Anarchy and Anarchists.

A HISTORY OF
THE RED TERROR AND THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION
IN AMERICA AND EUROPE.

COMMUNISM, SOCIALISM, AND NIHILISM

IN DOCTRINE AND IN DEED.

THE CHICAGO HAYMARKET CONSPIRACY,

AND THE DETECTION AND TRIAL OF THE CONSPIRATORS.

BY

Michael J. Schaack,

Captain of Police.

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS FROM AUTHENTIC PHOTOGRAPHS,AND FROM ORIGINAL DRAWINGS

By Wm. A. McCullough, Wm. Ottman, Louis Braunhold, TrueWilliams, Chas. Foerster, O. F. Kritzner, and Others.

CHICAGO:

F. J. Schulte & Company.

New York and Philadelphia: W. A. Houghton.

St. Louis: S. F. Junkin & Co.—— Pittsburg: P. J. Fleming & Co.

MDCCCLXXXIX.

[ii]

Copyright, 1889,
BY MICHAEL J. SCHAACK.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

⁂THE ILLUSTRATIONS IN THIS WORK ARE ALL ORIGINAL, AND ARE
PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT.

[iii]

TO
HON. JOSEPH E. GARY
AND TO
HON. JULIUS S. GRINNELL
THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY
THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE.

*
*——*

IT has seemed to me that there should be a history of the development,the revolt, and the tragedy of Anarchy in Chicago. This history Ihave written as impartially and as fairly as I knew how to write it. Ihave kept steadily before my eyes the motto,—

“Nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice.”

It will be found in the succeeding pages that neither animosity againstthe revolutionists, nor partiality to the State, has influenced the work. Ihave dealt with this episode in Chicago’s history as calmly and as fairly asI am able. I have tried to put myself in the position of the misguidedmen whose conspiracy led to the Haymarket explosion and to the gallows;to understand their motives; to appreciate their ideals—for so only couldthis volume be properly written.

And to present a broader view, I have added a history of all forms ofSocialism, Communism, Nihilism and Anarchy. In this, though necessarilybrief, it has been the purpose to give all the important facts, and to setforth the theories of all those who, whether moderate or radical, whethersincerely laboring in the interests of humanity or boisterously striving fornotoriety, have endeavored or pretended to improve upon the existing orderof society.

After the dynamite bomb exploded, carrying death into the ranks of menwith whom I had been for years closely associated—after an impudent attackhad been made upon our law and upon our system, which I was sworn todefend—it came to me as a duty to the State, a duty to my dead andwounded comrades, to bring the guilty men to justice; to expose the conspiracyto the world, and thus to assist in vindicating the law. How theduty was performed, this story tells.

It is a plain narrative whose interest lies in the momentous character ofthe facts which it relates. Much of it is now for the first time given to thepublic. I have drawn upon the records of the case, made in court, butmore especially upon the reports made to me, during the progress of theinvestigation, by the many detectives who were working under my direction.

I can say for my book no more than this: that from the first page to thelast there is no material statement which is not to my knowledge true. Thereader, then, may at least depend upon the accuracy of the informationpresented here, even if I cannot make any other claim.

It would be unfair and ungrateful if I did not seize this opportunity to[vi]put on lasting record my obligations to Judge Julius S. Grinnell, who wasState’s Attorney during the investigation. His support, steady and full oftact, enabled me to go through with the work, in spite of obstacles deliberatelyput in my way. My position was a delicate and difficult one: had it notbeen for him, and for others, success would have been almost impossible.

Nor can I forego this occasion to bear testimony to the magnificentpolice work done in the case by Inspector Bonfield and his brother, JamesBonfield, and by the officers who acted directly with me. These wereLieut. Charles A. Larsen and Officers Herman Schuettler, Michael Whalen,Jacob Loewenstein, Michael Hoffman, Charles Rehm, John Stift and B. P.Baer. Mr. Edmund Furthmann, at that time Assistant State’s Attorney, asI have elsewhere recorded, worked upon the inquiry into the conspiracywith an acumen, a perseverance and an industry which were beyond allpraise. I knew, when he was first associated with me in the case, that theoutcome must be a victory for outraged law, and the result vindicated theprediction. To Mr. Thomas O. Thompson and to Mr. John T. McEnnismuch of the literary form of this volume is to be credited, and to them alsoI am under lasting obligations.

Michael J. Schaack.

Chicago, February, 1889.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

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*——*

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION—“THE FEAST OF REASON.”

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ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS.

*
*——*

CHAPTER I.

The Beginning of Anarchy—The German School of Discontent—TheSocialist Future—The Asylum in London—Birth of a Word—Work of the FrenchRevolution—The Conspiracy of Babeuf—Etienne Cabet’s Experiment—The Colonyin the United States—Settled at Nauvoo—Fourier and his System—The Familistèreat Guise—Louis Blanc and the National Work-shops—Proudhon, the Founder ofFrench Anarchy—German Socialism: Its Rise and Development—Rodbertus and hisFollowers—“Capital,” by Karl Marx—The “Bible of the Socialists”—The RedInternationale—Bakounine and his Expulsion from the Society—The New Conspiracy—FerdinandLassalle and the Social Democrats—The Birth of a Great Movement—Growthof Discontent—Leaders after Lassalle—The Central Idea of the Revolt—AmericanMethods and the Police Position.

THE conspiracy which culminated in the blaze of dynamite and thegroans of murdered policemen on that fatal night of May 4th, 1886,had its origin far away from Chicago, and under a social system very differentfrom ours.

