweenthem, as if they were robbers, intended to put themin prison at Nyon. At last, however, after freshparleying, those rude horsemen found out that theywere taking away the governor's friends, and, intimidatedby the knowledge, they hastened to release theenvoys, who remounted their horses and rode off toCoppet. It was late when they arrived at the castle,where serious matters awaited them.[668]

=DIPLOMATIC TRICKERY.=

The next morning, Monday, 11th of October, thegovernor, the two Bernese deputies, and severalgentlemen, having met at breakfast, were discussingwhat was to be done, 'as they sat eating, drinking,and banqueting,' when an officer entered and informedthem that a Genevese army, commanded by De laMaisonneuve, was approaching the castle. The wholeplace was in confusion. The Savoyard army was sofar off that the Genevese might by a bold stroke seizethe governor of Vaud, with his officers and gentlemen,and even the envoys of Berne, and carry them awayto Geneva. Such a blow would have been quite inharmony with Baudichon's daring character; if he hadbeen able to make the bishop quit Geneva, he mighteasily (thought many) deliver his city from the lordswho were conspiring at Coppet. What could be doneto stop him? Those gentlemen invented 'an oldtrick of war,' says the chronicle, according to whichevery man, not in a position to resist his adversaries,makes a pretence of wishing for peace, either to gaintime or to draw his enemy into a snare. At any pricethe men of Geneva must be induced to return. Diplomacy,therefore, recommenced its stratagems. Thegovernor of Vaud, although more determined thanever to destroy that restless city, commissioned someof his gentlemen to go and inform the Genevan commanderthat they were in conference, and that they{352}were even ready to sign the preliminaries of a peace advantageousto the city; but that, in order to completethe negotiations, they wanted three deputies fromGeneva.

The gentlemen of Savoy, the bearers of this message,having arrived at the Genevan outposts, and being conductedto De la Maisonneuve, discharged their pacificmission. Opinions were divided. Some suspected atrick, and contended that if the troops of Geneva andNeuchâtel could meet, the independence of Genevawould be secured. They therefore did all they could tooppose the conference; but others affirmed that theycould trust M. de Diesbach; and that the best coursewould be to send three of their men, to ascertain thesincerity of these proposals of peace and then return andmake their report. 'Who will guarantee their return?'cried those who feared the Savoyard governor. Uponthis the gentlemen of the Sire de Lullin pledged their'faith and promise' that no harm should befall the delegates.The worthy Genevans, being unwilling tosuspect perjury, gave way, and selected as their envoysJean d'Arlod, Thibaut Tocker, and Jean Lambert.

=GENEVAN ENVOYS IMPRISONED.=

When this deputation reached the castle, the Sire deLullin and his guests were again occupied in eating,drinking, and banqueting. This intimacy of the lordsof Berne with the enemies of Geneva displeased d'Arlodand his colleagues; but all the same they resolved todischarge their mission faithfully. They had not longto wait before they learnt that the Savoyard chiefs hadno idea of peace; and that they wanted to crush thatsect, rebellious to the laws of the Church,—that sectwhich they had so long loaded with their contempt,which dismissed the priests, declared its independenceof the pope, made laws contrary to those which for centurieshad governed Christendom, and pretended totreat with Rome as an equal. Those huguenots haddeprived the saints of the honors they had enjoyed, destroyed{353}the images, abolished the mass, and interdictedthe sacred rites. What was then to be done, except totreat their deputies as criminals? The Genevan plenipotentiariesasked to see the preliminaries of the peacewhich it was desired to conclude with them. The Sirede Lullin could not believe his ears, and, bursting withanger, he flew into a passion at their audacity: 'What!rebels dare ask to know thepreliminaries!' He orderedthem to be seized. It was useless for the Genevans toappeal to the promise that had been given them; Lullinwould not hear a word, and, desiring war at any price,was determined to trample under foot the inviolabilitywith which the law of nations invests internuncios.The three Genevans were 'tied and fastened like robbers.'—'Takethem to the castle of Chillon,' said Lullin,'where they will be able to talk with M. de SaintVictor (Bonivard), who has already spent six years therefor the business of Geneva.' The three noble citizenswere carried off and shut up in the fortress of Chillon.It was the opinion then at Coppet, as it had been acentury before at Constance, 'that no one is bound tokeep faith with heretics.'[669]

De la Maisonneuve and his officers waited impatientlyfor the return of their delegates; the time slipped away,and they did not appear. The fear of deplorable eventsbegan to disturb the least credulous minds. 'It isprobable,' said some, 'that this is agoing which willhave noreturning.'[670]The commander sent the trumpeter,Ami Voullier, to inquire what was going on—a dutybelonging in those days to his office. Voullier, eitherbecause he inclined to the worse side, or was bribed bythe enemy, or suffered himself to be deceived by somecrafty Savoyard, returned and reported that thegentlemen at the castle were occupied in drawing up the{354}articles of peace; and that the place was not undefended,for he had seen in the vineyards round about it moresoldiers than vinestocks. He added that, as peace wasabout to be concluded, the presence of armed men whowere not to fight was useless, and that the best thingwould be for every man to return home. The mostpacific of the Genevans, believing their delegates to bereally occupied in drawing up a real treaty, insisted uponreturning to the city. An experienced and clear-sightedcommander, a man of superior mind, would not havebeen satisfied with the trumpeter's report. He wouldnot have left the place without being put in directcommunication with the three plenipotentiaries. If hehad discovered the governor's perfidy, he would havebeen able, especially with the support of the Swiss, tosurround the castle, capture the governor and his suite,and the Bernese themselves, and not release themuntil he had obtained the deliverance of his envoys.Even if it were true that they were discussing a treatyof peace, would it not have been of advantage for theforces of Geneva to remain near Coppet to add strengthto the representations of their delegates? De laMaisonneuve was a good citizen, a good protestant, anda soldier, but he was neither a great general nor a keendiplomatist. Besides, a noble simplicity of heart doesnot suspect dissimulation. Those proud huguenots,who erred sometimes through too much violence, errednow through too much simplicity. It was decided that,as peace was going to be signed, the Genevans shouldreturn home. The corps started for Geneva. Thiserror weighed heavily upon Baudichon de la Maisonneuve,and troubled him all the rest of his life.

=THE SWISS VOLUNTEERS DUPED.=

The skilful diplomatists assembled at Coppet, havingthus got rid of the Genevese, undertook to rid themselvesin a similar manner of the Swiss cantoned atFounex. Some of them, going to Wildermuth's littlearmy, said: 'Peace is concluded. All soldiers must{355}now return home. The city of the huguenots will nowbe free. You have fairly acquired the right to enjoyrepose. Moreover, the governor of Vaud undertakesto pay the expense of your journey.' The Swiss gaveway like the Genevans. An heroic victory was succeededby a diplomatic defeat. If the honest have theirpower, the cunning have theirs also. It is the fate ofhumble and sincere individuals and nations to be sometimesmystified by the adroit and powerful. As regardsthe Swiss, the last verse of the war-song of Ginginsshows that, if they turned their steps homewards, it wasbecause of their conviction that the deliverance ofGeneva was secured.

'Finish the matter,' we said, 'in order that thecity of Geneva may be delivered—that is all we ask;that peace may be secured to her, so that the Wordof God may be preached within her walls in all liberty,that the Lord's fold may be saved, and then we shallreturn joyful to our homes.'[671]

But these strains were the illusions of honorableminds. If arms had wrought the triumph of rightand liberty at Gingins, policy had procured the triumphof fraud and despotism at Coppet.

Still one question arises. Was the battle of Ginginsuseless? No, for it saved Geneva. The braveryof the Swiss and their victory were deeply imprintedin the minds of the population of Vaud. They talkedof it in villages and castles, and even in Savoy. Accordingly,some months later, when an army sent bythe Councils of Berne appeared in the country, noone dared measure himself with it, the bravery ofthe Swiss still freezing all hearts with terror.

Louis of Diesbach and his colleagues, who arrived atGeneva the day after the treason of Coppet, proposedto the council a treaty with the duke, stipulating,{356}among other things, that the traitors of Peney shouldbe restored to their privileges. 'What!' said thepremier Syndic, 'you have sent back those who werecoming to our help, and you claim to place withinour walls those who will never cease from makingwar on us!'[672]De la Maisonneuve, discovering thatthe trumpeter had made a false report, and that histroops, instead of returning to Geneva, ought to havemarched upon Coppet, could not contain his sorrowand rage. He declared the man guilty of high-treason,and many persons joined with him in demandingAmi Voullier's head. His life was, however, spared,but he lost the esteem of his fellow-citizens.[673]

The indignation of the magistrates and of the chiefsof the soldiery was trifling compared with the angerof the people. The thought that the envoys had beenshut up within the walls of Chillon made all theirhearts burn. 'Let us make reprisals,' said the relativesof the victims to the syndics, 'and to make surethat they will restore us our fellow-citizens, let usseize hostages who are as good as they.' Three notablemen, at that time within the reach of the Genevans—M.de Sales, the Bastard of Wufflens, and M. deMontfort—were laid hold of.[674]The last-named wasa monk of the convent of St. Jean, situated on theheights bathed by the blue waters of the Rhone, atthe gates of Geneva, although within the duke's territories.The people do not weigh the claims of justiceso calmly as wise men in council. The flames whichburnt in every heart broke out all of a sudden.There was shouting and assembling. The popularwaves rose higher from street to street, tossing andfoaming. 'Shall we leave at the very gates of the{357}city,' was the cry, 'a building whence the enemy canmake his artillery bear upon us?' The crowd rushedto St. Jean, scaled the walls, seized De Montfort,climbed on the roof, broke, demolished, and threwdown everything, and did not stop until the conventwas in ruins. The crime of Coppet produced theexecution at St. Jean. Popular indignation did notreflect that in all states, and especially in republics,nothing should be done except by the law.

=GENEVA BLOCKADED.=

A reverse is not always an evil; it may sometimeslead to a decisive victory. There were few regulartroops among those who had been beaten at Gingins,which made the defeat a lesson by which the dukeof Savoy might profit. He resolved, in effect, tobenefit by it, to bring up veteran soldiers, to placea distinguished general at their head, and thus tocrush that rebellious city which presumed to set upa religion unknown at Rome. But as these troopswere not ready, Charles III. ordered the chiefs ofthe great valley of the Leman to exact of their vassalsthe military service which they owed. The noblesof that district were persuaded that they would easilytriumph over Geneva, if the Swiss did not come totheir help; and as that was not likely, the hatredfelt against the city, and the hope of enrichingthemselves with its spoil, induced a great number of{358}liegemen to rally round the banners of their lords.About the end of October the Sire de Lullin tookhis measures for blockading Geneva. Mangerot, baronof La Sarraz, a prompt, violent, obstinate man, filledwith contempt for the reformation of the Church andthe liberty of the citizens, was placed at the head of theattack. On the 1st of November these armed bandsoccupied certain villages and small towns whichformed a kind of circle round the city, and began toplunder, burn, and kill all who fell into their hands.Famine and the cold, which was very severe thatyear, soon caused distress in the city. The churcheswere filled with old men, women and children, andeven armed men. 'There is no resource and refugeleft but God alone,' said Farel from the pulpit, andvoices were heard responding to him from the midstof the congregation, 'In Him alone we place our trust.'If a musket-shot was heard, or shouts, or the drum,the armed men left immediately, but 'without noiseor confusion; nobody else moved from the sermon,'and the service was not interrupted. As the firinggrew hotter without, those who had remained in thetemple cried to God that 'not to man's arm did theylook for deliverance, but to His great faithfulness.'One night, the Genevans, startled out of their sleep andrising hastily, found the city surrounded by fireskindled by the men-at-arms of Savoy, with the intentionof giving them light for the assault, and heard thebells of the convents and chapels all round ringingas loud as possible to increase their terror. Thecitizens fought valiantly, and the enemy was once morerepulsed.[675]

Yet the blockade was still maintained round the city,and no one could tell whence succor would arrive.One day a messenger coming from France succeeded in{359}making his way through the troops which surroundedGeneva: he was the bearer of a letter conceived inthese terms:

'You will certainly receive some mule loads of goodand salable merchandise, and they will be there one ofthese days.

The letter was handed to Maigrot the Magnificent.''Tis good,' he said, 'salvation comes to us fromFrance.'

=VOLUNTEERS FROM FRANCE.=

At that moment certain evolutions were takingplace in the policy of the great powers of Europe,which might favor the deliverance of Geneva. 'Ifyou desire Milan, take Turin,' said the crafty Clement VII.to the king of France. As Sforza, the last dukeof Milan, was dead, Francis I., in order to follow upthe pontiff's advice, had to seek some kind of pretextfor declaring war against his uncle, the duke of Savoy.There was one which presented itself quite naturally.'Charles IV. oppresses Geneva,' said some. 'LetFrance oppose his laying hands on it, and war will becertain.' Francis I., who was then at Lyons and negotiatingwith Charles V., saw that he could not supportGeneva openly; but permitted the Sieur de Vérey,a French nobleman, to raise a troop of volunteers.Men, charmed with the new liberties, flocked withenthusiasm to his banners. Many printers in particularjoined the band. The printers in those timesremarked that the Reformation produced not onlyauthors who wrote for the people, but a people whoread their books with eagerness; and accordingly theywere ready to fight for it. Francis I. was not contentto look on, but gave Vérey the company of Jean Paoli,son of the Sieur de Ceri, the old captain of the Roman{360}bands, consisting of 'excellent cavalry and valiantpersonages.'[677]

Meanwhile the city was going to ruin: there was nomoney to pay the soldiers. What was to be done? Inmany old houses Genevan coins were found, bearing thesun as a symbol with this device—Post tenebras sperolucem.[678]These pieces proved that the city of Genevahad once possessed the right of coining money—a rightof which the prince-bishops had deprived her. ClaudeSavoye received instructions to issue a new coinage,and was forthwith supplied with silver crosses, chalices,patens, and other sacred utensils. The coins he struckbore on one side the key and eagle (the arms of Geneva),with the legend,Deus noster pugnat pro nobis, 1535, 'OurGod fighteth for us;' and on the reverse,Geneva civitas.The following year another coinage was issued which, inaddition to the ordinary device,Post tenebras lucem, borethese words of Isaiah and St. Paul,Mihi sese flectet omnegenu, 'Unto me every knee shall bow,' the monogramof Jesus, I. H. S., being in the centre. Geneva did notbelieve in its own victory only, but in the victory of God,whose glory, hidden until then, would be magnifiedamong all nations.

=CONFERENCE AT AOSTA.=

While Francis I. was stealthily aiding Geneva, thepowerful republic of Berne was negotiating in its favor.Some of its statesmen crossed the Saint-Bernard on theirway to the town of Aosta, where the duke of Savoy wasto meet them. Berthold Haller, the reformer, and theother Bernese pastors, had gone in a body to the counciland conjured them to make an appeal to the people forthe deliverance of Geneva. 'They are ready,' said theministers, 'to sacrifice their goods and their lives touphold the Reformation in that city.' The lords ofBerne, desirous of taking at least one step, sent a deputation{361}to the duke, and commissioned their general,Francis Nägueli, who was at its head, to support thecause of Geneva. Son of one of the most distinguishedchiefs of the Swiss bands, Francis had grown up in thecamp, and like Wildermuth, had made his first campaignin the wars of Italy in 1511. 'He was a man at twenty,'people said. His features bronzed by a southern sunpresented a mixture of energy, acuteness, and antiquegrandeur, and the Christian piety by which he wasanimated imparted to them a great charm.[679]P. d'Erlach,Rodolph of Diesbach, and the chancellor P. Zyroaccompanied him. Crossing the mountains with difficulty—itwas in the latter half of November—andbraving rain, cold, and snow,[680]the ambassadors arrivedat last at the city of Aosta. The duke was not there;they were invited to push on to Turin, but the lords ofBerne replied that they would wait for the duke at thefoot of the glaciers. The Bernese and their suite tookadvantage of this delay to enter into conversation withthe inhabitants, and spoke to them fearlessly of HolyScripture and the usurpations of the Roman bishop.

At last Charles III. arrived and the conference wasopened. 'First of all,' said the Bernese, 'we requireyou to leave the citizens of Geneva at liberty to obeythe Word of God, as the supreme authority of faith.'The duke, surrounded by the servants of Rome andurged particularly by Gazzini, bishop of Aosta, declaredthat he could not concede their demand without theconsent of the emperor, the permission of the pope, andthe decision of a general council. 'I ask you oncemore,' said Nägueli, 'to leave the Genevans free toprofess their faith.' 'Their faith,' ejaculated Charles,'what is their faith?' 'There are Bibles enough,{362}I think, in Savoy,' answered Nägueli; 'read them, andyou will discover their faith.' The duke asked for atruce of five or six months to come to an understandingon the matter with the emperor and the pope. Theambassadors, recrossing the snows of those loftymountains, returned to Berne and made their report.[681]

During this time the Savoyard troops had drawncloser round Geneva, and on the 7th of December hadattacked the city. Rodolph Nägueli, the general'sbrother, communicated to the council the offer made byCharles III. of a five months' truce. But the Genevesereplied: 'How can the duke observe a truce of fivemonths, when he cannot keep one of twenty days? Hemakes the proposal in order to starve us out. We willnegotiate no more with him, except at the sword'spoint. All delays are war to us. Give us your assistance,honored lords. We ask it not only in the nameof our alliances, but in the name of the love you owe toyour poor brethren in Christ. Do what you may, thehour is come, and our God will fight for us.' Theherald was sent through the city, ordering everycitizen to get his arms ready and to muster roundtheir captains.[682]

=MAISONNEUVE'S EXERTIONS.=

At the same time Baudichon de la Maisonneuve,who was then in Switzerland, employed all his energiesto awaken the sympathy of the people in favor ofGeneva. At Berne, he sought support among themiddle classes, among those who loved the Gospeland liberty, feeling persuaded that they would carry themagistrates with them. He was indefatigable andpleaded the cause of his country in private houses,in society, and in the council. He labored as if desirousof repairing the fault he had committed in allowing{363}himself to be outwitted at Coppet by the Savoyardstatesmen. The government of Lullin, being informedof the exertions of the Genevese citizen, ordered him tobe seized when he attempted to cross the territory ofVaud on his return home. De la Maisonneuve wasfilled with joy, for he was succeeding in his efforts; thegood cause was gradually gaining the upper hand inBerne; but one thing distressed him: he receivedno news from Geneva, and could not go there tocommunicate his great expectations to his fellow-countrymen.'I have received no news at all fromyou,' he wrote on the 9th of December to the council,'no more than if I were a Jew or a Saracen. If I couldpass, I would not remain here; but I am warned that Iam watched on all sides, as a mouse is watched by a cat.Know that those of Basle and other cantons who belongto the Gospel are willing to employ all their power tohelp us. In a short time you will see wonders and howGod will work.'[683]

Meanwhile the severity of the weather had becomeextreme; the nobles who were blockading Geneva—theDe Montforts, De Gingins, De Burchiez, andothers—determined to go into winter quarters withtheir men. The Sire Mangerot de la Sarraz vainlyconjured them to remain. 'We are compelled toreturn,' they said. The Genevans began to breathe.Their enemies were departing, and the refugee Maigrotkept telling them that friends from France wereabout to 'arrive in numbers and full of courage.'The citizens began thus to discern some gleams oflight through the darkness which surrounded them.

In effect the Sieur de Montbel de Vérey, with hisseven hundred foot-soldiers and four hundred horse,dispatched secretly by Francis I., with a personal object,to the support of Geneva, had arrived in the valley{364}of St Claude. This was in the middle of December.The intrepid Mangerot, disgusted at the cowardice ofhis allies, had remained alone at his post; and he haddone so specially to oppose the French. Taking fourhundred men with him, he climbed the mountains,and found from ten to twenty feet of snow in theupper valleys. De Vérey's Italian cavalry could notadvance and his foot-soldiers were almost frozen. Allof a sudden, at the turn of a road, a discharge ofmusketry spread terror and disorder in that disorganizedband. The intrepid De Vérey, accompaniedby seven horsemen, dashed through the enemy, andon the 14th of December eight men, the only survivorsof nearly twelve hundred, arrived at the gatesof Geneva.[684]

Nägueli, the Bernese deputy, fully comprehendingthe gravity of the circumstances, departed the sameday. They soon learnt with regret that all the Sieurde Vérey's men-at-arms had either been cut to piecesor dispersed in the snows and forests of the mountains;at the same time La Sarraz, proud of hisvictory, once more beleaguered the city, and swore thathe would put an end to its independence and heresy.The fortunes of Geneva were overcast, and someasked if this was how God saved those who followedHis Word. On the 17th of December, at themoment when the frightful news arrived, WilliamFarel went to the council and said: 'Most honoredlords, the chief thing is that we should all be convertedto God, and that you should make arrangementsthat the people should renounce sin and hear the Wordof the Lord. It is because God knows that it is ofno use to entice by mildness those who sleep, that Henow strikes you with great blows of His hammer in{365}order to arouse you.' That holy exhortation made adeep impression on the council, and the same day theofficers of the state published throughout the citythat 'all men should go on the morrow and otherdays to the church of St. Pierre and invoke the helpof God.' The next morning, the Genevese, assemblingbefore the Most High, cried to Him by thevoices of His servants.[685]

=CLAIMS OF FRANCIS I.=

A still greater danger threatened Geneva. TheFrenchman, De Vérey, although beaten, desired none theless to attain the end for which he had been sent. Hehad very winning ways with the Genevese. 'The kingof France,' he said, 'takes your business to heart; hewill send a stronger force to save you, for he lovesGeneva with a strong affection.[686]Meantime, gentlemen,to give him occasion to expel your enemy, it would beadvisable that you should grant him some pre-eminencein your city. The king asks for nothing but to be calledtheProtector of your liberties. He desires to help you tobecome strong.'[687]The council ruminated, discussed,and calculated all these matters well.[688]On the one hand,they did not want the protection of France; on theother, they felt the need of her support. They temporized.'First expel our enemies,' they said, 'and wewill then see how to show our respect for the king.''We had hoped to find you better disposed,' said DeVérey, who was not satisfied withrespect for his master.'Think upon it, gentlemen, think upon it.' He wentaway very discontented. But the citizens spoke outmore frankly than the council. A despotic king, what aprotector for their liberty! A king who hangs and burns{366}evangelical Christians, what a protector for their faith!Bold tribunes, and especially the brothers Bernard,stood forth, and demanded that if their country mustperish, it should perish free. Let us write to the king,then said the council, that the Genevese offer him theirhumble services, 'butwithout any subjection.' The littlecity, on the verge of the abyss, rejected the hand of thepowerful monarch which alone was stretched out tosave them. Six days later (December 23d) the duke ofSavoy ordered the commanders of his forces on thisside of the mountains 'to do their duty.' It was resolvedin Geneva that in case of assault all the citizens,and even the old men, women, and children, shouldrepair to the walls.

=JESSE'S HEROIC DEFENCE.=

The year 1536 opened, and on the 3d of January theSavoyard garrisons of Lancy, Confignon, Saconnexbeyond the Arve, and Plan-les-Ouates, castles situatedbetween the Rhone and the Arve, as well as those ofGaillard and Jussy, fortresses between the Arve andthe lake, advanced simultaneously against the city.At the head of the last troop was Amblard de Gruyère,a fervent catholic and hot-headed feudalist, who determinedfirst to take possession of the church of ourLady of Grace on the Arve, and thus acquire an importantposition a few minutes distant from the cityand the Savoyard territory. Pierre Jessé and threeother valiant huguenots had thrown themselves into thetower. Amblard advanced, and standing at the foot ofthe wall, called to them: 'Surrender! on the honor ofa gentleman your lives shall be spared.' Jessé answered:'I would sooner surrender to yon pig-drivers,for you gentlemen have no honor.' Upon this Amblardde Gruyère opened a warm fire upon his adversaries.The latter were not alarmed; they stood firm, andbelieved, with Farel, that a man armed with divinestrength is equipped from head to foot. They threwdown huge stones from the top of the tower upon their{367}assailants; they discharged their arquebuses and killedseveral of the enemy. Amblard ordered an assault,broke down the iron door which closed the staircase,and rushed up it, sword in hand; but just as he reachedthe door which opened into the belfry, a ball knockedhim back upon the people behind him. Although reinforcementscame up one by one to the support of theassailants, the latter, seeing their captain fall, 'had agreat fright and fear.'[689]All night long the four huguenotsmade fire-signals to their friends in the city, to letthem know that they would hold out until death.Meantime the attacking party did not relax their hold.Climbing the narrow stairs, they placed torches againstthe floor of the tower under the feet of the four huguenots,and set the timbers on fire. The Savoyards,thinking that the Genevans would be burnt to death,then retired, 'carrying off the body of their captain andothers who had fallen.' The undaunted huguenots,already feeling the fire, rushed down the stairs throughthe flames, and were saved, with nothing burnt buttheir beards.[690]Jessé was afterwards made a member ofthe council.

Still, if one attack failed, it paved the way forothers; and new troops were moved up against thecity. The council deliberated on the course to bepursued, and two alternatives were proposed. Fareldemanded, for the preservation of the city, that theinhabitants should put their trust in God, and thatprayers should be offered from every heart for peaceand unity, not for Geneva only, but for all Christendom.[691]Balard proposed another remedy: 'Let massbe publicly celebrated once more,' he said; 'the massis an expiation that will render God propitious tous.'—'The mass is not worth a straw,' exclaimed a{368}huguenot.—'If it is so,' retorted a catholic, 'the deathand passion of Jesus Christ are good for nothing.'At these words the assembly became greatly excited.'Blasphemy!' exclaimed some. 'Balard has spokenblasphemy! He is a heretic. All who maintain thesacrifice of the host nullify the sacrifice of Jesus Christ.'The council put an end to the discussion by resolving'that the priests should prove that the preachers spokefalsely, or else that they should go to the sermonsand convince themselves that the ministers spoke thetruth.'[692]

On the 12th of January the gates of the city werebricked up, the openings in the walls were filled in,and the armed men held themselves in readiness.The hostile force was advancing in three divisions—onebetween the lake and the Arve, a second betweenthe Arve and the Rhone, and a third between theRhone and the lake. About ten o'clock at night criesof alarm were heard from the walls; the Savoyardswere placing their ladders on the southern side, whilethe Baron de la Sarraz and his troop had already gotinto the fosse on the north-west side. The Genevanshastened bravely to the defence, and threw down bothladders and soldiers. The next day the agitatedcouncil ordered these words to be entered in theminute-book of their meetings: 'They assaulted usvigorously, but God, to whom belongs all the honor,repelled them.'[693]From that time the Savoyards, 'moreinflamed than ever, scarcely missed a night withoutmaking an attack.'[694]They desired to do more.

On the 24th of January the garrisons of Jussy andGaillard, amounting to 600 or 800 men, of whom 100{369}were horsemen, reinforced by a large number of peasants,took up a position between Chene and Cologny,a little above the ravine of Frontenex. A hundredfootmen and forty horse made a sortie from Geneva,and a great number of boys from fourteen to sixteenyears old accompanied them. This small body at onceattacked the large one, and in a short time the wideplain between Frontenex and Ambilly was covered withfugitives and corpses. Not less than two hundred hadfallen. The victors returned in triumph from theWarof Cologny, through a crowd of citizens, who went outto meet them and welcome them with shouts of joy.[695]

But if the weak people of Geneva repulsed littlearmies, how would they resist when the grand armycame?

=GENEVA IN PERIL.=

The duke of Savoy was preparing to aim moredecisive blows at Geneva. He desired to satisfy theancient ambition of his house, and to crush a citywhich believed itself called upon to divorce from Romethe populations scattered around her. In this he wasanimated by his wife, Beatrice, a Portuguese princess,who was inspired by that religious fanaticism whichgenerally distinguishes the women of the Iberianpeninsula. The cities of Asti, Ivrea, and Verceil hadfallen into the hands of the house of Savoy, and{370}Geneva was to experience the same fate. The momentseemed favorable. Charles V. was preparing to destroyprotestantism: lansquenets, recruited by the emperor'sbrother, were arriving from Germany, and the armywhich Charles himself was bringing back from Africa,was moving towards the Alps. Letters from Berneannounced that the emperor and the duke would beginby reducing Geneva, reformed Switzerland wouldfollow, and last of all Lutheran Germany. Thus thesubjection of the city of the huguenots formed part of ageneral plan. That mighty monarch, upon whosedominions the sun never set, had determined to abolishthe Reformation, beginning with this city.

=GIANGIACOMO DE MEDICI.=

Charles III. had learnt that what had paralyzed hisformer efforts was the error he had committed by notsending disciplined troops against the huguenot city.He therefore determined on this occasion to select nonebut veteran soldiers and to place them under the ordersof one of the boldest captains of the age, whose marchshould be accompanied with plunder and devastation.A person of low birth, who had settled at Milan, hadacquired a small fortune by his industry. This man,Bernardino Medici (a name not to be confounded withthat of the Medicis of Florence) had two sons, GiovanniAngelo, who became Pope under the name ofPius IV., and Giangiacomo, a rash, enterprising,treacherous, and cruel young man, whose ambition wasinsatiable and whose trade was war. Having beensent to the castle of Musso on the lake of Como, bythe duke of Milan, with a letter charging the governorto put the bearer to death, the cunning Giangiacomohad opened the letter, got together a few companions,seized the castle, and made a small principalityof it, which he had increased little by little, by furiousinroads into the surrounding districts—the Valteline,the Milanese, Venetia, and even the Grisons. TheSwiss, with Nägueli at their head, marched against{371}the robber chieftain and destroyed his lair. Fromthat time the daring freebooter had carried his impetuosityand devastations elsewhere. Portions ofFrench Switzerland, on the side of the Jura, had beenravaged by him. It was this Attila on a small scalewhom Charles III. selected to put at the head of thenew campaign against Geneva. It was not a questionof merely taking the city, but of putting it in such aposition that it could never lift its head again; inshort, of destroying it. Giangiacomo was just the manfor the work. At a later period Charles V., wishingto employ him against the German Reformation,created him marquis of Marignano, and gave him thecommand of the artillery in his campaign against theLutherans. For the present, however, it was notWittemberg but Geneva that Medici was to lay waste.[696]

The duke of Savoy placed his general at the headof an army composed of four thousand Italians,[697]besidesSavoyards and Spaniards, stout, strong fellows,most of them old soldiers. A considerable numberof armed men were summoned from the valley of theLeman to join Medici, and thus double or eventriple his forces. The warlike brother of the futurePope Pius IV., supported by great princes, by theduke of Savoy and the emperor, had no doubt ofvictory. He began his march along the valley of theLeman.

The peril was great, but was everything lost? Wasthere not a power in Geneva which had not beenfound in Verceil or Asti? 'There seem to be nomeans of escaping from the hands of our enemies,'said the pious Genevans; 'but our hope is in God,{372}who will not suffer His holy name to be blasphemedby infidels.'[698]

Berne had long closed her ears to the cries of Geneva.Baudichon de la Maisonneuve had gone thitherto point out the extremity to which his country wasreduced. At the moment when the peril had becomegreatest, the Bear awoke, and prepared to descendfrom his mountains. Political motives had no doubtsomething to do with this decision of the Council.After the war in Burgundy, the 'pays romand' (theFrench-speaking part of Switzerland) had attractedthe attention of that powerful republic. Somewhatlater she had formed treaties of co-citizenship withGeneva and Lausanne; and when she saw the king ofFrance raising an army, and moving it towards theAlps, she feared lest that prince should be beforehandwith her. But the solicitations of Baudichon de laMaisonneuve, and the voices of the Bernese citizenswho were for independence and the Reformation, had,after God, the greatest share in the decision of thatstate. The Bernese Council issued a proclamation tothe people, in which, after setting forth the peril ofGeneva, they went on to say: 'This matter touches,first of all, the glory of God, and next it touches us.''We are ready,' answered the people, 'to sacrificeour goods and our lives for the maintenance of thefaith and of our oaths.' Twenty thousand men offeredto march. The change which now took place in thecouncils of Berne was so unexpected that it wasgenerally ascribed to the direction of God. 'Berne,urged by the divine inspiration, is moving,' wrote apious Bernese to Bullinger, Zwingle's successor atZurich.[699] And that excellent Genevan, Porral, said{373}in the fulness of his joy: 'O God, I thank Thee forthat Thou hast inspired our citizens to give us helpand comfort.'[700]

On the 16th of January a herald bore to the dukeof Savoy a declaration of war with fire and sword.Francis Nägueli was unanimously appointed commanderof the expedition. A decided Christian, atried captain, and a skilful negotiator, he was adoredby his soldiers, who called him 'our Franz.' Fromthe twenty thousand men who offered themselves heselected six thousand. He gave two orders. A newweapon was then succeeding the halberds and thelong swords; the arquebuses threw balls that struckthe enemy invisibly. Nägueli wished to have theadvantage of that weapon. 'Bringfire-sticks,' hesaid. He moreover exacted strict discipline: 'Beorderly, just, and kind towards the peasantry, as wellas fearless in battle.'

=BERTHOLD HALLER.=

There was another man in Berne who had the causeof Geneva as much at heart as Nägueli. The reformer,Berthold Haller, bowed down with suffering,had only a few days to live. Yet as the army, beforeleaving Berne, wished publicly to pray for God's help,he left his sick-bed with some difficulty, and, supportedby his friends, crawled into the cathedralpulpit. That man, so mild, so timid, so mistrustfulof himself, showed on the approach of death an energywhich had hitherto been foreign to him. 'Men ofBerne,' he said, with a voice almost inaudible, 'befirm and courageous. Magistrates and people, officersand soldiers, remain faithful to the Word of God.Honor the Gospel, by behaving righteously, and followup unshrinkingly for the love of God your intentionto snatch from the destruction that threatensthem our poor brethren of Geneva, hitherto sadly{374}forsaken of men.'[701]Then lifting his trembling handstowards heaven, Haller stretched them above thesilent army, and exclaimed, 'May God fill your heartswith faith, and may He be your Comforter!' Thewhole army, the whole people, in the city, in thecanton, and even in the upper valleys among theperpetual snows, repeated these words—the last thereformer uttered in public—which became the watchwordsof this holy war.

On Saturday (January 22d) six thousand men leftthe city, marching with a firm step, not under theirpeculiar flags (for each city had its own), but under thatof Berne alone, a symbol at once of strength and unity.A hundred cavalry and sixteen pieces of cannon accompaniedthe infantry. They all wore a white cross ona red field; the old mark of the crusaders was their onlyuniform. Haller's words had borne fruit. Thosechildren of the mountains went to the help of theirbrothers with enthusiasm and with faith. The nobleNägueli rode at their head. He desired to make anevangelical and Helvetic country of the beautiful valleyof the Leman. He was serious and silent, for he wasmeditating on the means of freeing Geneva completely,but at the cost of as little blood as possible. Thesoldiers marched after him, active and joyful, in themidst of a crowd of men, women, and children collectedfrom the villages round about; and those bold Helvetians,with heads erect, made the road echo with their songsof war. The Chronicle of old Switzerland has preservedthem for us:

=THE ARMY AT MORAT.=

On the first day the army reached the battle-field ofMorat, which the soldiers hailed with enthusiasm. Thecontingents of Bienne, Nidau, La Neuville, Neuchâtel,Valengin, Château d'Œx, Gessenay, and Payerne, burningwith affection for Geneva and the Reformation, joinedthe Bernese flag in the last-named town. Here theAvoyer de Watteville passed this noble army in reviewon the 24th of January, and administered the oath to it.

Geneva presented at this time a less showy spectacle.The famine, which for some months had distressed thecity, was now prowling like a ghastly phantom in everystreet, frightening the women and children, and eventhe men themselves. Cold and sickness, the inevitableconsequences of deprivation, filled the houses with sufferingand mourning. These adversities were like afierce torrent that sweeps away everything it touches.Even the brave began to grow dejected. At this conjuncture{376}a man arrived from Berne, the bearer of twomessages. One, on paper, had been given him to avertsuspicion in case he should be stopped by the governorof Vaud; it was a demand for Furbity's liberation.The other message was to be made verbally. 'Detainme here a prisoner,' said the Bernese, 'and put me todeath, if my lords do not march out with their army tohelp you.' The people of Geneva could not believe him.'In three days,' he added, 'you will see the castles ofthe country in flames. That will be the signal ofBerne's coming.'[703]

When there was no longer any doubt of the arrival ofthe liberators, the Genevan population, so long afflicted,breathed and took courage. The most energetic mendid not want to wait until their allies had arrived.Versoix, an important place belonging to the duke ofSavoy, might stop the Bernese army. Fourscorecitizens, manning a few boats, attacked it from the lake,put to flight the soldiers of Savoy by the fire of theircannon, and entered the fortress. The granaries werefilled with corn, the cellars with wine, and the stallswith cattle: this was to the hungry citizens like thescene in the camp of the Syrians at the gates ofSamaria.[704]The Genevese hastily removed to theirboats all that they could carry away, and returning tothe city displayed their booty in the market-place in themidst of an immense crowd. Wheat, barley, and cattlewere sold at a low rate. Everybody ran and boughtwhat he wanted; all rejoiced at this unexpected succor.And yet great danger still impended over Geneva.

=COMBINATION OF PRINCES.=

It is true Berne was coming to her help; but morethan that was required to save the city. The emperor'splan was (as we have seen) to crush the Reformation,which opposed his absolute sovereignty in Germany.It has been said that Francis I., attracted by the offer ofMilan, had shown an inclination to let Charles V. do{377}what he liked. Could Berne resist that powerfulmonarch?[705]Would not the patricians, who more thanonce had shown themselves very cold with respect toGeneva, be found returning to their old system of compromisesand delays? A great change in the relationsand projects of the princes could alone, as it wouldappear, save the city. Now just at this very moment aseries of events was taking place that suddenly transformedthe political aspect of Europe.

Catherine of Aragon, aunt of Charles V., died. Inconsequence of her decease, the emperor relinquishedhis design of invading England, and kept the duchyof Milan, which he had offered to the king of France toinduce him to combine against Henry VIII. Francis I.,treated by the emperor as a person of no importance,swore that he would be avenged. But to reach CharlesV. and seize Milan, it was necessary to march over thebody of his uncle, the duke of Savoy. He did nothesitate to let this prince know 'how little he would beadvantaged by not having France for a friend.'[706]Now,if the duke of Savoy, prince of Piedmont, is driven bythe king of France beyond the Alps and further still,Geneva is saved.

At the sight of the danger which threatened him,Charles III. would have liked to renew the old alliancewith his nephew; but the influence of his wife, whohad 'led him into this dance,'[707]kept him bound to thecause of the emperor. In his embarrassment he formeda resolution that was not devoid of a certain cleverness,and which would make the conquest of Geneva and itsannexation to the dominions of the emperor inevitable.Charles III. offered to cede to Charles V., in exchangefor various Italian provinces, the western slopes of the{378}Alps, 'all the country he possessed from Nice to theSwiss League, including Geneva.'[708]By establishing thehouse of Austria between himself and France, the dukewould raise an impassable barrier against his restlessneighbor, and at the same time gratify the taste of thehouse of Savoy, which loved to extend itself on the sideof Italy. By virtue of this exchange, the states ofCharles V. would have bordered France everywherefrom the Mediterranean to the North Sea. Francis I.was alarmed. 'I will not permit the emperor,' he said,'to set up such aladder[709] against my kingdom, in orderto invade it from that quarter hereafter.'[710]All hishesitation ceased, and he determined to carry out withoutdelay the plan he had formed of invading Savoy,Piedmont, and the Milanese. Thus at the very momentwhen the duke was preparing to crush Geneva, he sawa storm suddenly gathering which was at once to drivehim from both slopes of the Alps and save the littlecity. Let us see whether such was really the result ofthat policy.

The Swiss army, commanded by Nägueli, hadstarted from Payerne on the 24th of January andarrived the next day at Echallens, whence it was tomarch on Morges. The contingents of Orbe andLausanne, desirous of taking part in the deliverance ofGeneva, came to increase his force, which was thusraised to about ten thousand men. Sebastian deMontfaulcon, bishop of Lausanne, a proud, intriguing,domineering priest, inflamed with anger at seeing hispeople declare for Geneva, determined to raise troops tooppose the liberating army. His bailiff and secretary,going into the steep and narrow streets of the city,knocked at every door, and asked whether the inmateswould take the side of the bishop or of the burgesses.Montfaulcon himself set out for his castle of Glérolles,{379}near St. Saphorin, in order to stir up the inhabitants ofLa Vaux. But Nägueli was to encounter in his march amore formidable obstacle than Montfaulcon and hisextempore soldiers.

Medici, informed of the march of the Bernese army,had determined to attack it before it reached Geneva.He could see that if Nägueli were once established inthat city, it would not be easy to take it. The planof the Italian commander was to march by Thononand Evian, carry his soldiers across the lake, givebattle to the Bernese, and, after defeating them,turn upon Geneva, which would be incapable of resistinghim. The character and antecedents of thedevastating condottiere were sufficient to indicate thefate reserved for his conquest. The city would havebeen pillaged, perhaps burnt, in conformity with thehabits of Giangiacomo.

=THE TWO ARMIES MEET.=

That formidable chief had crossed the lake withhis army in boats from Chablais, and had almostreached Morges; his intention being to give a solidbase to his operations, not only by being master ofMorges, which was under the duke's orders, but stillfurther by taking possession, with the bishop's help,of Lausanne, whose liberal citizens were ready tojoin Nägueli. On the 27th of January, in the evening,a detachment started for that purpose under theorders of the Sieur de Colloneys. But the latter hadnot gone far when Medici perceived fires on theheights near the villages of Bussigny, Renens, andCrissier; it was the Bernese who were preparing tobivouac on the hills. The fugitive governor of Mussohad no idea that the enemy was so near. He hadnot yet taken up his position and the Swiss were insight. He called back the detachment, and earlynext morning sent out some of his cavalry to reconnoitrethe Swiss army and skirmish with them.Nägueli, not doubting that the hour of battle had{380}arrived, drew up his formidable line on the heights ofMorges; all his men were full of ardor.[711]Medicialso desired to arrange his troops for the struggle,but was not blind to the disadvantages of his position.Nägueli was on the heights, while the Savoyardtroops had their backs to the lake, into which theymight be driven. The general, sent by the duke ofSavoy to destroy Geneva, looked with astonishmentat the army of the new crusaders. He found himselfin presence of that valorous Nägueli who, as captain-generalof the Leagues, had taken from him hiscastle of Musso and the lands he had seized bystratagem or force. More than once this robber-chiefhad said: 'What neither the emperor nor the king ofFrance could do, that Switzer did.' And now, at thehead of the troops of Piedmont and Savoy, andsupported by Charles V., the late castellan of Mussohad flattered himself with the hope of taking vengeancefor the injury he had once endured; but itwas the contrary that happened. Instead of rushingforward at the head of his veteran soldiers, he wasconfused; he hesitated, and his heart seemed tofail him.