In order that the reader may understand the tragedy, it will be necessaryfor me to go back to the commencement of the agitation, and to show howAnarchy in this city is the direct development of the social revolt in Europe.After “the red fool fury of the French” had burnt itself out, the nations ofthe Old World, exhausted by the Titanic struggle with Napoleon, lay quietfor nearly a quarter of a century. The doctrines which had brought on theReign of Terror had not died. After a period of quiet, the evangel of theSocial Revolution again began. There was uneasiness throughout Europe.In France the Bourbons were driven out, although the cause of the peoplewas betrayed by Louis Napoleon. In Germany the demand for a constitutionwas pushed so strongly that even the sturdy Hohenzollerns had togive way before it. In Hungary there was a popular ferment. Poland wasready for a new rising against Russia. In Russia the movement whichsubsequently came to be known as Nihilism was born. In Italy Garibaldiand Mazzini were laying the foundations for the throne which the house ofSavoy built upon the work of the secret societies.

Nor must the reader believe that all this turmoil had not beneath it realgrievances and honest causes. The peasantry and the laboring classes ofEurope had been oppressed and plundered for centuries. The commonpeople were just beginning to learn their power, and, while the excessesinto which they were led were deplorable, it is not difficult to understandthe causes which made the crisis inevitable.

[18]

There is nothing ever lost by endeavoring to enter fairly and impartiallyinto another’s position—by trying to understand the reasons which movemen, and the creeds which sway them. Anarchy as a theory is as old as theschool men of the middle ages. It was gravely debated in the monasteries,and supported by learned casuists five centuries ago. As a practice it wasfirst taught in France, and later in Germany. It caught the unthinking,impressible throng as the proper protest against too much government andwrong government. It was ably argued by leaders capable of better things,—menwho turned great talents toward the destruction of society instead ofits upbuilding,—and the fruit of theirteachings we have with us in Chicagoto-day.

STORMING THE BASTILE.

Our Anarchy is of the Germanschool, which is more nearly akin toNihilism than to the doctrines taughtin France. It is founded upon the teachingsof Karl Marx and his disciples,and it aims directly at the completedestruction of all forms of governmentand religion. It offers no solution ofthe problems which will arise whensociety, as we understand it, shall disappear,but contents itself with declaring[19]that the duty at hand is tearing down; that the work of building upmust come later. There are several reasons why the revolutionary programmestops short at the work of Anarchy, chief among which is the factthat there are as many panaceas for the future as there are revolutionists,and it would be a hopeless task to think of binding them all to one platformof construction. The Anarchists are all agreed that the present systemmust go, and so far they can work together; after that each will take hisown path into Utopia.

KARL MARX.

Their dream of the future is accordingly as many-colored as Joseph’scoat. Each man has his own ideal. Engels, who is Karl Marx’s successorin the leadership of the movement,believes that men will associatethemselves into organizations likecoöperative societies for mutualprotection, support and improvement,and that these will be theonly units in the country of a socialnature. There will be no law, nochurch, no capital, no anything thatwe regard as necessary to the lifeof a nation.

The theory of Anarchy will,however, be sufficiently developedin the pages that follow. It is itshistory as a school which must firstbe examined.

England is really responsiblefor much of the present strengthof the conspiracy against all governments,for it was in the secureasylum of London that speculativeAnarchy was thought out by German exiles for German use, and fromLondon that the “red Internationale” was and probably is directed. Thiswas the result of political scheming, for the fomenting of discontent on thecontinent has always been one of the weapons in the British armory.

In England itself the movement has only lately won any prominence,although it was in England that it was baptized “Socialism” by RobertOwen, in 1835, a name which was afterwards taken up both in France andGermany. The English development is hardly worth consideration in asbrief a presentation of the subject as I shall be able to give. Before passingto an investigation of the growth and the history of Socialism andAnarchy, I wish to express here, once for all, my obligations to Prof.Richard T. Ely’s most excellent history of “French and German Socialism[20]in Modern Times.” This monograph, like everything else which has comefrom the pen of this gifted young economist, contains so clear a statementand so complete a marshaling of the facts that it is not necessaryto go beyond it for the story of continental discontent.

The French Revolution drew a broad red line across the world’s history.It is the most momentous fact in the annals of modern times. There isno need for us to go behind it, or to examine its causes. We can take itas a fact—as the great revolt of the common people—and push on to thethings that followed it.

MICHAEL BAKOUNINE.

Babeuf—“Gracchus” Babeuf, as he called himself—after serving partof a term in prison for forgery,escaped, went to Parisin the heat of the Revolution,and startedThe Tribune ofthe People, the first Socialisticpaper ever published.He was too incendiary evenfor Robespierre, and was imprisonedin 1795. In prisonhe formed the famous “Conspiracyof Babeuf,” whichwas to establish the Communisticrepublic. For thisconspiracy he and Darthéwere beheaded May 24, 1797.

Etienne Cabet was a Socialistbefore the term wasinvented, but he was a peacefuland honest one. He published,in 1842, his “Travelsin Icaria,” describing an ideal state. Like most political reformers, he chosethe United States as the best place to try his experiment upon. It is a curiousfact that there is not a nation in Europe, however much of a failure itmay have made of all those things that go to make up rational liberty, whichdoes not feel itself competent to tell us just what we ought to do, insteadof what we are doing. Cabet secured a grant of land on the Red River inTexas just after the Mexican War, and a colony of Icarians came out.They took the yellow fever and were dispersed before Cabet came with thesecond part of the colony. About this time the Mormons left Nauvoo inIllinois, and the Icarians came to take their places. The colony has sinceestablished itself at Grinnell, Iowa, and a branch is at San Bernardino,California. The Nauvoo settlement has, I believe, been abandoned.

Babeuf and Cabet prepared the way for Saint Simon. He was a[21]count, and a lineal descendant of Charlemagne. He fought in our War ofthe Revolution under Washington, and passed its concluding years in aBritish prison. He preached nearly the modern Socialism,—the revolt ofthe proletariat against property,—and his work has indelibly impresseditself upon the whole movement in France.