=FLIGHT OF MEDICI.=

How was that? Was it because the sight of thearmy of Berne in line of battle intimidated him?Was it because the gentlemen of Vaud and Gex, uponwhom he had counted, remembering the valor ofthe Swiss at Gingins, had no desire to risk the chanceof receiving a second lesson, and kept away? Wasit because the reinforcements expected from Savoyhad not arrived? Or was it because bad news reachedhim from Chambery, informing him that the dukecould think of nothing but the defence of his hereditarystates against the king of France? All thesereasons had something to do with the trouble of the{381}former castellan of Musso; but the last was thestrongest. What a vexation for Medici! He hadvaunted that he would put an end to the interminableexistence of Geneva; and at the firstrencounter he has to retreat. He had reckoned onthe pleasure of destroyinga nest of heretics, andhe cannot prevent Nägueli's saving it. At this criticalmoment, one of the most daring captains of the ageseemed to become one of the most cowardly. Thereare people who, audacious in prosperity, lose theirheads when the chances are against them. The flotillain which the commander of the troops of Savoyhad traversed the lake lay at anchor a little distancefrom Morges, on the side of Lausanne. Medicideserted the field of battle without striking a blow,and embarked a portion of his troops while theremainder stopped in Morges, a fortified city. Nägueli,seeing that the enemy was retiring, pushedthe advanced guard of the Swiss down to the shore.The Italian captain, desiring at least to burn a fewcartridges, discharged the guns of his fleet at theBernese, who returned the fire; but it was notdifficult for the latter to get out of reach of thecannonade.

During this petty engagement, the Spaniards andItalians, who to the number of about seven hundred hadtaken shelter in Morges, furious at seeing the triumphof the protestants so near at hand, behaved in that city,which belonged to the duke, as if they had been in ahostile town. They rushed into the castle, broke openprivate houses, and even pillaged the churches, everywherecommitting the cruellest outrages;[712]after whichthey opened the gate on the Rolle side, and most of themran away. Some escaped on horseback, 'and the rest,says Froment, 'got off fighting with a two-legged{382}sword.'[713]Medici sent two or three boats to Morges tobring off those who had not decamped, and then sailedaway to Savoy. One might almost say that an invincibleangel of the Almighty, as in the days of Judah,had put the enemies of the Word of God to flight.[714]

=THE POWER OF MORAL FORCE.=

The break-up was complete: a panic terror had fallenupon the soldiers. The roads, the plain, the mountainpaths were crowded with fugitives. The motives thatinduced Medici to retire were doubtless unknown to histroops; but there is another explanation, a moral explanation,of their disorderly flight. The Italian bandshad crossed the Alps because their captains had promisedto deliver up to them Geneva, whose wealthrumor had greatly exaggerated. It was a very differentmotive that animated the Swiss: they had left theirmountains and their valleys to secure national independenceand liberty of faith in Geneva in opposition tothe pope, the bishop, and the duke. The Genevesethemselves, in the obstinate struggle they had maintainedfor so many years, were impelled by the noblestmotives. But moral principles give to an army a moralenergy which bands of pillagers cannot resist. Thereis no doubt that Medici's condottieri were in many respectsbetter soldiers than the shepherds of the Alps orthe shopkeepers of the little city; but the latter had aholy cause to defend. Their glance sufficed to scare thebandits, who, renouncing the plunder of the hostile city,pillaged the towns of their allies and fled as fast as oarsor legs could carry them. On the 30th of January theCouncil of Geneva were able to enter the followingwords on their minutes: 'Four thousand Italian andother foreigners, who had made preparations at Morges{383}for the defence of the country (Vaud), made no resistanceand fled like cowards without striking a blow.'

But Nägueli might encounter adversaries more formidablethan the Italians of Medici. The chiefs of all thedistrict lying between the Alps and the Jura, not onlythose of Vaud, but of Gex, Chablais, and other parts ofSavoy, were a real power. It was not known at thattime what part they would take. Their absence fromMorges might only have been occasioned by delay.Might not the priests be found arousing their parishionersand marching at their head, as they had done threemonths before at the battle of Gingins? If the cavaliersof the Middle Ages should unite with the mercenaries ofthe sixteenth century, it would be all over with Geneva.But the victory gained at Gingins by four hundred andfifty sons of the Reformation over three to four thousandnobles and soldiers, had, as we have mentioned, spreadterror throughout the country. They called to mindthat one had put seven to flight; that many chiefs hadfallen by the balls of those keen marksmen; and that ahundred priests had bitten the dust. Hence it was thatonly a few of the gentry had any idea of taking up thesword: the priests kept silence, and even the intrepidbaron of La Sarraz went and hid himself within thewalls of Yverdun. The real feat of arms that deliveredGeneva was the victory of Gingins, gained by theindependent friends of the reformation: the official expeditionof Berne was the triumphal march whichgathered the fruits and wore the laurels.

Nägueli, who stopped in Morges until the next day,was aroused in the middle of the night by his alarmedfollowers. The sentries at the harbor had heard thenoise of oars in the distance. Was the enemy returningfrom Savoy in greater force? Each man held his breath,the sound drew nearer, and presently a boat approached.It might perhaps be followed by others; but no, it wasalone, and brought letters for Medici which had probably{384}been delayed. Everything was seized, and from thedispatches the Bernese general learnt that the count ofChallans had dispatched to the Italian commander aconsiderable reinforcement of cavalry and infantry.

Nägueli, thinking to come up with this reinforcementnear Geneva, hurried forward to meet them. On themorning of the 30th of January he started for Rolle; noobstacle retarded his march; nobles and soldiers 'hadbeen reduced to dust by terror.'[715]The fields were deserted;the small towns and villages were empty; fearof the Bernese had swept the country. The general, inconcert with his chiefs, had agreed that it would be anunwise policy to neglect establishing peace in that districtwith a firm hand, as well for the present as for the future.Another principle also animated the Bernese: theywanted to extend the territory of the Helvetic Leagueand their own as far as the shores of Lake Leman. Nowso long as the power of the nobles of Vaud, who werestrongly attached to Savoy, remained unbroken, therewould be perpetual insurrections, and Berne wouldhardly be in a position to hold her own. Nägueli waspersuaded that the strength of the cruel chevaliers ofthose valleys lay in their strongholds. 'If we want todrive out the wolves,' he said, 'we must destroy theirdens.' The castles of Rolle and Rosay were reduced toashes; and the Genevans, seeing in the darkness of thenight those distant flames, shouted with joy, 'They arecoming!'

Nägueli resumed his march, sparing the inhabitants,but everywhere destroying the images. Passing nearNyon without attacking it, he moved upon Divonne andGex, important positions from which he desired toexpel the enemy before entering Geneva.

=FRANCOIS DE GINGINS.=

François de Gingins, lord of Divonne and Chatelard,who had at first taken part in the blockade of Geneva,but had withdrawn his troops during the frosts of{385}December, had shut himself up in his castle of Divonneon the hills which overlook that village. Näguelidesired to treat with respect a nobleman whose ancestorshad been counted from the tenth century amongthe great vassals of the kings of Transjurassic Burgundy,and who possessed an amiable character andpacific disposition. Brought up by his maternal uncle,the count of Gruyères, and afterwards appointed by theking of France page of honor in his household, he hadreturned to his home and married his cousin Margaret,daughter of Antoine de Gingins, president of the sovereigncouncil of Savoy. He had small liking for thepriests, whose gross and often immoral conduct offendedhim; but he was alarmed at the idea of being unfaithfulto the Church and feudalism, and after some hesitationattached himself to Roman-catholicism and the duke.[716]Margaret had, it is said, some share in the changewhich afterwards occurred in the family. The ladies ofthe castles were generally superior to their husbands;they were more accessible to religious impressions.While the lord was away at tournaments or on warlikeexpeditions, the wife remained mistress of the household,governed her children and servants, and virtueswere often developed in her which would have beenvainly sought for elsewhere. A son speaking of hismother, describes her beauty, her features alwaystranquil, her brow armed with severe chastity, hervirtuous looks, her regulated conversation, her modesty,her fear of God, and her charity.[717]It is thus we love topicture to ourselves Margaret of Gingins.

The young lord of Divonne liked the neighborhoodof Geneva and the intelligence of its inhabitants, and,without being aware of it, the cause of the Reformationhad made some progress in his heart. In 1548 he{386}made over his four castles of Gingins, Divonne,Chatelard, and Sarraz to his sons, and retired toGeneva, where he remained to the end of his days.[718]Thus, in his person, peace was concluded between theredoubtable gentlemen of the country and the citywhich they had so harassed. Nägueli, aware of thegood inclinations of the baron, did not burn his castle,and was content with exacting from him a ransom ofthree hundred crowns.

On Tuesday (February 1st) ten syndics of Genevacame to present the Bernese general with the thanks ofthe city. While they were in conference with him, anoise was heard in the castle. They all pricked up theirears. The old abbot De Gingins, episcopal vicar ofGeneva, who had retired (as we have seen) into theJura, to his isolated convent of Bonmont, alarmed atthe approach of the army, disturbed by the recollectionof his licentious life, and remembering that the Swisshad no liking for wicked priests, a great number ofwhom had fallen at Gingins, had taken refuge at Divonnein his nephew's castle, where he believed himself safefrom all harm. He kept quiet in a secret hiding-place,greatly tormented by fear that the Bernese might discoverhim. Some soldiers, who were ordered to searchthe castle, found him and brought him more dead thanalive before their general. As the latter sharply reproachedthe lord of Divonne with violating their convention,the alarm of the old sinner increased; but hebegan to breathe again, when the general declared thathe would be willing to release him for a ransom offour hundred crowns. The poor abbot, though the fearof death was passed, never recovered from his fright.

The Savoyard troops, whose arrival had beenannounced to Medici by the count of Challans, had notappeared, and we may understand the reason. Consequently,next morning (February 2d) Nägueli, finding{387}that there was no enemy to prevent his entering Geneva,divided his soldiers into three corps: one was to reducethe country between the Rhone and the Jura as far asthe Fort de l'Ecluse, which it was to take; the otherwas to march to Gex, and burn the castle; while therest of the army started for Geneva.[719]

=BERNESE WAR-SONG.=

The Genevans awaited with great impatience the arrivalof their liberators. The sun cheered with its beamsthe brightest of the days in Genevese history. Thesnows which covered the mountains glittered in thedistance; but in the plain at their feet, flashes of lightwere observed which delighted the citizens still more.'Two leagues off,' says Froment, 'we could see the armsglittering, which was a great joy to us.' The youngpeople ran forward to meet their deliverers, and in ashort time the Bernese army approached and passedthrough an enthusiastic crowd stationed on both sidesof the road. The leaders Nägueli, Weingarten, Cyro,Diesbach, and Graffenried, came first on horseback;then followed the bannerets, councillors, provosts, andother members of the Councils of Berne; and last of allthe liberating army, seventeen pieces of artillery, andthe companies of Neuchâtel, Lausanne, and other placesin Vaud. As the Bernese passed the gates and enteredthe city, they sang aloud once more these strains to theglory of God:

=TO GOD BE THE GLORY.=

'Geneva received her deliverers with great delight,'says an eye-witness, 'and replied to their songs withcries of joy.'[722]The barbarous captain, sent against thehuguenots to destroy them, had disappeared; the wildbeast, after a roar, had returned hastily to his den.Their goods, their liberty, their faith, their lives weresaved. Excited by this great deliverance, the Genevanswere not satisfied merely with expressing their gratitudeto the Bernese, but looked higher. They knew that aSupreme Power, an Infinite Love, holds the affairs ofthis world in His hands. It was that faith which wasto make the little city grow, and they wished to giveexpression to it. The council being assembled, theyresolved to enrol in the annals of the republic a testimony{390}of their gratitude, and ordered these words tobe written:

'The power of God has confounded the presumptionand rash audacity of our enemies.'[723]

Froment, too, an eye-witness of these things, wrotein hisGestes Merveilleux the following simple andtouching words:

'In the year 1536, and in the month of February,Geneva was delivered from her enemies by the providenceof God.'[724]

There was now to be an interview between theliberators and the liberated. Berne and Geneva,united by a common faith, were to embrace eachother. The members of those two republics lovedone another not only as allies but as brothers. OnThursday (February 3d) the Council of Two Hundredassembled; many other citizens were present, andthe hall was full. Nägueli appeared, accompanied byhis principal officers and the representatives of theCouncil of Berne. The assembly gave utterance toits joy, and all eyes were fixed on the valiant general.{391}'Most honored lords,' he said, 'this long while pastwe have heard your complaints. For these twentymonths we have been making great efforts at Lucerne,Baden, and even Aosta; and having thus exhaustedall the means of peace, we have drawn the sword, andthe enemy has fled on every side. Now we will dowhatever you command us, for we are here to fulfilthe oaths that unite Geneva and Berne.' Such noblelanguage moved the assembly. 'May God do thesame for you,' replied the premier syndic. Thendesiring the work to be perfect, he added: 'Now,gentlemen, march onwards; pursue the enemy untilthe end; we are ready to give you all necessaryassistance.' It was decided that the army shouldmake itself master of Chablais on the left shore ofthe lake, and push forward on the other side as far asChambery. In all those districts they would circulatethe Word of God.[725]

=BURNING OF THE CASTLES.=

There was first another task to be completed. Forcenturies the castles had obstructed the progress ofcivilization, and in later years that of the gospel. It wasfrom those eyries, perched on their lofty rocks, that thevultures swooped down upon the plain. Bishops evenhad been known to entreat the princes to destroy, 'forthe love of God and the honor of the blessed Mary, thosebuildings constructed by the inspiration of Satan.'[726]Thisthe evangelical Nägueli was about to do, and henceforththe husbandman would drive his plow in peace throughfields from which he would no longer fear to see thefruit of his labors swept away.

The inhabitants of the castles had disappeared: fearof the Bernese had depopulated the country. Men,women, and children had taken refuge in the miserable{392}chalets of the Salève, Voirons, Mole, and Jura. Priestsand monks, hurriedly abandoning their parishes andtheir convents, threw off their frocks and assumed thegarb of the peasantry. 'Not one man in all the countrydared represent himself as a priest or a monk.' Everynow and then one of them dressed in a coarse gray coatwould leave his hiding-place, and mysteriously enteringsome half-deserted hut, would ask the affrighted peasant'what the bear of Berne was doing.' 'But take care,' headded, 'you tell nobody that I am a priest.' The clericaland lay despots of the Middle Ages learnt in their turnwhat it was to tremble.

At length a great spectacle of desolation, which was tobe the last, began. A judgment—may we not call it ajudgment of God?—was accomplished. Here and thereat first a few flames were seen flashing forth, and thesesoon became an immense conflagration. Detachments,consisting of Bernese and Genevans, issued from the city:some turned to the right, others to the left; the ancientwalls of some old towers were their aim. 'It was fromthence,' said the Genevans, 'that rapine and death haveso often rushed out upon us.' The building was surrounded,the most impetuous made their way into the interiorand set fire to it, and when the flames had caughtthey rushed off for another execution. These detachmentswere followed by a numerous troop of men, women,and boys, who had their share also in the business. Thejudgment of God swept over the country, as of old overthe land of Canaan. The fortresses of Gex, Gaillard,and Jussy, those terrible scourges of Geneva; the castlesof Coppet, Prangins, Bellerive, Vilette, Ville-la-Grand,and many others, fell a prey to the flames. They werein all, according to Froment, from a hundred to ahundred and forty. Geneva was sometimes surroundedby a circle of fire. The longer and crueller the offence,the more terrible was the punishment. No one was putto death, but those feudal lairs, which crumbled away in{393}the midst of the flames, were a sacrifice offered by theSwiss to the shades of the citizens immolated by theirformer possessors.

=DESTRUCTION OF PENEY.=

There was one castle in particular whose destructionthe Genevans desired: it was Peney. On the 8th ofFebruary some Bernese, accompanied by a few horsemenand gunners of Geneva, started for this purpose.The blood shed by the Peneysans and their numberlessoutrages made them cry out unanimously, 'No mercyfor Peney!' The almost abandoned fortress was easilyoccupied. A fire was kindled in that courtyard wherethe victims had been so cruelly tortured. The castlewas soon in flames, and there remained nothing butdismantled towers and blackened walls; but that wasnot enough. Those walls still seemed guilty, and theGenevans so completely destroyed the ill-omened ruinthat not a trace of it can now be found. All the countrywas at length swept clean of a long-continued brigandage;but (we repeat) it does not appear that one ofthose gentlemen or of their dependents suffered deathor even imprisonment for their crimes. The device ofGeneva and of Berne during this remarkable expeditionwas: 'Spare the tyrants, but destroy their dens.'[727]

At the same time peace reigned within. A spirit ofpardon seemed to have descended upon the Genevans.Happiness enlarged all their hearts. On Sunday (February6th) sermons were preached in the differentchurches by the reformers; after which the great bell,Clémence, reserved for solemn occasions, summoned allthe people to St. Pierre's. It was, as it were, the firstday of the new republic. 'Citizens,' said one of thesyndics, 'in order that the city may prosper we mustbelieve what the Gospel teaches and live according to{394}its commandments. Accordingly—and this is our newdecree—let all the animosities which sprang up duringthe war be renounced; all offences pardoned, all quarrelsforgotten, all lawsuits given up. Let us drop allhateful names. Let no man henceforth say to another,"You are a papist," or the latter reply, "You are aLutheran." But let us all live according to the HolyGospel of God,' Such were the first fruits of theReformation. 'We will! we will!' shouted the people.They then proceeded to the election of the four syndicswho were to be at the head of the new republic. Theassembly chose the energetic Claude Savoye, the amiableand persevering Ami Porral, and the zealous Etiennede Chapeaurouge, men on the side of the Reformationbut especially of political experience. The people,wishing to have among their magistrates one man purelyevangelical, named Ami Levet, the husband of the piousClaudine, although he was not on the list proposed bythe senate. Shortly afterwards the Two Hundredelected the twenty-five members of the Council, andBalard, as well as Richardet, Roman-catholics but goodcitizens, preserved their seats. In the hour of theirgreatest enthusiasm the Genevans behaved justly andwithout party-spirit—a thing rarely witnessed in theannals of nations.[728]

On the evening before, Nägueli, at the head of thearmy, augmented by a Genevese contingent, hadmarched out in order to follow up his victory as faras Chambery andfarther. Ambitious thoughts maythen perhaps have stirred the hearts of some of theBernese. For the triumph of the Reformation (theymight possibly have said for the grandeur of Berne)they thought that Savoy, and even the north of{395}Italy, ought to be conquered. Let there be formedin the centre of Europe, on both sides of the colossalcitadels of the Alps, a great confederation of independentand evangelical people, which shall circulateliberty and truth through Germany, France, and theItalian peninsula. Therefore forward to Chambery,andfarther!

The dream was to melt away as soon as formed.The general was riding in front, calm and pensive,followed by some of his officers. He turned his head—therewas no army to be seen. Nägueli gallopedback towards Geneva, and found his soldiers drawnup in a square in a large field and deliberating democratically.What was the cause of such a breach ofmilitary discipline? The soldiers, satisfied withhaving delivered Geneva, did not care to follow theircaptain in his daring schemes. They deliberatedtherefore, as they were wont to do in their valleys.Should they march forward or turn back? 'To Berne,'cried many; 'to our fields, our flocks, our mountains!'Nägueli succeeded, however, in getting the army tomarch. Was he not theirgood Franz?[729]

=THE FRENCH INVADE SAVOY.=

On Saturday, 12th of February, the Swiss advancedguard had reached Rumilly, near the lake of Bourget,eight leagues from Chambery, when M. de Villebon,grand provost of Paris, arrived in great haste atthe camp. 'The king my master,' he said, 'has aquarrel with the duke of Savoy, his uncle, about hismother's rights. Yesterday (February 11th) he signedat Lyons the commission given to the Sire de Brion-Chabot,admiral of France, to attack Savoy. Eighthundred French lances, a thousand light horse, twelvethousand infantry, six thousand lansquenets, twothousand French adventurers, three thousand Italians,and a powerful artillery are about to enter the statesof the duchy; and when Savoy is conquered, the{396}French army will invade Piedmont. I require you,therefore, in the name of the king, to proceed nofarther.' Nägueli, already shaken by the demands ofhis soldiers, answered that as the King of France hadrights over those countries, the Swiss would discontinuetheir advance.[730]

=LAST YEARS OF THE DUKE.=

Other hands than those of Switzerland were to dealthe last blows destined to secure the Reformation andindependence of Geneva. Villebon had hardly gotback to Lyons, when the army of Francis I. movedforward, overran Bresse and Savoy, then invadedPiedmont, and afterwards the Milanese. The duke,always irresolute, had taken no steps to check theFrench. It was in vain that at the last moment hecalled Medici to his aid; that captain, who had beenunable to destroy Geneva, could not save Piedmont.Charles III., abandoned by the emperor, his brother-in-law,found himself, after spending thirty years ofhis life in hunting down Geneva, robbed in four monthsof his states, which he never entered again, and drivento bay on the shores of the Mediterranean. Allkinds of disasters fell upon him at once. His countrywas devastated by the plague; his friends turnedagainst him; the emperor showed him no pity; his son,the heir to his crown, was taken away by death; hisbeautiful and haughty wife, Beatrice of Portugal,pierced to the heart by so many misfortunes, died ofa wasting sickness. Of all his states there wasnothing left but the valley of Aosta, Nice, and twoor three other cities. Alone and affrighted, thisunhappy prince dragged out a wearisome life. Heregretted his son, regretted his wife, regretted hisstates. His heated imagination surrounded him withphantoms; Geneva, which, unopposed, was developingher glorious and new existence, was to him an{397}avenging ghost. He fell ill: he broke out in sweats;he shivered with cold; his eyes grew dim and hisface pale; he wasted away of a slow fever. After apunishment of twenty-three years, death, the consequenceof his reverses and his sorrows, put an end tothe painful existence of the great enemy of Geneveseindependence and of the Reformation.[731]His son, EmanuelPhilibert, a man of great capacity, recovered hisstates; but having many evils to repair, he adopteda pacific policy with regard to Geneva. Forty-fouryears of peace permitted the Reformation and thenew republic to strengthen and organize themselves.God gives to the people and the churches, whom hedesigns to make use of, the time necessary for theirdevelopment.

While these things were going on, dangers less apparent,but as great as they were unexpected, threatenedGeneva. As the Bernese desired to reap advantagefrom the help accorded to the little republic, theirambassadors put forward certain pretensions, whichthey set up a little later with respect to Lausanne andVaud, and which were then too easily conceded. Thelords of Berne, regardless of the reproach that might beurged against them of having consulted merely their owninterests in the expedition, hinted to the council of Genevathat they ought to have their reward, and asked thatthe rights and prerogatives of the duke and the bishopshould be transferred to them. Such a demand revoltedthe proud independence of the Genevese, and theyrejected the sovereignty of Berne with as much decisionas they had rejected that of Savoy. 'If we had desiredto have a master,' they answered with firmness, 'weshould have spared ourselves all the trouble, expense,and bloodshed of which we have been so prodigal tosecure our independence.' Berne was forced to give{398}way before a resolution that appeared immovable.When Nägueli re-entered Geneva, after having taken theFort de l'Ecluse on returning from his short campaign,he was surprised to meet with a cold and embarrassedreception, very different from the former enthusiasticwelcome. The noble general, who did not like suchdiscussions, gave immediate orders for the departure ofhis army.

There was still a great work to be accomplished. Inconformity with the instructions of the Bernese government,Nägueli was to break the twofold yoke of the popeand the duke which pressed heavily upon the territoryof Vaud. His troops marched into that country withoutresistance, and took Yverdun, in which the intrepidMangerot had fortified himself. In a short time cities,villages, and castles submitted; a few towns, tired ofthe Savoyard rule, desired to be annexed to Berne.Others, especially Lausanne and some rural districts,wished to retain all their rights; but they gave way,when the Bernese promised to respect their franchises.Under any circumstances it was a good work to takeaway from the pope and unite to Switzerland the beautifulcountry that extends from the lake of Geneva tothat of Neuchâtel. Nägueli re-entered Berne in peace,and his soldiers, proud of a four weeks' campaign thatwas to have such important consequences, gave vent totheir exultation, and concluded their songs with thisline:

Respecte l'ours, ou bien crains les oursons.[732]

The work appeared to be accomplished. The city ofthe Reformation thrilled with joy, and exulted in theair of liberty and of the Gospel. Here and there,however, sorrows and regrets remained. Many heartswere wrung, and many an eye was turned with mortification{399}in the direction of Chillon, where Bonivard hadbeen languishing for six years. He had done so muchto give liberty to Geneva, and he alone was not free.He was pining away, imprisoned within those rocks,which, excavated below the level of the lake, form agigantic sepulchre. A loophole permitted a feeble rayof light to enter the dungeon, and the prisoner, whilewalking slowly round the column to which he waschained, delighted to turn his eyes towards that side,and sometimes contemplated (according to tradition) alittle bird, which used to perch on the iron bars of thenarrow opening. At the slightest noise, the bird flewoff to the wood behind the castle, or skimmed awayover the surface of the lake. The bird was free; butBonivard was in chains. 'I had such leisure for walking,'he said, 'that I wore away a path in the rock, as ifit had been done with a hammer.'[733]When he wasseized by the perfidious hands of his enemies he hadsaid: 'I am going alone, with God, to suffer mypassion!' And suffer it he did. But while his bodyand heart suffered, his mind was at work. Some of thethoughts which then occupied him have been recordedby his own hand:Live in remembrance of death,—Courageincreases by wounds, and such like. For five orsix months the Genevan envoys, so traitorously seizedat Coppet, had also been imprisoned at Chillon, but notin the underground dungeons.

=CHILLON ATTACKED.=

Such iniquities could not be tolerated. Berne againtook up herfire-sticks, and Geneva prepared her boats.On the 20th of March one hundred armed men wereembarked on four war cutters and other vessels. TheGenevese councils had given the command to FrancisFavre and Francis Chamois. All the citizens wouldhave liked to march in person to Chillon to set Bonivard{400}and the plenipotentiaries at liberty. On the day ofsailing, everybody left their houses, and from an agitatedcrowd assembled near the Rhone, there rose a universalcry, 'Rescue the captives!'

On Sunday morning—it was the 26th of March—Bonivardbeing as usual in his dungeon, pricked up hisears. He fancied he heard an unaccustomed noise; hewas not mistaken. Loud but still distant cannon shotsre-echoed through the vaults of his prison. What wasgoing on? It was the artillery of Berne which, on itsarrival at Lutry, between Lausanne and Chillon,announced its presence. But that signal of deliverancewas to be the signal of death to Bonivard and the threeenvoys. 'If the Bernese appear before the place,'wrote the duke of Savoy to the governor, 'you will givethe prisoners of Geneva the estrapade twice, and thenput them to death without hesitation.'[734]The dukeintended that the deliverers should find nothing butcorpses.

The next morning (27th of March) Chillon was surrounded.Berne had drawn up her troops and plantedher guns below the village of Veytaux, between thecastle and Montreux. The Valaisans, although catholics,had also taken up arms to expel the duke from theirneighborhood, and had placed their artillery on theVilleneuve side; the Genevans blockaded the castlefrom the lake. The batteries opened fire, and thegovernor perceiving that all resistance was useless,demanded a parley at nightfall. Nägueli, Favre, andsome other captains assembled at the foot of a steeprock between the castle and the Bernese batteries, toreceive his deputies; but as they could not come atonce to terms, the conference was prolonged. Thegarrison, by no means anxious to fall into the handsof the Swiss, determined to take advantage of this{401}momentary respite and of the veil of night, to maketheir escape. Silently they crept on board the greatgalley; not a voice, not a sound of arms was heard,and having thus mysteriously got away, they maderapidly towards Savoy. When Favre was informed ofit, he went immediately on board his boat, which wasmoored to the shore, and hastened in pursuit of theenemy; but before he could get up with them, they hadthrown their cannons into the lake, set fire to thegalley, and from Lugrin, where they landed, hurriedinto the Savoyard Alps below the Dents d'Oche.Had they taken Bonivard and the three plenipotentiarieswith them? It was a question that could notbe answered, and Favre, ill at ease, veered round andreturned to Chillon.[735]

=BONIVARD LIBERATED.=

The governor had surrendered just as he arrived.Nägueli, on leaving Berne, had written to him that heshould answer with his head for the lives of the prisoners:he had, therefore, some hope of recovering them.Favre, Chamois, and the other Genevans hastily sprangfrom their boats, entered the castle, and in a minutethey embraced the three envoys. But where was Bonivard?They seized the keys of the vaults, unlocked asunk door, and entered. It was the hall of execution:beneath its rude arches were wheels, axes, pulleys, cords,and all the horrible instruments with which men werecrippled or killed. The Genevans, without stopping,ran to the door of an inner vault, undid the bars,pulled back the bolts. The friends of the prior ofSaint Victor sprang over the threshold, rushed into thegloomy dungeon, reached the column. 'Here he is!he is alive!' Bonivard fell into their arms. His friendsfound it difficult to recognize him. The featureschanged by suffering, the long unkempt beard, the hair{402}falling over his shoulders—had changed his appearance.[736]'Bonivard,' they said to him, 'Bonivard, you are free!'The prisoner, who seemed to be waking from a longsleep, did not think of himself: his first words were forthe city he had loved so much. 'And Geneva?' heasked. 'Geneva is free too,' they replied. His chainswere taken off, and, conducted by his friends, hecrossed the door of that vast prison. The bright lightwhich burst upon him affected his eyes which hadbeen deprived of it for so many years, and he turnedthem mechanically towards the gloom of his dungeon.At last he recovered himself and bade farewell to hissepulchre. The crowd looked at him for some momentswith emotion, and then rushed into that dismal cell,where the wretched man had suffered so long. Everyone desired to see it, and for ages yet to come thetraveller will visit it. The illustrious prisoner wasdelivered; the last fortress of tyranny was captured;the victory of the Reformation was complete. Notraveller wandering along the picturesque shore ofMontreux can fail to look at those walls, rising out ofthe water, without a feeling of horror for despotism andof gratitude for the Gospel. Those rocks, so long thewitnesses of oppression, are now hailed with emotionand joy by the friends of the Word of God and liberty.

The flotilla was soon sailing back to Geneva withBonivard and the three parlementaires on board.They were returning joyously through the help from onhigh, and in a short time they landed from their boatsamid the joyful shouts of their fellow-citizens, andplaced their feet on a free soil.[738]

An entire people is not converted to God in a body.The pagan religions were identical with the nation; butthe Christian Church is distinct from it. Even theApostolic Church soon extended beyond the narrowlimits of the tribe of Judah; it was founded at Jerusalemirrespective of temple, sanhedrim, and Jews, andsubsequently was established among all nations unconnectedwith the state. A prince cannot decree a religionby a cabinet minute; a people cannot elect itby a majority of votes. There is, however, somethinggrand in seeing an assembled nation declare withoutconstraint that they will take the Gospel as the ruleof their faith and the source of their life. This is whatGeneva was about to do.

=EVANGELIZATION BY ORDER.=

The communities which extended from the foot ofthe Jura to the Alps of the Voirons and the Mole, hadrecognized the councils of Geneva as their legitimatelords, reserving their own customs and franchises.But, in the opinion of the Reformers, this territorywould only be an embarrassment, unless a new life werecommunicated to its inhabitants and spread over thewhole nation. Commerce, manufactures, liberty, andletters do much for the prosperity of a people, but cannotbe their life. If the Word of God,if the light of the{404}world, does not enlighten them, they fall sooner or later.These opinions were sufficiently common in Geneva foran unknown poet to say to the united parishes in thisunpolished strain:

'Messieurs,' said Farel to the council on the 13th ofMarch, 'the Word of God ought to be preached inthe parishes subject to this city.' Ten days later hemade a fresh application to that assembly on the samematter, when he was supported by politicians as well asby men of piety. To leave the seeds of popery inGeneva and in her rural dependencies was (theythought) exposing the state to great danger. In orderto thread the shoals and brave the storms which threatenedthe frail bark, there must be a cordial understandingbetween all the crew. Several persons exclaimedwith rather an excess of energy: 'If some go to sermonand others to mass, the republic will go to the devil.'

The work was begun at once. The reformers preachedin Geneva; other ministers preached in the country;heralds of the council went from village to villagemaking proclamations by sound of trumpet: 'Let therebe no more disobedience!' they said; 'no more gambling!No more blasphemy!' Still the council did notwish to exercise any constraint with regard to religion.The inhabitants of Viuz and other villages in themandement of Thiez in Faucigny having prayed thatthey might be allowed their own way as to churchmatters, their request was granted. But the bishop,who was less tolerant, excommunicated the poor people,{405}because, although catholics, they recognized hereticalmagistrates. The syndics undismayed and very positiveas to their episcopal capacity, wrote to the vicars thatthey would relieve their parishes from the excommunicationand completely absolve them—which greatlycomforted the worthy peasants. When Easter drewnear, however, they began to feel great distress.'Alas!' they said to the syndics, 'as we have beenexcommunicated, we cannot take the sacrament atEaster.' 'We hold you to be entirely absolved,' answeredthe reformed magistrates demurely. Upon whichthe simple people received the sacrament with greattranquillity of mind.[740]

=THE STATE AND THE CHURCH.=

These are strange actions. It has been maintainedthat the church, in proportion as political society becomesChristian, ought gradually to be lost in the state.It has been asserted that, at the epoch of the Reformation,Christianity had completed its ecclesiastical period,and had entered into the political period. Lastly, somemen have added that to organize the church was a uselesslabor, a sheer loss of time, an absolute impossibility,and that presbyteries and synods were but silly child'splay.[741]Was the fact that we have recorded—episcopalabsolution emanating from the council—the first step inthis absorption of the church by the state; and is it truethat the Reformation leads to it? Quite the contrary.By reviving in the Christian conscience the idea of thekingdom of God; by awakening to life and action themembers of the evangelical congregation, protestantismawoke the church throughout Christendom. Geneva,owing to the impulse given it by Calvin, became theplace where it was constituted in the most independent{406}and most scriptural manner. The church must not belost in the state, and the state must not be lost in thechurch, whatever socialists or priests may say. How canthe state survive the church? The state is temporary, thechurch immortal.

But the magistrates heroically discharged theirepiscopal functions to little purpose; there was greatdifficulty in maintaining order. The villages of Vandœuvreand Celigny wished to hear mass and a protestantsermon every Sunday, while the priests universallydemanded the preservation of the Romish ceremonies.The council felt the necessity of explaining the postureof affairs, and called together all the ecclesiastics andproctors of the parishes.[742]On the 3d of April, 1536,the Romanist party was drawn up on one side of thecouncil-room, and on the other were Farel, with someother ministers, and several zealous protestants.[743]Claude Savoye, the premier syndic, spoke against theunion of sermons and the mass, which some parishesdesired, and declared that such a medley was by no meansagreeable to the magistracy. He then said to thepriests: 'Instead of preventing the people from livingaccording to the Gospel, why do you not embrace ityourselves, and give up your mass?' Dom Claude dePuthex, canon of Satigny, stepped forward and said:'If our neighbors of Gex change their mode of life, wewill do the same.' This religion ofneighborhood was asurprise to the reformers; and those simple folks remindedthem of sheep who pass where others have gonebefore, and leap over the hedge as soon as the foremostof them have shown the way. 'Turn about, gentlemen,'said Farel, 'instead of continuing your course;' and headded several 'beautiful remonstrances.' 'Give us amonth to study the Gospel,' answered the canons.{407}After the priests had withdrawn, the council asked theopinion of Farel and Bonivard. The latter declaredthat 'consciences must be enlightened and not forced.'Farel also was of opinion that the papists ought not to betroubled in their devotions, in order that they might notbe exasperated against the Word; but that they ought tobe brought to the Gospel 'with extreme gentleness.'He therefore proposed that 'the priests during the requiredmonth should give themselves up exclusively tothe inquiry after truth.' When the ecclesiastics werecalled in, the syndic informed them that their requesthad been granted unanimously; and at the end of themonth, they all declared that they could not prove by theGospel either the mass, auricular confession, or otherpapal ordinances. The brother of Guy Furbity, whowas in the assembly, declared that Farel's exhortation tothe priests was 'sound according to Holy Scripture andto God.'[744]It is true that this person had a reason forwishing to please the Genevans.

=GUY FURBITY.=

There remained, however, one thing to be done.They had liberated the protestant Bonivard, they determinedalso to set free the Roman-catholic Furbity,whose release was demanded by his brother William.Guy left his prison on the 6th of April. He had beencondemned (it will be remembered) to prove his doctrines,or to retract his insulting language; whereuponhe had asked for books, and the council sent him aBible. 'A Bible!' he exclaimed, 'they must be laughingat me. How can I prove my doctrines with thehelp of a Bible? I should not succeed in a twelve-month.'He wanted theSentences of Peter Lombard,theSumma of Thomas Aquinas, and so forth, and theygave him a Bible! 'Magnificent lords,' he said on the6th of April, 'I beg your pardon; I said things thatdispleased you; I was wrong. I did not know how{408}matters were. Henceforward I will endeavor to leada better life, and to preach the truth better than I havehitherto done.' The council ordered him to be set atliberty forthwith.[745]

=SEVERITY OF FAREL.=

Farel was more active than ever. He was busy inthe city and in the villages with Roman-catholics andreformed: he was intent on everything that could elevatethe moral and religious condition of the community.The anarchy and corruption that prevailed in Genevaupon Calvin's arrival have been exaggerated. Theenergetic language of the sixteenth century, interpretedby the delicate critics of our times, has perhaps contributedto this mistake. Before the Reformation therewas beyond all doubt great corruption among theclergy, and particularly among the monks. That dissolutenesshad also infected individuals and evenfamilies among the citizens; but one feature had distinguishedthis people, and especially the councils,during the struggles for political emancipation, namely,the close union of liberty with legality, that is to say,with order. The Genevese were always found readyfor the greatest sacrifices—for the sacrifice of theirgoods, their ease, their homes, and their lives soonerthan lose their independence: now these are not themanners of an epicurean people. Admiration of theReformation period ought not to make us unjusttowards the period of political emancipation. It is truethat the reformers, and Calvin especially, had a hardtask with this energetic and restless people, and thatthe struggles often proceeded from a want of faithand morality, which these austere men had remarkedin certain citizens. But the struggles were aggravatedby the intervention of the state, to which the ministerswere not averse, and by the temporal punishmentsinflicted on those who infringed religious discipline.Perhaps no one in the sixteenth century perceived{409}more clearly than Calvin the distinction between thespiritual and the temporal; and yet neither he nor Farelunderstood it, and above all did not realize it, to itsfull extent. 'If there should be men so insolent andgiven up to all perversity,' said Farel to the syndics,'as only to laugh at being excommunicated, it willbe your business to see whether you will allow suchcontempt to remain unpunished.'[746]The haughty republicanswho had sacrificed everything to break downthe despotism of the bishop and the duke, were irritatedwhen they saw another yoke imposed upon themin religious matters. They had the true sentiment thattheir consciences ought to be free, and if attempts hadbeen made to convince them and not to constrain them,the end proposed would have been more easily attained.For many an age Rome had forgotten that the weaponsof the evangelical warfareare not carnal. Unhappilymagistrates and reformers sometimes forgot it also. Itwas an error, and the error led to the commission ofmany faults.

Nevertheless discipline was not the essential characteristicof Farel, Calvin, and their friends: they werein a special degree men of faith and of a living faith.In their eyes faith was the one thing needful—thegood thing above all others. They desired that manshould be holy and do good works; but for that, hemust believe in the love which God had shown himin Christ. Faith, according to the reformers, is thepresiding principle of morality. If a man has faith,he is a child of God; if he has not, he is under thedominion of sin. Moreover Farel did not want apurely negative reform, which should consist in merelyrejecting the pope; he wanted it to be positive, andto that end it was necessary that the people shouldbelieve in Jesus Christ. Lastly, Farel saw disunionand disputes in Geneva. In order that the community,{410}the new Church, should be strong, it oughtnot to be composed (he thought) of scattered members,opposed perhaps to one another; it must forma single body, and glorify God with one voice andone heart. He desired, therefore, that a public professionof faith in the Gospel should be made at Geneva.

As sovereignty in matters of state belongs to theassembly of all the citizens, it was supposed with stillfurther reason, that to the same body, convened accordingto the ancient customs, belonged the right ofproclaiming the evangelical doctrine. On Friday, the19th of May, Farel, accompanied by Antoine Saunier,his old travelling companion in the valleys, and by thepastor Henri de la Mare, appeared before the council.'Most honored lords,' he said, 'it is of great importancefor all the people to live in strict union. To get rid ofthe quarrels, jeers, reproaches, and dissensions, whichthe fretful disposition of our nation may occasion everyday, we must employ mildness; and, further still, wemust manifest our concord. Seeing that there is oneonly truth of God, all the people should declare theirintention to adhere to it with one and the same heart.'The council approved of the proposition, and resolvedto call together the council-general for a confession offaith, on Sunday, the 21st of May. At Augsburg it wasthe priests and doctors who had confessed the doctrine;at Geneva, it was to be the whole nation.[747]The differencebetween the two reforms is natural. Democracyruled in Geneva, and it had become all the dearer tothe citizens from their conviction that if the liberties ofnations had been taken away, the crime lay at the doorof the papacy. Calvin has repeated this more than once.It has been said that the communes, the liberties of theMiddle Ages, issued from the furrow and the shop.[748]From theshop came specially the liberty of Geneva.The Burgundians who settled there were traders, and{411}willingly exchanged their arms for merchandise. Someof the heroes of Geneva, whose devotedness reminds usof ancient times, sprang from the counter or the factory.

=ROMAN-CATHOLICS IN GENEVA.=

Still an appeal to the people was a bold measure, forthere yet existed among the citizens, and even in thecouncil, many decided adversaries of reform, and someof them were among the most eminent men. Mightnot such an appeal stir up an opposition which wouldoverthrow all that had been done? The position of theRoman-catholics was most serious. They were requiredto conform to the Gospel. Could they do so? Theirconsciences forbade them. Were they to refuse, theywould disturb the unanimity and harmony so necessaryto the people at that juncture. Pierre Lullin, almost aseptuagenarian, uncle of the haughty huguenot JeanLullin, was one of the most fervent catholics in Geneva.Unable to do without the mass, he had asked, in September1535, to be allowed to have it performed by apriest in a chapel of St. Gervais, which was his privateproperty. Another eminent man, Syndic Balard, hadceased indeed to be a partisan of the bishop, but he hadtaken refuge in a catholicism more spiritual than Lullin's,and yet quite as marked. According to his views, theHoly Ghost governed the Roman-catholic church,which church, communicating that spirit to its members,imposed on them the obligation of finding its doctrinesin Scripture. Lullin, Balard, and some others, hadfrequent conferences together. The sincere catholicswere not the only persons to be feared; they were supportedby Genevans of scant faith, who cried outagainst the Reformation, principally because of its rigidmorality. The reformers themselves were not withoutfear with regard to many of those who at that timewalked with them. There were men who heard thepreachers, but went no farther; they burnt the idols,but did not reform their lives. 'For faith to be secure,it must be governed by conscience,' said the theologians,{412}'otherwise there is danger that it will be swamped, andthat the ship will founder in a stormy sea.' Were theyabout to witness a renewal of those tumults which hadso often disturbed the General Councils?[749]

At length the 21st of May arrived—that day atonce so longed for and so feared. The bells rangout cheerfully; Clémence wafted through the air thewords carved on her surface: 'I summon the people.Jesus, Saviour of men, Son of Mary, salvation of theworld! be merciful and propitious to us!' The goodcitizens congratulated each other, as they obeyed thesummons, that this day would put an end to innumerablestruggles, and that the city, so long wasted bybriers and thorns, would now be covered by the handof God with flowers and laurels. The emotion wasuniversal.