Charles Fourier, born in 1772, was the son of a grocer in Besançon, andhe was a man who exercised great influence upon the movement amongthe French. He was rather a dreamer than a man of action, and, althoughattempts have been made to carry his familistère into practice, there is noconspicuous success to record, save, perhaps, that of the familistère at Guise,in France, which has beenconducted for a long timeon the principles laiddown by Fourier.

PIERRE JOSEPH PROUDHON.

All these men had beforethem concreteschemes for a new societyin which the evils of thepresent system would beavoided by what they considereda more equabledivision of wealth, andeach made the effort tocarry his scheme fromtheory into practice, sothat the world might seethe success and imitateit. Following them camethe men who held that,before the new societycan be formed, the oldsociety must be got rid of—the men who see but one way towards Socialism,and that through Anarchy.

Louis Blanc was the first of these, although he would not have describedhimself as an Anarchist, nor would it be fair to call him one. He representedthe transition stage. He attempted political reforms of a mostsweeping character during the revolution of 1848. The government ofthe day established “national work-shops” as a concession to him. Ofthese more is said hereafter.

Pierre Joseph Proudhon, born in Besançon July 15, 1809, is really thefather of French Anarchy. His great work, “What Is Property?” waspublished in 1840, and he declared that property was theft and property-holdersthieves. It is to this epoch-making work that the whole school[22]of modern Anarchy, in any of its departments, may be traced. Proudhonwas fired by an actual hatred of the rich. He describes a proprietor as“essentially a libidinous animal, without virtue and without shame.” Theimportance of his work is shown by the effect it has had even upon orthodoxpolitical economy, while on the other side it has been the inspiration ofKarl Marx. Proudhon died in Passy in 1865.

Since his time until within the last year or two, French Socialism hasbeen but a reflex of the German school. It has produced no first-rates,and has been content to take its doctrine from Lassalle. Karl Marx andEngels, the leaders of the German movement, and Bakounine and PrinceKrapotkin, the Russian terrorists, have impressed their ideas deeply uponthe French discontented ones. The revolt of the Commune of Paris afterthe Franco-German war was not exactly an Anarchist uprising, although theAnarchists impressed their ideas upon much of the work done. The Communeof Paris means very much the same as “the people of Illinois.” Itis the legal designation of the commonwealth, and does not imply Communismany more than the word commonwealth does. It was a fight forthe autonomy of Paris, and one in which many people were engaged whohad no sympathy with Anarchy, although certainly the lawless elementfinally obtained complete control of the situation. The rising in Lyonsseveral years later was distinctly and wholly anarchic, and it was for thisthat Prince Krapotkin and others were sent to prison.

At the present day there is no practical distinction between Socialismand Anarchy in France. All Socialists are Anarchists as a first step,although all Anarchists are not precisely Socialists. They look to theRussian Nihilists and the German irreconcilables as their leaders.

German Socialism is really the doctrine which is now taught all overthe world, and it was this teaching that led directly to the Haymarketmassacre in Chicago. It began with Karl Rodbertus, who lived from 1805to 1875. He first became prominent in Germany in 1848, and he was forsome time Minister of Education and Public Worship in Prussia. He wasa theorist rather than a practical reformer, but competent critics assign tohim the very highest rank as a political economist. His first work was“Our Economic Condition,” which was published in 1843, and his otherbooks, which he published up to within a short time of his death, weresimply elucidations of the principles he had first laid down. His writingshave had a greater effect on modern Socialism than those of any otherthinker, not even excepting Karl Marx or Lassalle. His theories werebrought to a practical issue by Marx, who united into a compact wholethe teachings of Proudhon and of Rodbertus, his own genius giving a newluster and a new value to the result. Marx is far and away the greatestman that the Socialism of the nineteenth century has produced. He was adeep student, a man of most formidable mental power, eloquent, persuasive,[23]and honest. His great book, “Capital,” has been called the Socialist’sBible. Ely places it in the very first rank, saying of it that it is “among theablest political economic treatises ever written.” And while the bestscientific thought of the age agrees that Marx was mistaken in his premisesand his fundamental propositions, there is accorded to him uponevery hand the tribute which profound learning pays to hard work and deepthinking.

Coming from theory to practice brings us naturally from Marx to theInternational Society. It was founded in London in 1864 and was meantto include the whole of the labor class of Christendom. Marx was thechief, but he held the sovereignty uneasily. The Anarchists constantlyantagonized him. Bakounine, the apostle of dynamite, opposed Marx atevery point, and finally Marx had him expelled from the society. Bakouninethereupon formed a new Internationale, based upon anarchic principlesand the gospel of force. The Internationale of which Marx was the founderhas shrunk to a mere name, although the organization is still kept up, andthe body with which the civilized world has now to reckon is that whichBakounine formed after his expulsion from the old body in 1872. It is acurious fact that many of the Socialists in Chicago to-day are enthusiasticadmirers of Marx and at the same time members of the society and followersof the man Marx declared to be the most dangerous enemy of themodern workingman.

Marx is dead, however; many things are said in his name of which hehimself would never have approved, and the “Red Internationale” proclaimsthe man a saint who refused either to indorse its principles or toconsult with its leaders. It is the same as though, twenty years hence,the men who last year followed Barry out of the Knights of Labor wereto hold up Powderly to the world as their law-giver and their chief.

Louise Michel, who was a very active worker in the radical cause duringthe outbreak of the Paris Commune, was born in 1830, and first attractedattention by verses full of force which she published very early in life. Shewas sentenced in 1871 to deportation for life, and was transported withothers to New Caledonia. At the time of the general amnesty, in 1880, shereturned to Paris, and became editor ofLa Révolution Sociale.