=THE QUESTION AND THE ANSWER.=

Besides the mass of the people, the ambassadors ofBerne were present in the church, and among themthe chief of the liberating army, Nägueli. One of themost heroic Genevans and most sincere Christians, theintrepid Claude Savoye, was president. When he aroseto speak, he reminded them of the flight of the bishop,the arrival of the Gospel in Geneva, the glorious deliverancegranted to the city; and then he added, in avoice that was heard all down the nave, 'Citizens, do youdesire to live according to the Gospel and the Word ofGod, as it is preached to us every day? Do you declarethat you will have no more masses, images, idols, andother papal abuses whatsoever? If any one knows andwishes to say anything against the doctrine that ispreached to us, let him do so.'

There was a deep silence: all were in expectation.Will not some voice, friendly to Rome or to the world,protest against reform? The aged and devout PierreLullin, the spiritual catholic Jean Balard, the frivolous{413}Jean Philippe, the episcopal Malbuisson, Richardet,Ramel, De la Rive, and others, known for their attachmentto Rome, are going, doubtless, to take up thepremier syndic's challenge. The hour is striking;Geneva is about to decide its future. If it is true thatthe pope is Christ's vicar, and as God upon earth, letthem say so! Now or never. They wait: they waitstill; not a word disturbs the solemn silence of thepeople. No one made opposition. The fact was dulyrecorded. Then other accents than those which hadbeen anticipated resounded through the aisles of thecathedral. Was it the voice of pious syndic Levet,or of one of the Two Hundred, or of some one in thebody of the meeting? The council registers do notinform us. That voice, speaking in the name of theunited nation, proclaimed: 'We all, with one accord,desire, with God's help, to live under that holy evangelicallaw, and according to God's Word as it ispreached to us. We desire to renounce all masses,images, idols, and other papal ceremonies and abuses,and to live in union with one another, in obedience tojustice.' When the voice ceased, all the people held uptheir hands and repeating a unanimous oath, exclaimed:'We swear it.... We will do so with God's help....We will!'[750]

The assembly broke up, and the citizens departed,congratulating each other that the innumerable tyranniesof 'Pharaoh' and the darkness of the 'sorcerers' were tobe succeeded by the mild light of Jesus Christ and thelife-giving breath of liberty. Even such huguenots as hadstruggled especially for political enfranchisement, raisedno discordant voice. They knew well that if this pettypeople remained catholic, it would lose its independence,and infallibly become Savoyard. But others held higherviews: Geneva appeared to them as a fortress which{414}God had built to save the Gospel. 'God,' said Froment,the oldest of the Genevese reformers, 'God has selectedthis strong territory, so difficult of access, to form arampart as it were against the pope and his followers.It is in these rude countries, guarded on the south bythe Savoy mountains and their eternal snows; on thenorth by the difficult gorges of the Jura; and on theeast by the narrow passes of the St. Bernard and theSimplon, where our friends, the Valaisans, with half ascore of men can stop an army; it is in this blessedcorner of the earth that God planted His Gospel, surroundinghis word with those gigantic fortresses, inorder that the enemy may neither reach it nor stifle it.'While the citizens thronged the open square, the ministerswent into the pulpit. 'A mighty captain hath ledus,' they said; 'let us put our trust in him alone. Hehas more power than all the kings of the earth, andalone he has preserved us from our enemies. The captainis Jesus Christ, our Saviour, our Redeemer, andour strong tower.'[751]

=MEMORIAL INSCRIPTION.=

Farel and several Genevans asked that some monumentshould be erected to recall to future ages thememory of their great deliverance. Did not Joshua setup twelve stones after he had crossed the Jordan?Farel composed a Latin inscription, which was carvedin letters of gold on stone and steel. The council andpeople fixed it over one of the principal gates of the cityand afterwards over the entrance to the Hôtel-de-Ville,so that every one might read this testimony of a gratefulcity.

Quum anno 1535
Profligata Romani Antichristi tyrannide
Abrogatisque ejus Superstitionibus
SACRO-SANCTA CHRISTI RELIGIO
Hic in suam puritatem
Ecclesia in meliorem ordinem
Singulari DEI beneficio reposita
{415}Et simul pulsatis fugatisque hostibus
Urbs ipsa in suam libertatem
Non sine insigni miraculo restituta fuerit
Senatus Populusque Genevensis
Monumentum hoc perpetuæ causa fieri
Atque hoc loco erigi curavit
Quo suam erga DEUM gratitudinem
Ad posteros testatam faceret.[752]

The citizens who had left their homes to embrace thefaction of the bishop and the duke, and to fight againstthe Reformation, were struck with the surprising deliveranceaccorded to Geneva. They became friendsagain, and many of them asked permission to return totheir country. Evangelical Geneva was pleased to seethose prodigal sons once more knocking at the doorof their father's house, and welcomed them on theirpledging themselves to obey the laws and contribute tothe taxes in a manner proportionate to their means.Some of them, however, were forbidden to carry eithersword or knife, 'except for the purpose of cutting{416}bread.'—'Let us put an end to all enmities and disorders,'said the citizens, 'and live together like goodfriends.'[753]The priests and monks who had embracedthe Reform, were compensated for the stipends of whichthey had been deprived. The state desiring to show itsgratitude to Bonivard, paid his debts, made him free ofthe city, and gave him the house of the vicar-episcopal,the dignity of a member of the Two Hundred, and apension of two hundred and fifty crowns. The ex-priorof St. Victor married, thus substituting a Christianunion for the ignoble life of a monk.

Evangelical Geneva furnished an example of the feelingsengendered by help from heaven; patience andmeekness were displayed towards everybody. The Genevanshad read in Scripture, that 'Charity beareth allthings, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endurethall things;' and in this spirit they acted. 'Most honoredlords, I cannot go to hear the sermon,' said the timidMalbuisson, 'because I suffer from the gout.' Thisexcuse could only be met by a smile, for the gout didnot prevent him from attending the Council; but noone desired to constrain him. If even the most zealoussought to lead recalcitrants to the Gospel, they did notinsist. They wanted Balard to go to sermon, but hedid not; they wanted him to leave the city, but he remained;they wanted him to close his warehouse (hewas a large ironmonger), and it was no sooner shutthan he reopened it.[754]He continued to be a member ofthe Council and discharged all its functions. Girardetde la Rive took his child a league from the city to haveit christened by a priest; and yet he was re-electedsyndic in 1539 and 1543, and in Calvin's time, in 1547,was appointed one of the six commissioners for drawing{417}up the ordinances of justice. Those terrible huguenotswere kindly people at heart. They desired to give theirfellow-citizens time to compare the old life with thenew, the doctrine of the Bible with that of the pope.The Roman-catholics kept holiday the feast days of theRomish church, and saw their priests in secret; butgradually their convictions were modified. As constraintwas not applied outwardly, truth acted all themore inwardly. Those upright men read the HolyScriptures, and Scripture shedding a light into theirhearts, drew them day by day nearer to the truth. Atlast they went to hear sermons like the rest. In thesixteenth century Geneva was more liberal than peopleof our day suppose.[755]

=TRANSFORMATION.=

What a transformation had come over the city!The Genevese, those veteran athletes, laid down theirarms at the feet of the Prince of Peace. The tumultuouscity, continually exposed to the brigandage ofthe knights, to the nocturnal attacks of the Savoyards,and to internal dissension, was transformed into acentre of civilization. 'Let us profit by our liberty,'said Bonivard. 'Let us make good laws and set upa good government, for, according to the sentiment ofthe emperor Marcus Aurelius, empires and great lordshipsare acquired by brave and valiant captains, butare kept up by just judges. Messieurs of Geneva,you are indebted to God for two blessings: one, thatyour republic has given birth to liberty; the other,that, on leaving its mother's womb, it found nursesready to supply it with such nourishment that if youtake advantage of it your republic will be, if not immortal,which is impossible, yet it will be of long and{418}vigorous duration.' In fact, Geneva became at oncea free city, a learned city, and an evangelical city.[756]

Easter Sunday 1536 was one of the high festivalsof the renovation of this little people. Farel, stationedat a humble table, which had replaced thepompous altar, broke the bread and blessed the cup,while a calm and solemn crowd drew near the symbolsof the body and blood of the Saviour. 'What asacrament we had,' he said, 'and what great thingsthe Lord hath done for us.'[757]

=MINISTERS WANTED.=

But he longed for still greater things. 'I pray thatHe who hath increased this little flock beyond all ourexpectations, may increase it still more by augmentingour faith.'[758]The reformer was then almost alonein Geneva. Froment had been summoned to Aigle,and Viret had gone to Neuchâtel. Farel was sinkingunder his labors and called loudly for help. In hisopinion the Genevans wanted a new man, some onein his place. His incessant energy, his somewhatcoarse manner, and even the victories he had gained,had inspired such as were wanting in religion withprejudices that might injure the cause of the Gospel.Farel was rather one of those who found societiesthan of those who organize them; he was sensible ofthis, and desired to place in other hands the definitiveestablishment of the church in Geneva, in order thathe might go to new scenes where he might gain newvictories. He was like one of those noble war-horsesthat neigh for the battle.

Where could the man of God be found to completethe work? He was sought among the ministers, but tono effect. The Reform was liable to perish, not fromwant of work, but from want of workmen. 'Alas!'cried Farel, 'where shall we find the preachers we require?{419}I cannot tell.'[759]It is true that ex-priests andmonks frequently offered themselves, but what workmenthey were! One day it was a simpleton without anycapacity; at another, a coward who did not care toundertake a task so full of peril; one man was immoral;another self-sufficient; a third was worldly; a fourthaltogether monkish. Farel was dismayed. 'You speakto me of Dennis,' he said, 'but Dennis is a monk fromhead to foot.'[760]The reformer had as much trouble inputting these sham fellow-helpers aside, as in contendingwith desperate enemies. 'Beware of the tonsure,' hesaid to his friends, 'of the tonsure and the tonsured.'[761]'We want none of those skimmers[762]of Scripture,' hesaid, 'who turn to every wind like weathercocks on thesteeples; none of those flatterers of princes and magistrates,who wish to please them for their bellies' sake,or through fear of being banished: none of those dissolutemonks, who seek only to please master or mistress.No, no; none of these mercenaries; for it is to be fearedthat if we take them to lead the flocks, we shall enterinto a more inextricable labyrinth than that throughwhich we have passed.'

Not only Geneva but Western Europe required 'aGod-fearing pastor,' as Farel said; a doctor who couldexplain with learning the teachings of Holy Scripture;an evangelist who, with eloquence full of life, shouldconvert souls to Christ; a champion who should fightvaliantly against the doctors of Rome and lead themcaptive to the truth; and a man of administrative capacitywho could establish order in the churches of God.The earth had shaken, old buildings had been throwndown. It was requisite to erect in their place an edifice{420}more conformable with the original design—onewith more air, more light, more warmth. Where couldthe man be found who, gifted with wisdom from Godlike Solomon, should raise a temple to Him whichshould manifest his glory? He was sought for everywhere,perseveringly yet ineffectually. And yet the manwhom God had elected was soon to appear.

There was in Italy, as we have said in another place,[763]a city in which the love of letters flourished, and wherethe Gospel found a firm support: that city was Ferrara.It was embellished by a university, bishop's palace, andcathedral; by the castle of the ancient dukes, the palaceof Este; but its fairest ornament was Renée of France.That princess, daughter of King Louis XII., wife of theduke of Este, was not more distinguished by the gracesof her mind and her learning, than by the love of holinesswhich shone in her, like a divine flame, accordingto the testimony of one of the most learned Christiansof Italy.[764]For some time she had turned her attentiontowards heavenly science and theological studies, andhad attracted successively to Ferrara the most eminentChristians of Italy—Curione, Occhino, Flaminio, and{421}Peter Martyr. Two young Frenchmen arrived in theirturn some time before the events we have just described.One was called Charles d'Espeville and the other Louisde Haulmont. They soon made their arrival known tothe duchess, who was expecting them; and Renée,whose heart had remained French, was happy to possessin her palace two such distinguished fellow-countrymen.She knew that they had left their homes on account ofthat Gospel of Christ which she herself had learnt tolove in the society of her dear cousin, Margaret ofAngoulême, the king's sister. She lodged them in thePalace del Magistrato, situated in the Piazza del Duomo,and adjoining the castle.[765]

=RENEE AND CALVIN.=

Louis de Haulmont was an amiable young man, piousbut timid, still undecided as to the road he should take,and the victim of fierce struggles. His companion,Charles d'Espeville, was a man of humble appearance:his eyes were lively and piercing, his manner seriousand firm, and everything in him indicated a soul of adifferent stamp from that of his friend. Haulmont'strue name was Louis du Tillet; he was a canon andarchdeacon of Angoulême; Charles d'Espeville wasnone other than John Calvin. As these two Frenchmenwere about to sojourn in the states of a prince,a vassal of the pope, they were compelled (says Muratori)to appear under a false name and in a costumedifferent from what they usually wore.[766]

Renée, whose compassionate heart had been so oftentouched by the recital of the terrible punishments andvictorious faith which animated the evangelicals, couldnot look upon one of them who had escaped a dungeonand the scaffold, without experiencing towards him thefeelings of a mother and a sister. 'She was struck with{422}Calvin's fine genius,' says a catholic historian,[767]and theperfection with which he spoke and wrote the Frenchlanguage. She presented her two countrymen to theduke, as men of letters who had come to visit thebrilliant Italy: this was a better claim to the favor ofthe grandson of Pope Alexander VI. than their conditionas reformers.

Ferrara presented many subjects of interest to Calvin.The duke of Este liked to play the Medici: BernardTasso, a poet not without imagination, was secretary tothe duchess; and his son, the illustrious author of the'Jerusalem Delivered,' was soon to fill the court ofFerrara with his genius, his sorrows, his despair andfolly, caused (it is supposed) by his unhappy passionfor the beautiful Leonora, daughter of Renée, and evento expiate by a seven years' captivity in a madhouse thecrime of having loved a granddaughter of Louis XII.and Lucrezia Borgia. Celio Calcagnini, canon, poet,orator, mathematician, and antiquary, who guided in theland of the Muses the footsteps of the youthful Anne ofEste, who afterwards became duchess of Guise, and herfriend Olympia Morata, was then also at the court ofEste. A year sooner, the author of 'The Institutes ofthe Christian Religion' might have met the author ofthe 'Orlando Furioso;' but the somewhat discordantindividualities of Calvin and Ariosto were not destinedto be found side by side.

It was not the men of learning, however, whom theyoung theologian had come to see: it was the duchessherself. That princess, who had already received inFrance a few rays of evangelical light, did not yetpossess a sufficient knowledge of Christian truth: shefelt this, and was determined to seek above all thingspeace with God. She therefore had frequent interviewswith Calvin. Holy Scripture was the subject of theirconversation; the reformer explained to Renée one{423}passage by another, and the light of heaven beamingfrom all these passages of Holy Writ, carried brightnessand warmth into the princess's heart. The youngdoctor spoke with simplicity and modesty, but at thesame time with affection and decision. 'If I addressyou, madam,' he said, 'it is not from rashness or presumption,but pure and true affection to make youprevail in the Lord. When I consider the pre-eminencein which He has placed you, I think that, as a person ofprincely rank, you can advance the kingdom of JesusChrist.' But even this consideration was not necessaryto arouse the zeal of the evangelist of Noyon. Theprincess's noble character and her love for the Gospeltouched him deeply. 'I observe in you,' he added, 'suchfear of God, and such a real desire to obey Him, that Ishould consider myself a castaway if I neglected theopportunity of being useful to you.'[768]Calvin was themost profound and most earnest commentator of HolyScripture; and Renée embraced with her whole heartthe truths that he proclaimed, so that the reformer wasable to say to her some time later: 'It has pleasedGod, madam, to enlighten you with the truth of Hisholy Gospel. Let us now confess that if God has withdrawnus from the depths of darkness, it is in orderthat we should follow the light straightforwardly, turningneither to this side nor to that.'[769]The duchessprofited by this advice. 'Calvin,' says Muratori, 'soinfected Renée with his errors that it was never possibleto extract from her heart the poison she had drunk.'[770]

=A CHRISTIAN WALK.=

An open Christian walk was difficult at a court where{424}popery and worldliness ruled together. Hence Renéefelt keenly the need of directions in harmony with theWord of God; and in her difficulties and agonies, at thetimes when she was about to faint, 'as if she was sunkin water almost over her head,' she had recourse to theevangelical theologian. Calvin then invited her alwaysto walk 'forwards, in order that the gifts of God mightincrease in her.' 'The main point,' as he wrote to hersome time after, 'is that the holy doctrine of our Mastershould so transform us in mind and heart, that His glorymay shine forth in us by innocence, integrity, and holiness.'[771]

Some of the most illustrious divines of Roman-catholicismhave been, in France and other countries,the directors of princes; but there was a great differencebetween them and the reformer. That practical evangelist,whom Romish controversialists and others havereproached with speaking of nothing but doctrines,urged the daughter of Louis XII. to 'seek afterinnocence,integrity, andholiness.'

The relations of Calvin with the duchess lasted all hislife, and they were always marked with frankness andrespect. Touched with a zeal so Christian and so pure,she loved and honored him, 'as long as he lived,' saysTheodore Beza, 'as an excellent instrument of the Lord.'[772]Even when he could no longer hold a pen on accountof his extreme weakness, Calvin, borrowing the hand ofhis brother, wrote to her; and to her were addressedthe last three French epistles of the reformer.[773]

=THE COUNTESS OF MARENNES.=

The duchess of Ferrara was not the only person whomCalvin called at that time to a Christian life. 'Many{425}others, especially among those about her person, wereseduced,' says Muratori; that is to say, brought over toevangelical truth.[774]These conversions, probably, mustnot be ascribed solely to Calvin: some, like Renée, hadalready enjoyed a certain knowledge of the Gospel;others were afterwards strengthened in their faith; butall received something from the young reformer. Soonafter his arrival at the court of Ferrara, Calvin had remarkeda lady of great intelligence and learning, who wasone of its principal ornaments. This was Anne de Parthenay,first lady of honor to the duchess, and wife ofAntoine de Pons, count of Marennes, first gentleman tothe duke. The countess of Marennes was a great musician,and often sang in the duchess's apartments, whereshe was admired for the beauty of her voice.[775]But Annebusied herself with more serious labors. Not satisfiedwith studying the Latin authors, she had a taste for Greek,and 'intrepidly' translated the poets and prose writers.[776]That eminent woman did more: she read books of divinity,and even took a particular pleasure in 'discussingalmost every day with the theologians the matters ofwhich they treated.'[777]She therefore talked with Calvinon these subjects, and before long the pure and livingfaith of the reformer gave a new direction to her soul.Hitherto she had been somewhat of a 'blue-stocking,'but now she 'ceased to have any confidence in herself,'and sought in the holy books and in her Saviour themeans of quenching the thirst for knowledge and thedivine life which tormented her. From that hour shebecame a new creature and a 'good huguenot.' Sheeven won over her husband to the convictions that were{426}dear to herself, and, so long as the countess lived, thelatter showed himself a great lover of virtue and oftruth.[778]

Adjoining the hall of Aurora, where Renée and hercourt usually assembled, was a chapel adorned by thepencil of Titian. Until now Calvin had only spokenin the duchess's apartments, and respect naturally preventedthe servants (according to the historians of theRoman church) 'from inquiring too curiously into whatoccurred there.'[779]But ere long Renée began to thinkthat she ought not to keep for herself only and a fewcourt favorites the words of life and light which fellfrom the lips of the French divine. While listeningto them, she had felt the bitterness of sin and the fearof God's judgments; but she had at the same timetasted the sweets of pardon and eternal life. Oughtnot others to enjoy them also? Should she preventthose from entering who desired to enter?

Calvin was ready. Renée invited him to preach inTitian's chapel. Had he not preached in the catholicchurches of Noyon, Angoumois, and Poitou? Theduchess threw open the doors of that service to allwho desired to take part in it. The count of Marennesand his wife, the youthful Jean de Parthenay,seigneur of Soubise and brother to the countess, withother members of that family, the count of Mirambeau,Anne of Beauregard, Clement Marot, and LeonJamet, the ex-clerk of finance, who had fled fromParis after the affair of the Placards—were all presentat these meetings.

The charms which French people found in a Frenchservice might excuse these assemblies in the eyes ofthe duke of Este. But they were soon joined bylearned Italians, friends of the Gospel, and amongothers by Giovanni Sinapi and his brother, as well{427}as by the pious, sprightly, and beautiful FrancescaBaciro, whom Giovanni Sinapi married two yearslater.[780]At this epoch so glorious for Italy, whenCurione taught at Pavia, protected by the admirationof his hearers; when Aonio Paleario at Sienna glorifiedJesus Christ, 'the king of every people;' whenMollio at Bologna commented on the Epistles of SaintPaul to the great scandal of the pope; when JuanValdes, Peter Martyr, and Occhino filled Naples withthe Gospel; when Christ's truth seemed to be glidingeven into Rome itself, a Frenchman, under the patronageof a French princess, was announcing in Ferrarathe same Gospel, but with a voice even more distinct.What a future for Italy, if Rome had not extinguishedthese lights! There was gathered around the preachera serious and friendly audience in the chapel of thecastle of Ferrara.