Ferdinand Lassalle, like Marx of Hebrew blood, and of early aristocraticprejudices, was the father of German Anarchy as it exists to-day.He was a deep student, and a remarkably able man. He took his inspirationfrom Rodbertus and from Marx, but applied himself more to workamong the poor. Marx was over the heads of the common people. His“Capital” is very hard reading. Lassalle popularized its teachings. OnMay 23, 1863, a few men met at Leipsic under the leadership of Lassalleand formed the “Universal German Laborers’ Union.” This was thefoundation of Social Democracy, and its teachings were wholly anarchic.[24]It aimed at the subversion of the whole German social system, by peacefulpolitical means at first, but soon by force.

Lassalle was shortly afterwards killed in a duel over a love-affair, buthe was canonized by the German Social Democrats as though his deathwere a martyrdom. Even Bismarck in the Reichstag paid a tribute to hismemory. Lassalle died just about the time that a change was occurring inhis convictions, and had he lived longer, and if contemporary history is tobe believed, he would have taken office under the German Government andapplied himself heartily to the building up of the Empire.

LOUISE MICHEL.

After Lassalle’s death the movement which he had initiated went forwardwith increased force. The German laborer was finally, as the Internationalistsput it, aroused. The GermanEmpire, following the example ofthe Bund, decreed universal suffragein 1871. Before this, inPrussia especially, the laborer hadbut the smallest political influence.The vote of a man in thewealthiest class in Berlin countedfor as much as the vote of fifteenof the “proletariat,” so called.Lassalle died in 1864, and suffragewas first granted in 1867.The Social Democrats at firstwere in close accord with Bismarck.It was the Social Democraticvote which elected Bismarckto the Reichstag in thefirst election after the suffragewas granted. In the fall of 1867they sent eight members to theparliament of the Bund. In theelections after the formation ofthe Empire the Socialistic vote stood: In 1871, 123,975; in 1874, 351,952;in 1877, 493,288; in 1878, 437,158. The Social Democrats poll nearly 10per cent of the whole vote of Germany at the present time.

In 1878 occurred the two attempts on the life of the Emperor of Germanydescribed in a succeeding chapter, and the result was severe repressivemeasures against the Social Democrats. Their vote fell off, and theirinfluence declined, but in the past two years, 1887 and 1888, they have morethan recovered their past strength, and they now poll more votes andseem to exercise a greater political control in Germany than ever before.

FERDINAND LASSALLE.

The passage of the “Ausnahmsgesetz,” the exceptional law against[25]German Socialists, drove many of them to this country, but had no effectin diminishing the propaganda in Germany. The result was an exodusof Socialists, or rather Anarchists, to America—by this time the two terms,wide apart as they may seem, had become one—and to Chicago camemost of the irreconcilableones. The Americansympathizers, thusformed, at first fixedtheir attention upon thepolitical situation in theold country, and theyapplied themselvesclosely to work in connectionwith the agitatorswho had not expatriatedthemselves.Money was sent in largequantities to the oldcountry.

In Germany, in themeantime, the movementvaried and shiftedwith each wind of doctrine;one president afteranother was tried andfound wanting, until atlast Jean von Schweitzerwas chosen, and heguided the party until itwas finally swallowed upin the organization perfectedby Liebknecht andBebel. Liebknecht wasreally but an interpreterof Marx, but he was honest, enthusiastic and devoted, and no man inthe whole line of German political energy has left his name morethoroughly impressed upon the time. Out of these conditions andborn of these ideas came the Anarchy which hurled the bomb whosecrash at the Haymarket Square first aroused us to the work which is beingdone in our midst.

The Anarchists of Chicago are exotics. Discontent here is a Germanplant transferred from Berlin and Leipsic and thriving to flourish in thewest. In our garden it is a weed to be plucked out by the roots and[26]destroyed, for our conditions neither warrant its growth nor excuse itsexistence.

The central idea of all Socialistic and Anarchic systems is the interferencewith the right of property by society. If we can convince ourselves thatsociety has the right and the duty thus to interfere, then there is to be saidnothing more. As long as the American citizen can buy his own land andraise his own crops, as long as average industry and economy will lead aman to competence, Socialism can only be like typhus fever—a growth ofthe city slums. There is no real danger in it. There is no peril whichthose charged with the protection of law and order are not ready toface, for every officer of the law that unreasonable discontent maymenace is backed by the whole power of the republic; and the republicis founded upon principles which this alien revolt can neither harm noraffright.

There is a fact which, before I leave this chapter, I wish to bring hometo the mind of every reader, and that is this:

The police of Chicago, like the police of every city in the Union, areactuated by no feeling of hostility to these people. We understand thegenesis of their movement; we can put ourselves in their places and feelthe things which actuate them; we are prepared to make as many excusesfor them as they can make for themselves; we are ready to grant everythingthat they could claim, and more; but we see beyond this, and abovethis, facts which they forget and forego.

We have a government in these United States so firm and so elasticthat it has every bulwark against either foreign or domestic attack, and yetit provides every opportunity to adjust itself to the will of the people.

The majority must rule, and does rule; but under our Constitution itrules only along lines decreed by the fathers long ago for the protection ofthe minority. There is a legal and constitutional means provided for everyman to carry his theories of good government into actual practice. Everycitizen has the right to vote, and to have his vote counted, and this rightbelongs to Anarchist and conservative, to radical and reactionist. Thereis no man can stand before the American people and say we have refusedhim his right: if it were done, the whole power of the Government wouldbe marshaled to do him justice. When, then, we have provided everyman with a means to impress his convictions upon the government of thecountry—when we have done everything that human ingenuity can do tosecure a full and free expression of the popular will, as the final andsupreme test upon every public question, we may be excused for refusingto let the Anarchists have their way. They are a minority of a minority,yet they would impose their system and their doctrine upon the majority.They would substitute for the ballot-box the dynamite bomb—for the willof the people the will of a contemptible rabble of discontents, un-American[27]in birth, training, education and idea, few in numbers and ridiculous inpower.

Thus, while the police entertain no animosity against these men, wefeel—I feel and every officer under my command feels—that we are boundby our oaths and by our loyalty to the State and to society to meet forcewith force, and cunning with cunning. We are the conservators of the lawand the preservers of the peace, and the law will be vindicated and thepeace preserved in spite of any and all attacks.

If our system is wrong, which I do not believe; if the principle that themajority of the citizens is to be ruled by an alien minority is to be accepted,which I do not accept, still there is the orderly and well-protectedmeans provided by law, and guaranteed by the Government, to transformthat idea into a governing fact. There is the ballot, free to every citizen,safe, satisfying, final. The men who try other methods are rushing to theirown destruction. We pity them, we sympathize with them; but our dutyis clear and manifest. We have a government worth fighting for, and evenworth dying for, and the police feel that truth as keenly as any class in thecommunity.

CHAPTER II.

Dynamite in Politics-Historical Assassinations—Infernal Machines inFrance—The Inventor of Dynamite—M. Nobel and his Ideas—The Nitro-Compounds—HowDynamite is Made—The New French Explosive—“Black Jelly” and the Nihilists—Whatthe Nihilists Believe and What they Want—The Conditions in Russia—TheWhite and the Red Terrors—Vera Sassoulitch—Tourgeneff and the Russian Girl—TheAssassination of the Czar—“It is too Soon to Thank God”—The Dying Emperor—TwoBombs Thrown—Running Down The Conspirators—Sophia Perowskaja, theNihilist Leader—The Handkerchief Signal—The Murder Roll—Tried and Convicted—ABrutal Execution—Five Nihilists Pay the Penalty—Last Words Spoken but Unheard—ADeafening Tattoo—The Book-bomb and the Present Czar—Strychnine-coatedBullets—St. Peter and Paul’s Fortress—Dynamite Outrages in England—TheRecord of Crime—Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses—Ingenious Bomb-making—TheFailures of Dynamite.

THE attempt to gain political ends by an appeal to infernal machinesis not a new one. It is as old as gunpowder—and the evangel ofassassination is older still. Murder was the recognized political weaponof the Eastern and Western Empires, and the Chicago Anarchists haveproved themselves neither better nor worse than the “old man of themountain” or the Italian princes of the middle ages. During the reign ofMary Queen of Scots the mysterious explosion occurred in the Kirk of Feldin which Darnley lost his life. Somewhat later was the “gunpowder plot,”in which Guy Fawkes and his fellow conspirators tried to blow up the Housesof Parliament. The petard and the hand-grenade were the grandfather andthe grandmother of the modern bomb, and murderous invention came to itsnew phase in the infernal machine which Ceruchi, the Italian sculptor, contrivedto kill Napoleon when First Consul—a catastrophe which was avoidedby the fact that Napoleon’s coachman was drunk and took the wrong turn ingoing to the opera-house.

France was fertile in this sort of machinery. Some years later Fieschi,Morey and Pepin tried to kill Louis Philippe with a similar apparatus on theBoulevard de Temple. The King escaped, but the brave Marshal Mortier wasslain. Orsini and Pieri made a bomb, round and bristling with nippers,each of which was charged with fulminate of mercury, to explode the powderwithin, meaning to assassinate the Emperor Napoleon and the EmpressEugenie.

In the year 1866, according to the most trustworthy authorities, dynamitewas first made by Alfred Nobel. In speaking of the invention, Adolf Houssaye,the French litterateur, recently said:

Few people know what dynamite is, though it has attracted a good dealof attention of late, and before considering its use as a mode for politicalmurder it may be well here to give an account of its making.

Nitro-glycerine, although not the strongest explosive known to science,is the only one of any industrial importance, as the others are too dangerousfor manufacture. It was discovered by Salvero, an Italian chemist, in 1845.It is composed of glycerine and nitric acid compounded together in a certainproportion, and at a certain temperature. It is very unsafe to handle, andto this reason is to be ascribed the invention of dynamite, which is, after all,merely a sort of earth and nitro-glycerine, the use of the earth being to holdthe explosive safely as a piece of blotting-paper would hold water until itwas needed. Nobel first tried kieselguhr, or flint froth, which was groundto a powder, heated thoroughly and dried, and the nitro-glycerine waskneaded into it like so much dough. Of course, many other substances arenow used, besides infusorial earth, as vehicles for the explosive—saw-dust,rotten-stone, charcoal, plaster of Paris, black powder, etc., etc. Theseare all forms of dynamite or giant powder, and mean the same thing.When the substance is thoroughly kneaded, work that must be done withthe hands, it is molded into sticks somewhat like big candles, and wrappedin parchment paper. Nitro-glycerine has a sweet, aromatic, pungent taste,and the peculiar property of causing a violent headache when placedon the tongue or the wrist. It freezes at 40° Fahrenheit, and mustbe melted by the application of water at a temperature of 100°. Indynamite the usual proportions are 25 per cent. of earth and 75 per cent. ofnitro-glycerine. The explosive is fired by fulminate of silver or mercuryin copper caps.

Outside of the French arsenals it is to be doubted if anybody knowsanything more about the new explosive, melinite, further than that it is one ofthe compounds of picric acid—and picric acid is a more frightful explosivethan nitro-glycerine. I find in my scrap-book the following excerpt from theLondonStandard, describing the artillery experiments at Lydd with the newexplosive which the British Admiralty has lately been examining. TheStandard, after declaring that the experiments are “entirely satisfactory,”says:

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Dynamite, however, is the weapon with which the “revolution” hasarmed itself for its assault upon society. A terrible arm truly, but onedifficult to handle, dangerous to hold, and certainly no stronger in theirhands than in ours, if it should ever become necessary to use it in defenseof law and order.