Calvin, full of the truths he had just set forth in hisInstitutes, 'put forward that Word of the Lord whosemajesty by a holy violence constrains souls to obey it,'and showed that this 'Gospel, whose smallness manyfolks despised, as if it crouched at their feet, so far surpassedthe range of the human mind that the greatestgeniuses lift their eyes in vain, for they can never seethe top.'[781]

=ANNE OF BEAUREGARD.=

Among the persons whose heart sought after God wasthe beautiful Anne of Beauregard, who, though still veryyoung, had accompanied Renée to Ferrara. Being betrothed,and all radiant with the joy of her youth, shewas soon to be called to other altars than those of marriage.Falling ill, she profited by the Word she hadheard, and, content with Christ alone, despised theworld. Death cut down that beautiful flower. Renéeregretted her bitterly; all the court wept with her;{428}and Marot, who was then at Ferrara, wrote these melancholylines upon her tomb:

The count of Marennes, a man of no decision of character,often attended Calvin's preaching. He was ratherafraid that the duke, his master, would be displeased;still the duchess herself had arranged these meetings.The countess, his wife, whose humble servant he was,asked him to join them; his brother-in-law, Soubise,also invited him; Marennes, therefore, followed theothers to chapel, being urged from without and not fromwithin.

=ZEAL OF SOUBISE.=

Soubise, on the contrary, an independent man, ofnoble, decided, and energetic character, went with hiswhole heart, and, after Renée, was the best conquest ofthe Gospel at Ferrara. In that fanatical age it waschoosing a hard and miserable life; but the GospelWord had conquered him, and he was determined towalk among the thorns. 'John of Soubise, a hero ofthe sixteenth century,' says Moreri, 'suffered himself tobe perverted at the court of the duke of Ferrara, whenRenée of France received there certain doctors of thepretended reformed religion.'[783]He had been trainedfor the profession of arms; he now found at Calvin'sside the sword of the Word of God, and returning intoFrance courageously 'occupied himself in defending thetruths he had believed.'[784]A gentleman of the king's{429}chamber, a knight of the Order, having had commandof the French army in Italy, a man of great resourcesand great service, 'having effected a hundred masterstrokes,'he was, above all, very zealous for God; and,without neglecting the important affairs of the kingdom,he sought the salvation of the humblest tenant on hisestates. A good old pastor, Mulot des Ruisseaux,'impelled by the singular virtue of the lord of that place'(Soubise), used to leave his house at the approach ofnight—the only time when evangelical Christians daredmeet together—and visit the adjoining districts, everywhereteaching the Scriptures. More than once, onhearing the signal of alarm, he had to hide in the woodsand pass the night there. In a short time a great partof the people had forsaken mass.[785]Soubise even desiredto convert Catherine de Medicis, and with that view heldlong conversations with the queen,[786]and the craftyItalian woman led him to hope for a moment that shewas on the point of turning Protestant. The troublethat he had taken was not entirely lost. The duchess ofBourbon Montpensier, 'a woman of virile character andof wisdom beyond her sex,' as De Thou describes her,[787]being present at Soubise's conversations with Catherinede Medicis, received the truths which he was explainingto another; and somewhat later two of that lady'sdaughters, the duchess of Bouillon and the princess ofOrange, bravely professed the doctrines of the Reformation.

By his only daughter, Catherine of Parthenay,Soubise was grandfather of the celebrated duke ofRohan.

It was not only among his compatriots at Ferrarathat Calvin was a fisher of men. The traditions ofcertain families of the peninsula place several eminent{430}Italians[788]among the number of those who heard and receivedlight from him. One of them was a Neapolitannobleman, the duke of Bevilacqua, then at Ferrara.His ancestors, who descended from the Boileaux, baronsof Castelnau, a family which in France has producedmany distinguished men, were of Languedocian origin,and had been compelled by the persecutions directedagainst the Vaudois and Albigenses in the thirteenthcentury to take refuge in the kingdom of Naples.[789]Bevilacqua discovered at Ferrara, in Calvin's teaching,the truth for which his forefathers had been compelledto leave France.

Another Italian, more eminent still, who used toattend these evangelical assemblies, was Titian, thenabout the age of fifty-eight. That great painter, whohad decorated the castle of duke Alphonso of Este, wasagain at Ferrara. Possessing a calm, solid, judicious,and truth-loving mind, devoted to nature, and seekingto represent her in all her truth, Titian was naturallystruck with the pure and living religion which Calvinpreached. The great artist was no stranger to the deepaffections of the soul, and the sublimest heroism in hiseyes was the devotedness of the Christians, who sacrificedtheir lives for their faith. There are no scenesmore terrible and pathetic than those represented inhis pictures of martyrs. Nurtured with the writings ofDante, Petrarch, and other great men of Italy, who hadshown themselves opposed to the abuses of the popesand their adherents, Titian could applaud the oppositionled by the young Frenchman against the papacy.But if at that time he greeted evangelical truths with{431}admiration, there is no evidence that they sank verydeeply into his heart. It would appear that Bevilacquaasked him to paint Calvin's portrait; but however thatmay be, the portrait still exists in the palace of the dukeof Bevilacqua at Naples.[790]There is no indication thatTitian preserved the impressions he received at Ferrara.'Among those who seem touched by the beauty of theGospel,' says Calvin, 'there is scarcely one out of ten inwhose heart the Word of God is not stifled.' Titianwas, no doubt, an instance of the truth of the fact indicatedby the Reformer.

=THE WORD STIFLED BY THE WORLD.=

Calvin had been a faithful and active workman in hisMaster's vineyard, yet he did not always meet withfriendly and docile hearers, even in Ferrara. Amongthe persons forming the duchess's court, he had noticeda cringing person with insinuating manners, whose lookand expression displeased him greatly. That man, byname Master François, chaplain to Renée was one ofthose double-hearted people who wish to satisfy Godand their own cupidity. Calvin had heard that the lifeof that priest was far from saintly. 'I do not interfere,'he answered, when called upon to declare his opinion asto the chaplain's superstitious doctrines—'I do not interfere,for if I laid myself out to speak evil of him, Ishould have to speak of far different matters, on which{432}I remain silent.' Master François, seeing the favorwhich the young stranger enjoyed at court, assumed anair of being convinced by his words, appeared to becomehis friend, and began to preach as evangelically as hecould. He raised no objections to Calvin's meetings,but prevailed on the duchess to be present at mass also,which he continued to say, notwithstanding his evangelicalappearances. Such a man could not please theupright and inflexible reformer. 'When I see any oneextinguishing the light of truth,' he wrote one day toRenée, 'I cannot forgive him, were he a hundred timesmy father.'[791]

Calvin tried, therefore, to convince François that thecelebration of what he called 'the sacrifice at the altar'was contrary to Holy Scripture. Whenever the chaplainwent astray the reformer admonished him. 'I haveoften tried to bring him into the true path,' he said.The priest would then appear sorrowful, and ashamedof his weakness, and Calvin, pressing him still moreclosely, would succeed in 'making him confess hisiniquity.' But human respect still prevailed in François,and if any one about the court happened to be presentat his conversations with the reformer, he would makeexcuses for himself before them.

=THE CHAPLAIN AND THE INSTITUTES.=

One day, finding his discourses useless, Calvin determinedto present him with 'a treatise of his;'[792]thatis all he says. He does not mention the title of thiswork; but as it cannot have been either his commentaryon Seneca'sDe Clementiâ or thePsychopannichia, it wasevidently theInstitutes of the Christian Religion, whichhe had just printed at Basle—these three works beingat that time all the reformer had written. Even on thesupposition that Calvin had left Basle before the actualpublication of his book, it would have been very natural{433}for him to take a copy with him when starting for Italy.Master François opened that volume, which, by God'sgrace, has imprinted indelible convictions in so manyminds. This is the first notice we have of the readingof theInstitutes: it is mentioned by Calvin himself, andtook place during his Italian journey, in the castle ofLucrezia Borgia's son. These circumstances impart toit a peculiar interest. François probably did not readthe whole treatise. The mass was the subject of differencebetween him and Calvin, and consequently itwas that part of his work to which the latter referredhim. There was much in it calculated to disturb thechaplain. 'Christ,' said the treatise, 'being immortal,has been appointed by God everlasting priest; hehas no need then for others to succeed him. Nowdo not those priests who offer sacrifice every day putthemselves in Christ's place, and rob him of the prerogativeof his eternal sacrifice?'[793]Further on he adds: 'Themass being established in such a manner that a hundredthousand sacrifices are offered up daily, swamps andburies the sacrifice of Christ which was offered assolesacrifice. To set up an altar now is to pull down thecross of Jesus Christ. The mass blots out of the remembranceof men the Saviour's true and only death.'And still further on the chaplain read: 'The mass robsus of the fruits which resulted to us from the death ofChrist; for who will believe himself redeemed by thatdeath, when a new redemption is presented to him in themass?' Other considerations put forward by Calvin inhis book, were equally calculated to convince the priest.

Calvin who was not deficient in classical recollectionsand who anticipated a second Iliad in which theprinces of the earth would meet—some to retain themass, others to remove it—compares it, in conclusion,to that woman of antiquity, so notorious by the impure{434}passions and the cruel war she stirred up. 'Assuredly,'he exclaimed, 'Satan never constructed a strongermachine to attack the kingdom of Jesus Christ.Behold that Helen under whose eyes the enemies ofthe truth are fighting with so much rage, with whomthey commit adultery, and plunge into a spiritualimpurity which is the most detestable of all.' He thendraws up and displays the long catalogue of 'great andserious abuses' which the mass has engendered, namely,disgraceful markets, illicit and dishonest gains, greatextortions—all kinds of impurity, idolatry, sacrilege,and other 'consequences' that we omit.

=CALVIN AND FRANCOIS.=

The priest was greatly agitated. The beauty ofthe language, the clearness of style, the energy ofexpression, the powerful logic, the strength of affection,the rapidity and seriousness of the reproaches,the accusations and recriminations which fell uponhis soul, like hailstones in a storm, and above allthe idea that the mass robbed Christ of his cross andhis crown, and insulted his divinity, alarmed Françoiswho had imagined nothing of the sort. He was 'convincedin his conscience;' he thought himself reallyguilty and exposed to great danger, while his anguishincreased more and more. He hastened to the reformer,and there (says Calvin), 'he protested withstrong oaths he would never assist at the mass, itbeing so great an abomination.'[794]The chaplain'semotion was sincere, only it was not permanent. Hesoon relapsed into his habitual condition, and recommencedpreaching the word of God 'solely becausehe thought he might thus catch benefices and otherprey.' At a later period Calvin wrote of him: 'Madam,I know my man so well that I do not value his oathmore than the chattering of a magpie. If persons whocan raise him to dignities, or are rich enough to fillhis wallet, ask him to give glory to God, he will take{435}pains to gratify them; but if any persecution shouldcome, he will be quite ready to renounce the Gospel.He plays different parts at different times. It is notthe duty of a Christian to speak ill of his neighbor,but there is no one with whom I wage such fierce waras with those who, under the cloak of the Gospel, playthe hypocrite with princes, and by their cunning andtricks keep them always enveloped in clouds, withoutleading them to the true goal.[795]This man,' he said, 'isconvinced in his conscience, and yet he continues doingwhat he acknowledges to be wrong.' He added: 'Allthe hatred which I have shown him hitherto is, that Ihave endeavored with all my power to edify him inwhat is right.'[796]Such were the struggles which thevaliant champion of the Gospel had to maintain in thepalace of the dukes of Este.

One of the duchess's ladies—her name is not known—whohad found peace with God in the Saviour'sdeath, refused to be present at mass. François attemptedto convince her, but the young lady remainedfirm as a rock. 'She would not offend her conscience.'The angry priest complained to the duchess and didall in his power to deprive the young maid of honorof the kindly feeling which Renée was accustomed toshow towards her. Before long the duchess herselfwas 'warned,' that those who 'conducted themselveslike that young lady' would not be tolerated, seeingthat they would give occasion for scandal. The princess,knowing full well that the duke would not permitany one at court to reject the mass, was in great distress,and Calvin was informed of it by the countess of Marennes.[797]The enemies of the Reformation added falsehood{436}to violence. The confessor tried to make theduchess believe that the churches of Germany had notdiscussed the matter, but that they admitted the mass.Calvin complained loudly of the great injury done tothe churches of God. 'All the churches that havereceived the Gospel,' he wrote a little later, 'and evenall individuals hold this article—that the mass oughtnot to be endured. Even Capito, one of those whoendeavors earnestly tomoderate matters, teaches in awork dedicated to the king of England, that it is theduty of Christian princes to drive from their realmssuch a detestable idolatry. There is now not a singleman of reputation who is not of that opinion.'[798]

=CALVIN WRITES TO DUCHEMIN.=

During his residence at Ferrara, Calvin was notsatisfied with combating the errors of those who surroundedhim: he did not forget France, to which hisheart was always attached; and he watched, althoughfrom afar, the friends he had left there. The superstitionsof Italy and the profane spirit displayed by thepriests in the midst of their relics and empty ceremonies,produced the same effect upon him as upon Luther, andmade him all the more desirous to see his fellow-countrymenwithdraw from the authority of the pope.He was therefore deeply moved by the news whichreached him at this time. Nicholas Duchemin, withwhom he had lived at Orleans, whose character heesteemed, and of whom he had said, 'that he was dearerto him than his life,' had been appointed official orecclesiastical judge, which brought him into closerelations with the Roman clergy and worship. Calvinwas alarmed and sent him a letter which, revised andenlarged, was published under this title:How we mustavoid the papal ceremonies and superstitions, and observethe Christian religion with purity.[799]'I do not mean,'{437}said Calvin to his friend, 'that you should make aconscience of things which it is not in your power toescape, and with regard to which you should be free.I do not forbid your entering the temples which surroundyou, although numberless examples of impietyare witnessed in them daily. Although the images areconsecrated to detestable sacrileges, I do not forbid youto look at them. It would not even be in your power,for the streets are full of a multitude of idols. Buthave a care lest a too great license should make youoverstep the bounds of liberty.'[800]

Duchemin was very sensible of the danger, and wishingto be at the same time faithful to the Gospel, and topreserve an advantageous appointment, had put thisquestion to Calvin: 'How can I keep myself pureamong the pollutions of Babylon?' Calvin showed him,as he had shown François, that the mass was the mostdangerous enemy.

'Do not believe,' he said, 'in that conjuror whoapproaches the altar and begins to play his tricks, nowturning this side, now that; at one time resting motionless,at another muttering his magic murmurs, by meansof which he pretends to draw Christ down from heavento make reconciliation between God and man, and thussubstitute himself for the Saviour dead and raisedagain.'[801]

The more Calvin reflected on Duchemin's position themore it alarmed him. He thought himself on the pointof losing one of the earliest objects of his tender affection.A few moments longer on the verge of the abyss{438}and his friend would fall into it. He called to him withall his strength and with a cry of anguish. 'I feel verygreat regret for your condition,' he said. 'I am sorrythat you are not permitted to extricate yourself fromthat Egypt where so many monsters are always beforeyou. A man thinks to himself that it is of no great importanceto trifle a little in order to preserve the favor ofthe people, and to take part with others in wicked ceremonies.Then one foot is placed a little further on, andthus declining gradually, he falls from the straight path,and is precipitated to ruin and perdition. Let us becareful never to recede, even a nail's breadth, from theobedience due to our heavenly Father. Awake, then,awake, most virtuous man! Display in your actionssuch piety, goodness, charity, chastity, and innocence,that the superstitious, even while vexed that you are notlike them, may be constrained to confess, whether theywill or not, that you are the servant of God.'[802]

=CALVIN'S APPEAL TO ROUSSEL.=

It was not long before the Reformer received stillmore distressing news. It was not merely a disciple,it was a teacher who grieved him. One of the menwhom he esteemed the most was not only exposed toperil, but had succumbed. Calvin learnt that, on thedeath of Pierre d'Albret, bishop of Oleron, QueenMargaret of Navarre, who was falling away from evangelicalsimplicity, had sent to Rome to beg the vacant seefor Roussel; and that, after some difficulty, the court ofthe Vatican had granted the favor. Roussel a bishop,and by favor of the pope! Calvin was amazed. Peoplewrote to him that the appointment had been celebratedby the poets of Bearne, and that Roussel was overwhelmedwith congratulations; and Calvin wonderedwhether his friend, amid the seducing songs of the sirens,would lend an ear to his warnings. He determined,however, to give utterance to the solemn voice of faithfulness.The stern language he addressed to the new{439}bishop shows us, more clearly than the cleverest portrait,the great decision of his soul.

'It will seem to you that I dream,' he wrote to Roussel,'if alone among the multitude of those who flatter you,I come to disturb the rejoicings. And yet, if you sufferyourself in the least degree to be cozened by such prettinesses,they will lead you into a heavy and dangerousforgetfulness. Those who have once drunk, be it but alittle drop, of that cup of the Roman table, are intoxicatedand bewitched.'[803]

Calvin pictured to himself the magnificent state of hisfriend, the great splendor, the grand appearance, themitre, crosier, mantle and ring, and all the rest of theparaphernalia with which he was bedizened; the riches,the pomp displayed in his household, the long train ofservants, the dainty table, and a thousand other formsof luxury and superfluity, and exclaimed: 'Now thatyou have become the favorite of fortune, remember thatHe who appointed bishops (that is, God) wills that,while the people sleep, they should be in a watch-toweron a hill, casting their eyes on all around them, and thattheir voice should be like the sound of a trumpet. Withwhat faithfulness do you labor to raise up that whichhas fallen? True religion is defamed, mocked at, troddenunder foot, and even entirely ruined; the poorpeople are deceived, abused, plundered by a thousandfrauds, and led to slaughter ... and all that isdone before your eyes! You not only let these thingspass, but there is hardly any impiety in your diocesewhich you do not sanction by your seal!

'What ought to be done with one who, like you,deserts his captain, passes over to the enemy, anddamages the camp in whose defence he had sworn toemploy his life?

'Blow the trumpet, watchman! Arm thyself, shepherd!Why waitest thou? Of what art thou thinking?Is this a time for sleep? What! a murderer, guilty ofshedding blood, every drop of which the Lord will requireof thee again! And thou art not afraid?[804]

'O Rome, Rome! how many good people thou corruptestwho otherwise were not ill-born? How manyamong those already corrupted whom thou makest worsedaily? How many of those whom thou hast debauched,whom thou plungest into eternal perdition?[805]

'O my dear Roussel, come out of that slough as soonas possible, for fear lest while lingering in it you shouldsink deeper and deeper into the mire.[806]

'You will say, I know: "What then will become of uspoor wretches? Must we, who live at our ease, go intoforeign lands, like needy vagabonds? Must we, whoalways have our pantry and cellar full, without anytoil, live upon coarse fare procured by the sweat of ourbrows and the labor of our hands?"[807]

'If you find such a life strange, you are not a trueChristian. It is very hard, I confess, to leave one'sbirthplace to be a wanderer and a stranger. And yetthe Lord, who is a marvellous worker, contrives thatthis poverty, so bitter in the opinion of men, is madepleasing to them, and that, tempered with a heavenlysweetness, it procures them especial pleasure.'

Thus the young man of twenty-seven was already ateacher abounding in energy and good sense. Thesetwo letters, which (according to the most trustworthyevidence) were written at Ferrara, would of themselvesbe sufficient to mark his residence in that city with aspecial character. It was then he began to appear, tospeak, and to lead with the authority of a reformer. Inhim God gave His church a teacher gifted with thatindomitable firmness which, notwithstanding all obstacles{441}and all seductions, is able to break with errorand to uphold the truth. At the same time He gave aman whose activity was not to be limited to the placewhere he lived, but whose wide spirit would embrace allChristendom, and who would be able to send intoFrance, the Low Countries, England, Poland, andwherever it became necessary, the words of wisdomand of faith.

Calvin taught not only by his words but by his example.He might have been able, by softening downsome expressions in the Gospel, to remain in the palaceof the dukes of Este, and to enjoy the favor of princes.But if he required fidelity and renunciation in Roussel,he first possessed them himself. He made the sacrificesto which he invited others, and was ready to exchangethe pleasures and brilliancy of a court for the horrors ofa prison, or of a flight environed with danger. Calvinremained firm, as 'seeing Him who is invisible,' andpreferred to be afflicted with the people of God ratherthan have a part in the joys of the great ones of theearth. This spirit of self-denial characterized him to thelast. The friend of princes, the councillor of kings, helived humbly, having scarcely the means of supplyingthe ordinary wants of life.

=CALVIN'S INFLUENCE IN ITALY.=

It is said that Calvin visited Padua, Venice, and evenRome; but it does not appear that history can acceptthis tradition. It is probable that all the time he spentbeyond the Alps was passed near the Duchess Renée.His influence, however, extended beyond the palacesand the principality of the dukes of Este. One of themen who may be considered the best judges, one of theliterary historians of the peninsula, the jesuit Tiraboschi,declares that Calvin's sojourn at the court of Ferrarawas more injurious to Italy than all the soldiers, activedisciples of Luther, who propagated his doctrines there.[808]{442}And yet Calvin scarcely quitted Ferrara. Just whenthe star of Ariosto, which had shone over that city, hadset, and when that of Tasso was about to appear, thestar of Calvin shone there with a purer light than thatof the bard of Orlando or of Godfrey. But the faithfulChristian could not long remain in the bosom of worldlinessand popery without suffering from their violentattacks. Calvin's sojourn was about to end in a tragicand unexpected manner.