[31]

A number of Russian chemists, members of the Nihilist party, were thefirst to apply dynamite to the work of murder. It is to their researches thatis to be credited the invention of the “black jelly,” so called, of which somuch was expected, and by which so little was done.

Nihilist activity in Russia commenced almost as soon as the emancipatedpeasantry began to be in condition for the evangel of discontent. It wasTourgeneff, the novelist, who baptized the movement with its name ofNihilism—and the truth is that it is a movement rather than an organization.It is a loose, uncentralized, uncodified society, secret by necessity and murderousby belief; but it is a secret society without grips or passwords, withouta purpose save indiscriminate destruction, and its very formlessness andvagueness have been its chief protection from the Russian police, who are,perhaps, after all is said and done, the best police in the world. A statementof Nihilism by that very famous Nihilist who is known as Stepniak,but who is suspected to be entitled to a much more illustrious name, runsthus:

By our general conviction we are Socialists and democrats. We are convinced that onSocialistic grounds humanity can become the embodiment of freedom, equality and fraternity,while it secures for itself a general prosperity, a harmonious development of man andhis social progress. We are convinced, moreover, that only the will of the people shouldgive sanction to any social institution, and that the development of the nation is sound onlywhen free and independent and when every idea in practical use shall have previously passedthe test of national consideration and of the national will. We further think that as Socialistsand democrats we must first recognize an immediate purpose to liberate the nation fromits present state of oppression by creating a political revolution. We would thus transfer thesupreme power into the hands of the people. We think that the will of the nation shouldbe expressed with perfect clearness, and best, by a National Assembly freely elected by thevotes of all the citizens, the representatives to be carefully instructed by their constituents.We do not consider this as the ideal form of expressing the people’s will, but as the mostacceptable form to be realized in practice. Submitting ourselves to the will of the nation,we, as a party, feel bound to appear before our own country with our own programme orplatform, which we shall propagate even before the revolution, recommend to the electorsduring electoral periods, and afterwards defend in the National Assembly.

The Nihilist programme in Russia has been officially formulated thus:

[32]

It must be remembered that the conditions in Russia are peculiar. Thecountry is ruled by an autocracy; government is not by the people, but by“divine right.” The conditions which the English-speaking people endedat Runnymede still exist in Muscovy. There is neither free speech, freeassembly, nor a free press, and naturally discontent vents itself in revolt.There is no safety-valve. Russia is full of generous, high-minded youngmen and women, who find their church dead, and their state a cruel despotism.They find themselves face to face with the White Terror, and theyhave sought in the Red Terror a relief. Flying at last from the hopelesscontest, they have carried the hate of government born of bad ruling intoWestern Europe, and it is the infection of this poison that we have to dealwith here. The average Russian Nihilist is a young man or a young woman—veryoften the latter—who, by the contemplation of real wrongs and fallaciousremedies, has come to be the implacable enemy of all order and allsystem. Usually they are half-educated, with just that superficial smatteringof knowledge to make them conceited in their own opinions, but withoutenough real learning to make them either impartial critics or safe citizens ofnon-Russian countries. We can pity them, for it is easy to see how step bystep they have been pushed into revolt. But they are dangerous.

When one reads such a case as that which gave Vera Sassoulitch hernotoriety, it is easier to understand Russia. General Trepoff, the Chief ofPolice of St. Petersburg, had arrested Vera’s lover on suspicion of hightreason. The young man was by Trepoff’s order frequently flogged to makehim confess his crime. Sassoulitch called on Trepoff and shot him. Shewas tried by a St. Petersburg jury and acquitted. Immediately a law wasdeclared that no case of political crime should be tried by a jury, exceptwhen the Government had selected it. The arrest of the woman was orderedthat she might be tried again under the new regulation, but in the meantimeher friends had spirited her away.

A very similar crime was that attempted by another Nihilist heroine,Maria Kaliouchnaia, who attempted to kill Col. Katauski for his severity toher brother. In the assassination of the Czar, as I shall relate, a number ofwomen were concerned, and their bravery was greatly more desperate thanthat of their male companions. The Russian woman is peculiar. I knowno better picture of the “devoted ones” than that given in Tourgeneff’s“Verses in Prose”:

With such material it was not difficult to build up the tragedy of 1881.Before the day ofthe Czar’s deathcame, there hadbeen desperateattempts uponhis life. Prince Krapotkin,a relative ofthe Nihilist of thesame name, wasmurdered in February,1879, andfollowing this deedthe terrorists appliedthemselvesresolutely to theremoval of the Emperor.

EXCAVATED DYNAMITE MINE IN MOSCOW.

For instance, in November, 1879, was the mine laid at Moscow. It wasintended to blow up the railway train upon which the Czar was to enter thecity, and for this purpose Solovieff and his comrades laid three dynamitemines under the tracks. Hartmann, who subsequently figured in theassassination, was one of the leaders, and here, too, was Sophie Peroosky,another of the regicides. They hired a house near the railway tracks andtunneled under the road amidst incredible difficulties and always in themost imminent danger. One hundred and twenty pounds of dynamitewas in position, but the Czar passed by in a common train before the imperial[34]one on which he was expected, and his life was saved. On February5, 1880, the mine under the Winter Palace was exploded; eleven personswere killed, but again the Czar escaped.

For some time before March 13, 1881, Gen. Count Loris Melikoff, theofficer responsible for the safety of Czar Alexander II., had received disquietingreports which gave him the greatest anxiety. On the 10th of themonth Jelaboff, the ringleader of the conspiracy, was arrested by accident,and the direction of the attempt on the Czar’s life was accordingly left toSophie Perowskaja, a young, pretty and highly educated noblewoman, whohad left everything to join the Nihilists. It is said that on the morning ofthe 13th Melikoff begged the Czar to forego his purpose of reviewing theMarine Corps, and keep within the palace. The Emperor laughed at him,and declared there was no danger. There was no incident until after thereview. As the Emperor drove back beside the Ekaterinofsky Canal, just oppositethe imperial stables, a young woman on the other side of the canalfluttered a handkerchief, and immediately a man started out from the crowdthat was watching the passing of the Czar, and threw a bomb under theclosed carriage. There was a roaring explosion, a cloud of smoke. Therear of the vehicle was blown away, and the horror-stricken multitude sawthe Czar standing unhurt, staring about him. On the ground were severalmembers of the Life Guard, groaning and writhing in pain. The assassin hadpulled out a revolver to complete his work, but he was at once mobbed bythe people. Col. Dvorjitsky and Captains Kock and Kulebiekan, of theguards, rushed up to their master and asked him if he was hurt.

“Thank God! no,” said the Czar. “Come, let us look after thewounded.”

And he started toward one of the Cossacks.

“It is too soon to thank God yet, Alexander Nicolaivitch,” said a clear,threatening voice in the crowd, and before any one could stop him, a youngman bounded forward, lifted up both arms above his head, and broughtthem down with a swing. There was a crash of dynamite, a blaze, a smoke,and the autocrat of all the Russias was lying on the bloody snow, with hismurderer also dying in front of him. Col. Dvorjitsky lifted up the Czar,who whispered:

“I am cold, my friend, so cold,—take me to the Winter Palace todie.”

The desperate Nihilist had thrown his bomb right between the Czar’sfeet, and had sacrificed his own life to kill the Emperor.

Alexander was shockingly mutilated. Both of his legs were broken, andthe lower part of his body was frightfully torn and mangled. The assassin—hisname was Nicholas Elnikoff, of Wilna—was even more badly hurt.He died at once.

[35]

“IT IS TOO SOON TO THANK GOD!”
The Assassination of Czar Alexander II.

[36]

The Czar was taken into an open sled, and although it was claimed hereceived the last sacrament at the Winter Palace, most of those who knowbelieve that he died on the way there.

In the meantime the police, with the utmost difficulty, rescued the firstbomb-thrower from the maddened mob. The man, whose name proved tobe Risakoff, coolly thanked the officers for preserving him, and then triedto swallow some poisonwhich he had ready. Inthis he was foiled, and hewas taken to prison.

THE CZAR’S CARRIAGE AFTER THE EXPLOSION.
From a Photograph.

The infernal machineused by Elnikoff was about7½ inches in height, andits construction is exemplifiedin the annexed diagram.Metal tubes (b b)filled with chlorate ofpotash, and enclosing glasstubes (c c) filled with sulphuric acid (commonly called oil of vitriol),intersect the cylinder. Around the glass tubes are rings of iron (d d) closelyattached as weights. The construction is such that, no matter how thebomb falls, one of the glass tubes is sure to break. The chlorate ofpotash in that case, combining with the sulphuric acid, ignites at once,and the flames communicate over the fuse (f f) with the piston (e), filledwith fulminate of silver. The concussion thuscaused explodes the dynamite or “black jelly”(a) with which the cylinder is closely packed.

I said above that Jelaboff, the real leaderof the conspiracy, had been arrested on the10th. He was merely a suspect, and it wassome time before the police realized what animportant arrest had been made. Only twohours before the murder of the Emperor, Jelaboff’shouse was searched, and there was found agreat quantity of black dynamite, India rubbertubes, fuses and other articles. Jelaboff hadbeen living here with a woman who was called Lidia Voinoff. This LidiaVoinoff was arrested on the Newsky Prospect, on March 22nd, and almostimmediately identified as Sophia Perowskaja, the young woman who hadgiven the handkerchief signal to the bomb-throwers, and who was wantedbesides for the Moscow railway mine case. On the prisoner were foundpapers which led to the search of a house on Telejewskaia Street, where aman named Sablin committed suicide immediately on the appearance ofthe police, and a woman named Hessy Helfmann was arrested. A regular[37]Nihilist arsenal of black jelly, fuses, maps of different districts of St.Petersburg, with the Czar’s usual routes marked upon them, copies ofpapers from the secret press, etc., were found. While the police were stillengaged in the search of the premises Timothy Mikhaeloff came in byaccident. He was taken, and on him was found a copy of the new Czar’sproclamation, and penciled on the back were the names of three shops withthree different hours in the afternoon. The officers descended on theseplaces and gathered in customers, shop-keepers and everybody else aboutthe place,—a process which brought in Kibaltchik, the Nihilist chemist andbomb-maker.

The evidence was soon got in shape, and early in April the trial began.It was shown that Jelaboff was agent in the third degree of the RevolutionaryExecutive Committee; that he had issued the call for volunteers for thekilling of the Czar, and that forty-seven persons had offered themselves, outof whom Risakoff, Mikhaeloff, Hessy Helfmann, Kibaltchik, Sophia Perowskajaand Elnikoff had been accepted. Elnikoff was dead, but the others,with Jelaboff, were put in the dock. They all confessed except HessyHelfmann, and upon April 11th all were condemned to death, with theproviso needed under the Russian law that the sentence of Sophia Perowskajashould be approved by the Czar, as she was a member of the class ofnobles, and a noble may not be put to death without the Emperor’s concurrence.The Czar concurred, and on April 15th, at 9 a. m., all the prisonerssave Hessy Helfmann were hung. This woman was reprieved because shewas about to become a mother. The execution was a most brutal one. Ittook place on a plain two miles out of the city, in the presence of a hundredthousand people. The prisoners were taken out of the fortress on two-wheeledcarts, surrounded by drummers and pipers, who played continuously andloudly, so that nothing the condemned might say could be heard by thecrowd. At the scaffold the drummers were stationed in a hollow squarearound the gallows, and a deafening tattoo was kept up from the time the prisonerswere brought in until their bodies were cut down. The hanging wasvery cruel. Each person was mounted on a small box, after kissing eachother passionately all round. They said something, but it could not beheard for the drumming. The executioner was said to be evidently drunk.There was no drop. When the signal was given the condemned werepushed off their boxes and left to strangle. Mikhaeloff’s rope broke twice,and the attendants held him up while the executioner tied a new cord aroundhis neck and over the beam. The bodies were buried privately.