Duke Hercules of Este had remarked that certainchanges had taken place since the arrival of the Frenchman.Calvin's discussion with François the chaplaincould not be kept secret. Borgia's grandson knew thatthe pope, under the pretence of heresy, might deprivehim of his states; already his father, Duke Alphonso,through being on bad terms with Rome, had passedmany years in exile. The Inquisition had a tribunal atFerrara, and what was going on at court was more thanenough to alarm it. A report had been made to thepope; Charles V. had been informed; and Paul III.proposed a treaty to the duke, in which there was asecret article stipulating the removal of all the Frenchthen at Ferrara; but there was one among them forwhom a severer fate was reserved. The duke, retractingthe indulgence he had conceded to his wife, declared{443}that he was resolved to put an end to the schismatic intriguesof which the court was the theatre; that thecount and countess of Marennes, Soubise, the othergentleman, and even Marot, must quit his states; 'andas for M. d'Espeville,' he added, 'know, madam, that ifhe is discovered, he will forthwith be dragged to punishmenton account of religion.'[809]

=TRIALS OF RENEE.=

This order was like a thunderstroke to Renée.Called to leave the land of her ancestors, she hadcreated a little France at Ferrara; and now, all whogave her any comfort in her exile were about to be tornfrom her. Rome would deprive her of that pious andlearned teacher who had given her such good counsel;perhaps he would expiate on an Italian scaffold thecrime of having proclaimed the Gospel. All the lordsand ladies of the court, and even the satirical Marot,were to leave Ferrara. Leon Jamet seems to have beenthe only Frenchman permitted to stay; the duchess,who required a secretary, had obtained her husband'spermission for this ex-clerk of the treasury to remainwith her in that character. Thus the daughter ofLouis XII., after the bright days she had enjoyed, wascondemned to remain almost alone in her palace, asin a gloomy chamber; her slightest movements werewatched; she was tormented by priests whom shedespised, and exposed by the grandson of Borgia tounjust harshness. Marot, touched by so many misfortunes,and knowing the part which the queen ofNavarre, Renée's cousin, would take in this great trial,addressed her in these touching lines:

Renée was to suffer a pain still greater than thatcaused by the dismissal 'beyond the mountains' of herfriends from France. That iniquitous institution, decoratedwith the name of theHoly Office, which wasdestined a little later to make thousands of martyrs inSpain, the Netherlands, and other countries, desired forthe moment to strike the teacher who had excited thegreatest terror and hatred at Rome. The Inquisitionhad discovered Calvin's residence. His name and hiscrime were inscribed in the black-book of that cruelinstitution.[811]Heresy was flourishing at the court ofEste; the chief culprit was pointed out, and if theothers were allowed to depart, he at least must bepunished.

=CALVIN'S ARREST.=

Calvin, forewarned of what was going on, was at thepalace Del Magistrato, where he and Du Tillet lived,and was hurriedly getting ready for his departure,when the agents of the inquisitors, who were on thewatch, arrived, seized the 'pestiferous disturber,' anddragged him away a prisoner.[812]It was not their intentionto leave him in a place where the evangelical doctorpossessed many influential friends. They determinedto have him tried at Bologna, a city in the States of thePope, not far distant from Ferrara, where they would beentirely the masters. The young Frenchman was thereforeplaced in the charge of some familiars of the HolyOffice, and guarded by them was to proceed to thatancient city which boasted of possessing within its wallsthe ashes of St. Dominick, the founder of the Inquisition.

Calvin began the journey, surrounded by the men appointedto conduct him. He might then have said ofhimself, as he afterwards said of another: 'Althoughhe hopes still, he is assailed by a hundred deaths, sothat there is not an opening, be it ever so small, forescape.'[813]The tribunal of the Inquisition, which wasnever tender, would certainly not be so towards a hereticof this kind. The squadron which had him in charge,turning towards the south, crossed a fertile country andproceeded without obstacle towards the city of Bologna.[814]They had already gone more than halfway, when somearmed men suddenly made their appearance.[815]Theystopped the escort, and ordered them to release theirprisoner. We do not know whether there was anyresistance; but this much is certain, that the inquisitors,little accustomed to yield, saw the doctor taken fromthem whom they were conducting to certain death.Calvin was set at liberty[816]and strained every nerve toget out of Italy.

His sojourn in that country, as we read of it inauthentic documents, is far from being a blank page, assome have supposed. The last event that we havementioned, according to Muratori, has even a particularinterest. It reminds us of a well-known circumstancein the history of the German reformation, when Luther,returning from Worms, was carried off by horsemenmasked and armed from head to foot. But Calvin'scase was more serious than that of the Saxon reformer,who was taken to a castle belonging to friends, beyondthe reach of danger; while Calvin was left alone, almostin the middle of Italy, and forced to make his way{446}through a hostile country, where he ran the risk ofbeing arrested again.

It has been asked who snatched this choice prey fromthe tribunals of Rome, and even in the states of thepope; whence did the blow proceed?[817]It was boldand rash; it exposed its contrivers and agents to greatdanger, for the papacy and the Inquisition were all-powerfulin Italy. A strong affection, a great respectfor the reformer, and boundless devotion to the cause oftruth, can alone account for such an audacious adventure.One person only in the Italian peninsula wascapable of contriving it and of carrying it out, and thatwas—is it necessary to say?—the daughter of Louis XII.Everybody ascribed the reformer's liberation toher. It might be expected that the Inquisition, alwaysso suspicious and severe, would be implacable in itsvengeance. Renée escaped, at least for the moment.It is possible that Hercules of Este exerted his influenceat the pontifical court to hush up the affair, and promisedto keep the duchess closer in future. He kept his wordbut too well.

Calvin did not hesitate to take advantage of thisrescue; but from that moment we have no sufficientdata about him or his route. To find any traces of him,we must examine local traditions, which ought not tobe despised, but which do not supply us with historicalcertainty. It was natural—the map indicates it—thatthe fugitive should turn his steps in the direction ofModena. In the environs of that city there lived a celebratedman of letters, Ludovico Castelvetro, who wassuspected of heresy. He was an esteemed critic andskilful translator; he had rendered into Italian one ofMelanchthon's writings, and when he quitted Italy manyyears after this, he passed through Geneva, where hevisited some friends. When the ancient villa of Castelvetro{447}was pulled down in the first half of this century,the workmen discovered a sealed chest, which containedthe earliest editions of Calvin's works in marvellouspreservation.[818]The reformer had no doubt heard thisscholar mentioned at the court of Ferrara; but there isnothing to prove that he sought a temporary asylumunder the roof of Melanchthon's translator, who does notappear to have made at that time a frank profession ofthe Gospel.[819]

=CALVIN'S ROUTE.=

Tradition relates that Calvin, instead of going northwardstowards Switzerland, skirted the Apennines,turned to the west, and reached the Val di Grana,between Saluzzo and Coni, where he preached. It isaffirmed that the priests of the village of Carigliano soexcited the women of the parish, that with savage criesthey stoned the Frenchman out of the place. It isadded that Calvin went thence to Saluzzo, and preachedthere, but with as little success.[820]In our opinion, thesetraditions are not sufficiently corroborated to deserve aplace in history. It seems more likely that Calvin tookthe shortest road to Switzerland and made for the St.Bernard pass. If he had possessed leisure for evangelicalexcursions, he might no doubt have gone to theWaldensian valleys, which his cousin Olivetan had visited,and where the latter had conceived the project oftranslating the Bible, at which he himself also laboredand was still to labor. But there is no indication of hishaving ever visited those mountains. He arrived at thecity of Aosta.

=THE CITY OF AOSTA.=

The first gleams of the Word of God were beginning,as we have said, to enlighten that cisalpine region whichlies at the foot of the St. Bernard, Mont Blanc, andMont Rosa. Aosta, founded by Augustus, after whom{448}it was named, had received an evangelical impulse fromSwitzerland. The Bernese had thought that if the DivineWord crossing the St. Gothard had made conquests nearthe banks of the Ticino, it might make others in thevalley of Aosta by crossing the St. Bernard. Italian,Bernese, and Genevan documents all bear witness aliketo the religious fermentation then prevailing in that city.'The Gospel is spreading beyond the mountains,' wrotePorral, the envoy of Geneva at Berne, 'and it must goforward in despite of princes, for it is from God.' Erelong the Roman hierarchy made use of their customaryweapons against those who embraced the Reform, andPorral announced that the Aostans had 'serious questionswith their bishop, on account of theexcommunications,which they could not bear.'[821]We have told how theBernese plenipotentiaries went to Aosta in November1535, to confer with the duke of Savoy. They pleadedthere in favor of Geneva, and demanded the liberationof Saunier, then a prisoner at Pignerol.[822]They talkedwith everybody they met about the great questions thenunder discussion, and invited them to receive the teachingof Holy Scripture. Some dwellers in the valley, bothamong the nobility and burghers, welcomed the principlesof the Reformation.[823]Among those won to theGospel were the Seigneurs De la Crète and De laVisière, the pious and zealous Leonard de Vaudan,Besenval, Tillier, Challans, Bovet, Borgnion, Philippon,Gay, and others.[824]

But if there were hearts in the valley of Aosta readyto receive the Gospel, there were others determined toresist it. At the head of its opponents were two eminentmen. Among the laity was Count René de Challans,marshal of Aosta, full of enthusiasm for popery andfeudalism, and bursting with contempt for the hereticsand republicans of Switzerland. Distressed at witnessingthe reverses suffered by his master, the duke of Savoy,he had sworn that in Aosta at least he would exterminatethe Lutherans. His fellow-soldier in this crusade wasPietro Gazzini, bishop of Aosta, one of the most famousprelates of Italy. Priests and devotees extolled hisvirtues and his learning, but what distinguished himmost was the haughty temper and domineering humorwhich so often characterizes the priests of Rome.Gazzini was a canon of the Lateran, the first patriarchalchurch of the west, and served as the channel betweenthe duke and the pope. He was at Rome when evangelicaldoctrine began to spread in his diocese, and he thentried to manage that the council, which was to put anend to heresy, should be held in the states of the dukehis master.[825]He even carried his ambition for hissovereign very far. 'It was becoming,' he told thepontiff, 'that the direction of the council should be givento the duke of Savoy by the emperor and the king ofFrance.'[826]The direction of a council given to a secularprince by the pope and two other secular princes is anidea apparently not in strict harmony with the theocraticomnipotence of the pontiff, which many men boast ofso loudly.

In the bishop's absence there was a person at Aostaquite worthy of supplying his place: this was the{450}guardian of the Franciscan monastery, Antonio Savion(Antonius de Sapientibus), a well-informed, zealousman, who afterwards became general of the order, andwas one of the fathers of the Council of Trent. Savionuttered a cry of alarm.

One day, when Gazzini was performing his duties inthe basilica of St. John, he received letters describingthe state of affairs at Aosta. The alarmed prelate didnot hesitate. 'When Calvin's heresy was penetratinginto his diocese,' said Besson, the Savoyard priest, 'hehastened to block up the road.'[827]

As soon as the bishop arrived, he visited every parishwith indefatigable diligence; he went into the pulpitsand 'kept the people in sound doctrine by his sermons.'[828]He told them that 'Satan was prowling about, like aroaring lion, to devour them; that they must thereforekeep a strict watch and drive back the ferocious beast.'To these exhortations he added censures, monitions,and excommunications. All readers of Holy Scripturewere to be driven from the fold of the church.

A general assembly of the Estates of the valley toregulate the affairs of the district was held on the 21stof February, 1536. Among the deputies were severalfriends of the Reformation: De la Crète, Vaudan,Borgnion, and others indicated in thecahier of theEstates.[829]Two subjects in particular filled the majorityof the assembly with anxiety. The political and thereligious situation of the city appeared equally threatened.Men's eyes were turned to Switzerland, and it was assertedthat designs of political conquest were combinedin the minds of the Bernese with the too manifest desire{451}of religious conquest. At a time when the house ofSavoy was exposed to the attack of France, manywanted to see the valley of Aosta take advantage of thisto join the Helvetic League and rally under thestandard of the Gospel. The members of the assemblywere convinced that the Swiss desired 'to canton' allthe country, and by that means extend their confederationon both sides of the Alps. But the other dangerwas still more alarming to the chiefs of the Romanparty, and they earnestly represented to the Estatesthat the attachment of the city and valley to the holysee of Rome was threatened; and that the BerneseLutherans, who were not content with laying handsupon the territory of Vaud, but had introduced andpropagated their 'venomous sect,' wanted to do thesame in Aosta.[830]The assembly resolved to maintain theRoman-catholic faith and continue loyal to his ducalhighness, and it was enacted that every transgressorshould be put to death.[831]

=CALVIN AT AOSTA.=

It is a matter of notoriety that Calvin passed throughthe city of Aosta; but did he arrive at this epoch, andwas he there during part at least of the session of theEstates? This is affirmed by documents of the 17thand 18th centuries, and his presence there is not impossible;but there is, in our opinion, one circumstanceadverse to its acceptance. The official documents ofthe period, and more especially the journals of theassembly of February and March, 1536, make nomention of Calvin's presence, and do not even allude toit. It would, however, have been worth the trouble ofrecording, if he were only designated, as he was a littlelater in the Registers of Geneva, asa Frenchman. Twoimportant facts, in a religious point of view, occurred atAosta in the early months of the year 1536: the{452}Assembly of the Estates and the passage of Calvin.The first took place in February and March; thesecond probably a little later. Tradition makes themcoincide, which is more dramatic; history sets each inits right place. But because the reformer did not(during the sitting of the Assembly) play the partassigned to him, it must not be assumed that he neverpassed through that city.

Calvin had his reasons for taking the Aosta andSt. Bernard route. It had been in use for centuries,and he had no doubt learnt during his residence atBasle, what was universally known in Switzerland, thatthe Bernese had frequent relations with this country,that they had introduced the Gospel there, and thatsome of the inhabitants had adopted the principles ofthe Reformation. An ancient document gives us tounderstand that Calvin passed through Aosta bothgoing and returning.[832]In our opinion that would bequite natural. The reports circulated in Switzerlandabout that city would induce him to take that road onhis way to Italy, and we can easily conceive, as regardshis return, that a fugitive would take a road alreadyknown to him, and where he was sure of meetingfriends. But we do not press this, and are content tofollow the traces Calvin left in the country on his return,and which are still to be found there.

=CALVIN'S FARM.=

At the foot of the St. Bernard, very near the city ofAosta, stood a house on some rising ground, where agrange may still be seen. In order to reach it youleave the St. Bernard road a short distance from thecity and take a footpath, near which a little chapel nowstands. The meadows around it, the abrupt peaksrising above it, the Alps hiding their snowy heads inthe clouds, the view over Aosta and the valley—allcombined to give a picturesque aspect to that house.{453}If the traveller asks the inhabitants of the country whathouse that is, he will be told it is 'Calvin's Farm;' andthey add that when the reformer was passing throughAosta, he was sheltered there by one of the most zealousof the reformed, Leonard de Vaudan. It was verynatural that Calvin should prefer such a retired habitationto a house in the city.

We do not know what Calvin did or said at Aosta.The only fact which appears proved—and a monumentmore than three centuries old attests it—is that his presencedid not remain unknown, and caused a sensationthere more or less lively. The reformer would haverun great danger had he been arrested in the city ofBishop Gazzini, 'who by his vehement discourses wasarming all his flock against the heretics, and who, seeingSatan incarnate in the evangelical teachers, called uponthem to expel the ravenous beast.' Such are the expressionsmade use of by the historian of the diocese.[833]Calvin, already a fugitive, hastened to leave the neighborhoodof the city. To these simple and natural factssome extraordinary circumstances have been added.For instance, certain writers have represented the Countof Challans in fierce pursuit of Calvin, and followinghim with drawn sword into the very heart of themountains. This is a legend tacked on to history, ashappens far too frequently.

It was natural that Calvin, under the circumstancesin which he was placed, should not take the ordinaryroad, as it was certain he would be looked for there, andhe might easily have been overtaken. It would appear,if we follow the traces his passage has left round Aosta,that he sought to escape from the enemies of theReformation. When we leave 'Calvin's Farm,' and turnto the right, we come to a bridge near Roisan, belowthe village of Closelina. This is called in the neighborhood{454}'Calvin's Bridge.' Calvin crossed it, and thusfollowed a more difficult and less frequented road thanthe St. Bernard. If we climb the mountain in thedirection of the valley of La Valpeline, we arrive at acol inclosed by Mont Balme, Mont Combin, and MontVélan: this is the 'pass of the window,' afterwardsnamed 'Calvin's Window,' and by it the reformer enteredSwitzerland again.[834]

As we have said, Calvin's passage had made a deepimpression in Aosta. The inhabitants of that mostcatholic city looked upon their opposition to the reformer,and the flight to which they compelled him tohave recourse, as a glory to their city calculated tobring upon them the admiration of the friends of thepapacy. Consequently, five years after these events, onthe 14th May, 1541, the Aostans erected a stone crossin the middle of their city in memory of the act. Asthis primitive monument had become decayed, it wasreplaced two centuries later (1741) by a column eightfeet high, which Senebier mentions, and on which therewas this inscription:[835]

'Hanc Calvini fuga erexit anno MDXLI.
Religionis constantia reparavit MDCCXLI.'

Finally, a hundred years later, this was succeeded bythe monument, which every traveller can now see as hepasses through Aosta, and which we have examinedmore than once ourselves.[836]There are thus threecenturies and three successive monuments. Calvin'spassage through the city of Aosta is, therefore, amongthe number of historic facts commemorated on the very{455}spot where they occurred, in the most peremptorymanner.

=CALVIN RETURNS TO FRANCE.=

Calvin passed through Switzerland, halted at Basle,and thence proceeded to Strasburg. He determined tochoose one of these two cities, in which to pass thatstudious and peaceful life he desired so much, either inthe society of Cop, Gryneus, and Myconius, or of Bucer,Capito, and Hedio. But he desired first to return toNoyon, where he had some business to arrange. LeavingDu Tillet at Strasburg, he started for France, which hecould do without imprudence; for he had not lefthis country under the weight of any judicial sentencewhich he had evaded. Moreover the government justthen was less severe.

The arrival of the young doctor was no sooner knownin Paris than many friends of the Gospel hastened tohis inn. They were never tired of listening to him.'There is not in all France,' they told him, 'a man whoinspires us with so much admiration as you do.'[837]

But Calvin was eager to reach Noyon, where a severedisappointment awaited him: his brother Charles, thechaplain, was no more.[838]The circumstances of his deathfilled Calvin with sorrow and with joy. 'Charles openlyconfessed Jesus Christ on his dying bed,' his survivingbrother, Anthony, and his sister Mary told John, 'anddesired no other absolution than that obtained from Godby faith. Accordingly, the exasperated priests had himburied by night, between the four pillars of the gallows.'

Calvin invited Anthony and Mary to leave a countryin which believers were covered with infamy.

His stay at Noyon was very short. It was not possiblefor him to go direct to Basle or Strasburg, becauseof the war between Charles V. and Francis I., whichprevented his crossing Champagne and Lorraine; but{456}he learnt that he could, without encountering any difficulty,pass through Bresse, then ascend the Rhone, traverseGeneva, and so reach Basle by way of Lausanneand Berne. He took this road. 'In all this,' saysBeza, 'God was his guide.'[839]

Thus drew near to Geneva the great theologian whodiscerned more clearly than any other man of that daywhat, in doctrine and in life, was in conformity with oropposed to God's truth and will. Whereas his predecessorshad left some few traditions existing by theside of Scripture, he laid bare the rock of the Word.Truth had become the sole passion of that ardent andinflexible soul, and he was resolved to dedicate hiswhole life to it. At that time, however, he had no ideaof performing a work like Luther's; and if he had beenshown the career that was opening before him, he wouldhave shrunk from it with terror. 'I will try to earn myliving in a private station,' he said.[840]The ambition ofFrancis I. changed everything. That prince, unwittingly,accomplished the designs of God, who desired toplace the reformer in the centre of Europe, betweenItaly, Germany, and France.

=CALVIN ARRIVES AT GENEVA.=

One evening in the month of July, 1536, a carriagefrom France arrived at Geneva. A man, still young,alighted from it. He was short, thin, and pale; hisbeard was black and pointed, his organization weak,{457}and his frame somewhat worn by study; but in his highforehead, lively and severe eyes, regular and expressivefeatures, there were indications of a profound spirit,an elevated soul, and an indomitable character. Hisintention was to 'pass through Geneva hastily, withoutstopping more than one night in the city.'[841]He wasaccompanied by a man and woman of about the sameage. The three travellers belonged to the same family—twobrothers and a sister. The foremost of them,long accustomed to keep himself in the background,desired to pass through Geneva unobserved. He inquiredfor an inn where he could spend the night: hisvoice was mild, and his manner attractive. Scarcely acarriage arrived from France without being surroundedby some of the Genevans, or at least by French refugees;for it might bring new fugitives, obliged to seek acountry in which they were free to profess the doctrineof Christ. A young Frenchman, at that time the friendand disciple of the traveller, who had gone to the placewhere the carriage from France put up, in order to seeif it brought anybody whom he knew, recognized theman with the intelligent face, and conducted him to anhotel. The traveller was John Calvin, and his friendwas Louis Du Tillet, ex-canon of Angoulême, Calvin'stravelling companion during his Italian journey. FromStrasburg, whither he had gone to meet Calvin, he hadreturned to Geneva, no doubt because he thought thatthe war between Francis I. and Charles V. would compelhis friend to make a bend and pass through Bresse andthe valley of the Leman. This was actually whathappened.

Calvin, who had come to Geneva without a plan andeven against his will, having sat down with Du Tillet inhis room at the hotel, their conversation naturallyturned on the city in which they were, and of which thereformer know but little. He learnt, either from his{458}friend or from others subsequently, what he probablyknew something about already; namely, that poperyhad been driven out of it shortly before; that the zeal,struggles, trials, and evangelical labors of William Farelwere incessant; but that affairs were not yet 'put inorder in the city;' that there were dangerous divisions,and that Farel was contending almost alone for thetriumph of the Gospel. Calvin had long respectedFarel as the most zealous of evangelists; but it does notappear that they had ever met. Du Tillet could notkeep to himself the news of his friend's arrival, andafter leaving Calvin, he called on Master William.'After discovering me, he made my coming known toothers,' says Calvin.[842]

=FAREL AND CALVIN.=

Farel, who had read theChristian Institutes, hadrecognized in the author of that work the most eminentgenius, the most scriptural theologian, and the mosteloquent writer of the age. The thought that thisextraordinary man was in Geneva, and that he couldsee and hear him, moved and delighted Farel. Hewent with all haste to the inn and entered into conversationwith the youthful theologian. Everything confirmedhim in his former opinion. He had long beenlooking for a servant of God to help him, yet had neverthought of Calvin. But now a flash of light shone intohis soul, an inward voice said to him: This is the manof God you are seeking. 'At the very moment when Iwas thinking least about it,' he said, 'the grace of Godled me to him.' From that moment there was nohesitation or delay. 'Farel, who glowed with a marvellouszeal for promoting the Gospel,' says Calvin,'made every effort to retain me.'[843]

Would he succeed? Seldom has there been a man{459}who, like Calvin, was placed in the influential positionhe was to occupy all his life, not only without his concurrencebut even against his will. 'Stay with me,'said Farel, 'and help me. There is work to be done inthis city.' Calvin replied with astonishment: 'Excuseme, I cannot stop here more than one night.'—'Why doyou seek elsewhere for what is now offered you?' repliedFarel; 'why refuse to edify the Church of Geneva byyour faith, zeal, and knowledge?' The appeal wasfruitless: to undertake so great a task seemed to Calvinimpossible. 'But Farel, inspired by the spirit of a hero,'says Theodore Beza, 'would not be discouraged.' Hepointed out to the stranger that as the Reformation hadbeen miraculously established in Geneva, it ought notto be abandoned in a cowardly manner; that if he didnot take the part offered to him in this task, the workmight probably perish, and he would be the cause of theruin of the Church.[844]Calvin could not make up hismind; he did not want to bind himself to a particularchurch; he told his new friend that he preferred travellingin search of knowledge, and making himself usefulin the places where he chanced to halt. 'Lookfirst at the place in which you are now,' answeredFarel; 'popery has been driven out and traditionsabolished, and now the doctrine of the Scriptures mustbe taught here.' 'I cannotteach,' exclaimed Calvin;'on the contrary, I have need tolearn. There arespecial labors for which I wish to reserve myself. Thiscity cannot afford me the leisure that I require.'

He explained his plan. He wanted to go to Strasburg,to Bucer, and Capito, and then putting himselfin communication with the other doctors of Germany,to increase his knowledge by continued study. 'Study!leisure! knowledge!' said Farel. 'What! must weneverpractise? I am sinking under my task; prayhelp me.' The young doctor had still other reasons.{460}His constitution was weak. 'The frail state of myhealth needs rest,' he said.—'Rest!' exclaimed Farel,'death alone permits the soldiers of Christ to restfrom their labors.' Calvin certainly did not meanto do nothing. He would labor, but each man laborsaccording to the gift he has received: he would defendthe Reformation not by his deeds but by words.[845]

The reformer had not yet expressed his wholethought: it was not only the work they asked him toundertake that frightened him, it was also the localityin which he would have to carry it out. He did notfeel himself strong enough to bear the combat hewould have to engage in. He shrank from appearingbefore the assemblies of Geneva. The violence, thetumults, the indomitable temper of the Genevese weremuch talked of, and they intimidated and alarmed him.To this Farel replied, 'that the severer the disease,the stronger the measures to be employed to cure it.'The Genevese storm, it is true; they burst out like asquall of wind in a gale; but was that a reason for leavinghim, Farel, alone to meet these furious tempests?'I entreat you,' said the intrepid evangelist, 'to takeyour share. These matters are harder than death.'The burden was too heavy for his shoulders; he wantedthe help of a younger man. But the young man ofNoyon was surprised thathe should be thought of.'I am timid and naturally pusillanimous,' he said.'How can I withstand such roaring waves?'[846]Atthis Farel could not restrain a feeling of anger andalmost of contempt. 'Ought the servants of JesusChrist to be so delicate,' he exclaimed, 'as to be frightenedat warfare?'[847]This blow touched the youngreformer to the heart.He frightened!—he prefer hisown ease to the service of the Saviour! His consciencewas troubled and his feelings were violently agitated.{461}But his great humility still held him back: he had adeep sentiment of his incapacity for the kind of workthey wanted him to undertake. 'I beg of you, in God'sname,' he exclaimed, 'to have pity on me! Leave meto serve Him in another way than what you desire.'

=THE IMPRECATION.=

Farel, seeing that neither prayers nor exhortationscould avail with Calvin, reminded him of a frightful exampleof disobedience similar to his own. 'Jonah, also,'he said, 'wanted to flee from the presence of the Lord,butthe Lord cast him into the sea.' The struggle in theyoung doctor's heart became more keen. He wasviolently shaken, like an oak assailed by the tempest;he bent before the blast, and rose up again, but a lastgust, more impetuous than all the others, was shortlyabout to uproot him. The emotion of the elder of thetwo speakers had gradually increased, in proportion asthe young man's had also increased. Farel's heart washot within him. At that supreme moment, feeling as ifinspired by the Spirit of God, he raised his hand towardsheaven and exclaimed: 'You are thinking only of yourtranquillity, you care for nothing but your studies. Beit so. In the name of Almighty God, I declare that ifyou do not answer to His summons, He will not blessyour plans.' Then, perceiving that the critical momenthad come, he added an 'alarming adjuration' to hisdeclaration: he even ventured on an imprecation.Fixing his eyes of fire on the young man, and placinghis hands on the head of his victim, he exclaimed in hisvoice of thunder: 'May God curse your repose! mayGod curse your studies, if in such a great necessity asours you withdraw and refuse to give us help andsupport!'

At these words, the young doctor, whom Farel hadfor some time kept on the rack, trembled. He shook inevery limb; he felt that Farel's words did not proceedfrom himself: God was there, the holiness of the presenceof Jehovah laid strong hold of his mind;he saw{462}Him who is invisible. It appeared to him, he said, 'thatthe hand of God was stretched down from heaven, thatit lay hold of him, and fixed him irrevocably to theplace he was so impatient to leave.'[848]He could not freehimself from that terrible grasp. Like Lot's wife whenshe looked back on her tranquil home, he was rooted tohis seat, powerless to move. At last he raised his headand peace returned to his soul; he had yielded, hehad sacrificed the studies he loved so well, he had laidhis Isaac on the altar, he consentedto lose his life to saveit. His conscience, now convinced, made him surmountevery obstacle in order that he might obey. That heart,so faithful and sincere, gave itself, and gave itself forever. Seeing that what was required of him was God'spleasure, says Farel, he did violence to himself, adding:'And he did more, and that more promptly, than any oneelse could have done.'

=CALVIN'S SUBMISSION.=

The call of Calvin in Geneva is perhaps, after that ofSt. Paul, the most remarkable to be found in the historyof the Church. It was not miraculous, like that of theApostle on the road to Damascus; and yet in thechamber of that inn, there was the flash of light and theroar as of thunder; the voice which the Lord made tosound in Calvin's heart, terrified him, broke down hisobstinacy, and prostrated him as if a thunderbolt fromheaven had struck him. His heart had been pierced;he had bowed his head with humility, and almostprostrate on the earth he had felt that he could nolonger fight against God and kick against the pricks.At the same time confidence in God filled his soul.He knew that He who made him feel those 'stings'[849]had a sovereign remedy calculated to heal all his wounds.Has not God said, 'Commit thy way unto the Lord,and He shall bring it to pass?' The young man desiredno longer to run restive like a fiery courser, but, 'like a{463}docile steed, permit himself to be guided peaceably bythe hand of his Master.'[850]

From that hour the propagation and defence of truthbecame the sole passion of his life, and to them he consecratedall the powers of his heart. He had still, afterthis solemn hour, to undergo, as he says, 'great anxiety,sorrow, tears, and distress.' But his resolution wastaken. He belonged to himself no longer, but to God.'In everything and in every place he would guide himselfentirely by his obedience.' He never forgot thefearful adjuration which Farel had employed. He hadnot set himself (he thought) in the place he occupied,but had been put there by the arm of the Almighty.Hence, whenever he met with obstacles, he called tomind 'the hand stretched down from heaven,' andknowing its sovereign power, he took courage.

The reformer did not, however, stop at Geneva immediately.On leaving France, he had undertaken toaccompany one of his relations, named Artois, to Basle.For some days the brethren of Geneva refused to lethim go. At last, seeing that Calvin was decided, theyconfined themselves to extorting from him an engagementto return; after which he started for Basle withhis relation. On the road he encountered freshimportunities; the Churches, whom the author of theChristian Institutes saluted on his journey, desired todetain him.[851]Whether these entreaties, on whichCalvin had not reckoned before setting out, proceededfrom Lausanne, Neuchâtel, Berne, or rather from someother and younger Churches, it is hard to say. At lasthe arrived at Basle, and having finished his businessreturned to Geneva, probably in the latter half of the{464}month of August. But he had no sooner arrived thanhis delicate health was shaken; he suffered from asevere cold, and was ill for nine days.

=CALVIN'S VOCATION.=

When Calvin recovered from his indisposition, he atonce set about the work for which he had been detained.As he would have a crowd of hearers—men and women,old and young, Genevese and strangers—the cathedralof St. Pierre was assigned him. It was in that vastbuilding, where the mass had been so often sung, thatCalvin was about to inaugurate the reign of HolyScripture. The gates of St. Pierre's opened; the frailand humble, but powerful preacher entered the Gothicportal; a numerous crowd made their way with himinto the nave, whose majestic grandeur seemed to harmonizeso well with the new teaching that was about tobe heard in it; and soon his voice resounded under thosetime-honored arches.

Calvin, coming after Luther and Farel, was calledto complete the work of both. The mighty Luther,to whom will always belong the first place in the workof the Reformation, had uttered the words of faithwith power; Calvin was to systematize them, and showthe imposing unity of the evangelical doctrine. Theimpetuous Farel, the most active missionary of theepoch, had detached men from Romish errors, andhad united many to Christ, but without combiningthem; Calvin was to reunite these scattered membersand constitute the assembly. Possessed of an organizinggenius, he accomplished the task which God hadassigned him: he undertook to form a church placedunder the direction of the Word of God and the disciplineof the Holy Ghost. In his opinion, this oughtto be—not, as at Rome, the hierarchical institution ofa legal religion; nor, as with the mystics, a vagueideal; nor, as with the rationalists, an intellectual andmoral society without religious life. It is said of theWord, which was God, and which was made flesh:In{465}Him was life. Life must, therefore, be the essentialcharacteristic of the people that it was to form. Spiritualpowers must—so Calvin thought—act in the midstof the flock of Jesus Christ. It was not ideas only thatthe Lord communicated to His disciples, but a divinelife. 'In the kingdom of Christ,' he said, 'all that weneed care for is thenew man.'

And this was not a mere theory: Calvin must seeit put into action. Not content with the reformationof the faith, he will combat that decline of moralitywhich has for so long filled courts, cities, and monasterieswith disorder. He will call for the conversionof the heart and holiness of life; he will interdict luxury,drunkenness, blasphemy, impurity, masquerades,and gambling, which the Roman Church had tolerated.

This strictness of discipline has brought down severereproaches on the reformer. We must confess that ifCalvin did take a false step, it was here. He concededto man, to the magistrate, too great a share in the correctionof morals and doctrine: in the sixteenth centurythe intervention of the State in the discipline of theChurch disturbed the only truly salutary action of theWord of God. Calvin cleansed with pure water thegold and silver of the tabernacle, but left on itone spot—theemployment of the civil arm. We must not,however, accuse him more than justice permits. Hehad to suffer from this action of the temporal powermuch more than he employed it. Since 1532 the Genevesegovernment had set itself in the place of the bishop.We have seen its orders to preach the Gospel withoutany admixture of human doctrines. A little later itorganized the grand disputation, demanded by Bernard,and presided over it as judge. Did it not even go so faras to remove from the people of Thiez the excommunicationpronounced by the bishop? Elsewhere we havedescribed how in the Swiss cantons, and especially atZurich and Berne, the magistrates did the same. The{466}intervention of temporal authority proceeded from thetemporal power. The Council of Geneva had no intentionof permitting a strange minister, a young man ofNoyon, to deprive them of prerogatives to which theyclung strongly. They claimed the right to regulatealmost everything by their decrees—from the highestthings, the profession of faith, the regulation of worship,and the government of the church, down to women'sdress. Calvin often protested against those pretensions,and on this point his whole life was one longstruggle. Far from blaming the reformer for certainregulations he was obliged to permit, we should praisehim for the firmness with which he maintained, morethan any other teacher of the sixteenth century, thegreat principles of the distinction between what istemporal and what is spiritual.[852]

=RESULTS OF HIS TEACHING.=

But he contributed still more forcibly by his directteaching to scatter the seeds of a true and wise libertyamong the new generations. Doubtless the sources ofmodern civilization are manifold. Many men of differentvocations and genius have labored at this great work;but it is just to acknowledge the place that Calvinoccupies among them. The purity and force of hismorality were the most powerful means of liberatingmen and nations from the abuses which had been everywhereintroduced, and from the despotic vexationsunder which they groaned. A nation weak in its moralsis easily enslaved. But he did more. How great thetruths, how important the principles that Calvin hasproclaimed! He fearlessly attacked the papacy,bywhich all liberty is oppressed,[853]and which during somany centuries had kept the human mind in bondage;and broke the chains which everywhere fettered the{467}thoughts of man. He boldly asserted 'that thereisa very manifest distinction between the spiritualand the political or civil governments.'[854]He did morethan this: the aim of his whole life was to restore thesupremacy of conscience. He endeavored to re-establishthe kingdom of God in man, and succeeded in doing sonot only with men of genius, but with a great numberof obscure persons. These were the men who, resolvingto obey God above all things, were able to resist theinstruments of the pope, the Valois, Philip II., Alva, andtheir imitators. While maintaining their liberty as regardsfaith, those noble disciples of the Gospel—mensuch as Knox, Marnix de Sainte-Aldegonde, and amultitude of other Christian heroes—learnt to maintainit in earthly matters.[855]Such was the principal gate bywhich the different liberties have entered the world.

Calvin did not confine himself to theories: he pronouncedfrankly against the despotism of kings and thedespotism of the people. He declared that 'if princesusurp any portion of God's authority, we must not obeythem;'[856]and that if the people indulge in acts of madviolence, we should rather perish than submit to them.'God has not armed you,' he said, 'that you may resistthose who are set over you by Him as governors. Youcannot expect He will protect you, if you undertakewhat He disavows.'[857]Nevertheless Calvin taught mento love such eternal blessings, and said that it wasbetter to die than to be deprived of them. 'God's honor,'{468}he declared, 'is more precious than your life.' And fromthat hour we see those in the Netherlands and elsewhere,who had learnt at Geneva to maintain freedom of conscience,acquiring such a love for liberty that theyclaimed it also for the State, sought it for themselves,and endeavored to give it to others. Religious libertyhas been, and is still, the mother of every kind ofliberty; but in our days we witness a strange sight.Many of those who owe their emancipation in greatpart to Calvin, have lost all recollection of it, and someof them insult the noble champion who made themfree.

Still, the establishment of temporal liberty was not thereformer's object: it flows only from his principles, aswater from a spring. To proclaim the salvation of God,to establish the right of God—these are the things towhich he devoted his life, and that work he pursued withunalterable firmness. He knows the resistance that menwill oppose to him: but that shall not check his march.He will batter down ramparts, bridge over chasms, andunflinchingly trample under foot the barriers which heknows are opposed to the glory of God and the welfareof man. Calvin has a correct, penetrating, and sure eye,and his glance takes in a wide horizon. He resists notonly the chief enemy, popery, but generously opposesthose who seem to be on his side and pretend to supporthim: there is no acceptance of persons with him. Hediscerns manifold and grave errors hidden under thecloak of reform—errors which would destroy from itsfoundation the edifice to whose building, those whoteach them, pretend to give their help. Whilst manyallow themselves to be surprised, he discovers the smallcloud rising from the sea; he sees the skies are about tobe darkened and filled with storms, thunder, and rain.At the sight of these tempests he neither bends nor hideshis head: on the contrary, he raises it boldly. 'Weare called,' he says, 'to difficult battles; but far from{469}being astonished and growing timid, we take courage,and commit our own body to the deadly struggle.'

That man had occasioned astonishment at first by hisyouthful air and the weakness of his constitution; buthe had no sooner spoken than he rose in the eyes of allwho heard him. He grew taller and taller, he toweredabove their heads. Every man presaged in him one ofthose mighty intelligences which carry nations with them,gain battles, found empires, discover worlds, reform religion,and transform society.

Calvin teaches in Geneva, he writes to those far beyondits walls. And ere long we see something newforming in the world. A great work had been commencedby the heroic Luther, who had a successorworthy of him to complete it. Calvin gives to the Reformationwhat the pope affirms it does not possess.There is a noise and a shaking, and the dry bones meettogether. The breath comes from the four winds, thedead live and stand upon their feet, an exceeding greatarmy. The Church of Christ has reappeared upon earth.From the bosom of that little city goes forth the wordof life. France, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Germany,England, Scotland, and other countries hear it. Acentury later, that same word, borne by pious refugeesor faithful missionaries, shall become the glory andstrength of the New World. Later still, it shall visit themost distant isles and continents; it shall fill the earthwith the knowledge of the Lord, and shall gathertogether more and more the dispersed families of theworld round the cross of Christ in a holy and livingunity.

=A COUNCIL MINUTE.=

On the 5th of September, 1536, the Council of Genevaordered these words to be written in their publicregisters:

'Master William Farel explains that the lecture whichthat Frenchman had begun at St. Pierre's was necessary;wherefore he prayed that they would consider about retaining{470}him and providing for his support. Upon which it wasresolved to provide for his maintenance.'

On the 15th of February, 1537, they gave six crownsof the sun, and afterwards a cloth coat, to 'that Frenchman'recently arrived, and whose name it would seemthey did not know.[858]Such are the modest notices of theyoung man in the public records of the city which receivedhim. In a few years that name was sounded allover the world; and in our time a celebrated historian—impartialin the question, as he does not belong to thechurches of the Reformation—has said: 'In order thatFrench protestantism [we might say "protestantism" ingeneral] should have a character and doctrine, it neededa city to serve as a centre, and a chief to become itsorganizer.That city was Geneva, and that chief wasCalvin.'[859]

Forty Years in the Turkish Empire.

Dr.Goodell was the first American Missionary at Constantinople, his wife the first American lady that ever visited the Turkish Capital, and they both remained at this post in labors of usefulness, until in their old age they returned to this country to die among their kindred. This volume is largely autobiographical, being compiled from Dr.Goodell's Letters and Journal, containing also his personal Reminiscences written during the last year of his life. He was inimitable as a letter writer, and everything that came from his pen was marked by spirituality, a peculiarly apt use of Scripture language, and a spice of wit that enlivened his conversation and his writings to the day of his death.

Autobiography and Memoir of Dr. Guthrie.

"His stories which give sparkle and zest to the narrative, and greet us on almost every page, are woven together in a picture of Scottish life that is wonderfully graphic."—Harper's Magazine.

The Works of Thomas Guthrie, D.D.

D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation

D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation

D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation.

Without doing violence to historical truth, he seems to invest history with all the charms of romance, and with the enthusiasm and skill of a poet he sketches on the historic page his fascinating and life-like pictures.

Hugh Miller's Works.

From the late Professor Agassiz: "There is inHugh Miller's geological works a freshness of conception, a depth of thought, and a purity of feeling rarely met with in works of that character."

Hugh Miller's Life and Letters.

Mr.Bayne carries the absorbed reader with him through the whole period, unfolding leaf after leaf of the history of a life, certainly one of the most interesting and striking as well as useful of this century.

By the Author of "The Wide, Wide World."

The Say and Do Series.

"Every new work of fiction by this gifted author we receive with a cordial welcome, for we know that it will be an addition to that pure, elevating, and delightful class of books which we may love as the fireside literature of our country. She writes for the home circle."—N. Y. Observer.

By the same author:

Elsie's Santa Claus.

Miss Ashton's Girls.

By the same author:

"The children in MissMatthews' stories are perfectly natural. They get into trouble and get out of it. They say sweet things, and sharp things, and funny things, yet all the time childish things. They illustrate the right and the wrong, but in either case in a manner to attract to the former."—Albany Express.

Dare to Do Right Series.

"MissJulia A. Mathews' boys are as live and wide-awake as any one could wish, into mischief, now and then, like the majority of boys, yet frank and manly withal, and not ashamed to 'own up' when they find themselves in fault."—Hearth and Home.

Coulyng Castle; or, a Knight of the Olden Days.

By the same author:

The Odd One.

By the same author:

Fred and Jeanie: How they learned about God.

By the same author:

Brentford Parsonage.

By the same author:

Imogen; a Tale.

By the same author:

Mind and Words of Jesus, Faithful Promiser, and Morning and NightWatches.

By the same author:

The Pilgrim's Progress.

"TheCarters have done a good service to the cause of juvenile literature in publishing the 'Pilgrim's Progress' in a style more attractive for boys and girls than any other edition before the public."—Christian Observer.

Nurses for the Needy.

The Golden Chain.

Four Years in Ashantee.

Twelve Months in Madagascar.

Little Brothers and Sisters.

New A. L. O. E. Books.

Alice Neville and Riversdale.

All about Jesus.

"I have read it with the delight which every reader of the 'Pilgrim's Progress' recalls. Compared with the current literature of the time it produces a feeling akin to that of one who passes from barren sand into the verdure and fragrance of a spring garden, when each lily and rose is still touched with the morning dew, and rejoicing in the early sunshine."—From Judge John K. Porter.

This book has been reprinted in England at the earnest request of Mr.Moody,who gave away nearly 100 copies to friends in Great Britain before parting, each containing his autograph.

Nature and the Bible.

"It contains the well-considered opinions of one who is a student of nature, and of the sacred record as well. The questions considered are of interest to a great many, both in the religious and scientific world."—Presbyterian.

The Shadowed Home, and the Light Beyond.

By the same author:

Yesterday, To-Day, and Forever.