The present Czar has had several narrow escapes, none of them morenearly fatal than the conspiracy of the book-bomb in March last. On the13th of March, 1888, the anniversary of his father’s terrible death, the Czarmade the usual visit to the Cathedral of St. Peter and Paul, where the bodyof Alexander II. is buried. For some time before the ceremony St. Petersburg[38]was full of rumors that a catastrophe was impending, and, althoughthe police took the most careful precautions, the Czar himself paid no attentionto the warnings of the “Third Section,” and would permit no alterationin the preparations for the requiem.

In Christmas week of 1887, the Russian agents at Geneva, in Switzerland,reported the presence in that city of two revolutionary agents whoseemed to have the closest relations with the committee of the discontentsin London and Paris. They were shadowed for a time, but lost. In Februarythey reappeared in Berlin. They were known to be in communicationwith the St. Petersburg Nihilists. Before facts enough had accumulated tojustify their arrest they disappeared once more and were believed to havegone to the Russian capital. The facts were reported to the Czar, but helaughed at Chief Gresser of the capital police.

THE NIHILISTS IN THE DOCK.
1. Risakoff. 2. Mikhaeloff. 3. Hessy Helfmann. 4. Kibaltchik. 5. Sophia Peroffskaja. 6. Jelaboff.

In solemnizing the requiem of the late Czar a public progress was madeto the Cathedral, amid a dense throng of citizens, among whom were all thedetectives that Chief Gresser could get together. In a small café in one ofthe side streets of the Morokaya two of the detectives ran across a coupleof uniformed university students—in Russia the students have a peculiarcostume—who were acting suspiciously. They were conversing in a mostexcited manner with a man dressed as a peasant. The trio were watched.At the café door they separated, but all three made by different routes forthe Newsky Prospect, the chief drive of the capital and the one alongwhich the Czar was to return. The peasant was lost by the detectives, butthe other two were kept in sight, and the suspicions of the police were madeall the more keen by the fact that the young men passed each other in thecrowd several times with an elaborate appearance of not knowing eachother. One of them had a law-book in his hand; the other had a traveling-bagover his shoulder.

[39]

EXECUTION OF THE NIHILIST CONSPIRATORS.

[40]

A few moments before the Czar was to pass on his return from the Cathedralthe students came together and whispered, and the two were immediatelyand quietly arrested. Their names were given as Andreieffsky andPetroff, university students, and this was proven to be the truth.

A thrilling discovery was made, however, at once. The innocent-lookinglaw-book was really a most dangerous infernal machine—sufficiently powerfulnot alone to kill everybody in the Czar’s carriage, but many in the crowd,and perhaps to haveblown down some ofthe neighboringhouses. The traveling-sackwas full ofdynamite bombs ofthe ordinary sphericalpattern.

—Fig. 1. Interior.—————Fig. 2. Exterior.
A. Glass Tube. B. Fulminate. C. Bullets. D. Dynamite.

I reproduce here adiagram of the book-bombfrom the excellentaccount of theattempted assassinationgiven by the New YorkWorld a few days after it occurred.

The outside was made of wood and pasteboard, so artistically that onlythe closest inspection would discover the fact that the machine was notreally a book. In the center of the interior, in the place markedC, werea number of hollow bullets filled with strychnine, which poison was alsoplastered upon the outside of the missiles. Above this were small compartmentsfilled with fulminate, with a glass tube of sulphuric acid. To thetube was tied a string, which would break it when thrown, spilling it intothe fulminate and thus exploding the dynamite with which the whole of thehollow parts of the interior was densely packed. Fully a hundred peoplemust have been killed had the bomb been exploded as intended. Theexpert who examined the bomb, after handling the bullets carelessly put hisfinger in his mouth, and was seriously, though not fatally, poisoned.

Hardly had the arrest been made when the Czar was notified at theCathedral. He ordered that the news should be withheld from the Empress,although he was himself visibly affected. He sprang into his sleigh withthe Czarowitz, and drove by an unused route to the railway station. TheCzarina followed shortly after in a carriage, greatly agitated by a presentiment[41]of evil. Not until the train had started was she informed of the occurrence.She burst into tears, and was inconsolable for the rest of the journey.Once safe in his Gatschina Palace, the Czar is said to have given vent to hisfeelings in the strongest language, heaping anathemas upon the heads of theNihilists, and threatening dire revenge.

Less than two hours after the arrest of Andreieffsky and Petroff theircompanion peasant fell into the hands of the police. His name was Generaloff,a native of Jaroslav, South Russia. He had been actively engagedin the Nihilist propaganda for some time past. He also carried bombs onhis person.

These arrests were supplemented by numerous others. The lodgings ofthe prisoners in the suburbs of St. Petersburg known as the Peski (the Sands)were searched, and other explosives as well as documents incriminatingother persons were found. As a result the procession of prisoners to thePeter and Paul’s Fortress for a time was almost unremitting, and no onefelt safe against police intrusion. All three of the prisoners were subsequentlyexecuted.

England shortly afterward became the mark for the next developmentof the dynamite war. It is the fact that shortly after the assassination ofthe Czar an attack on the British Government was begun.

Prior to this there had been two outrages in 1881—one an attempt toblow up the barracks at Salford with dynamite, the other a gunpowderexplosion at the Mansion House, London.

The record of the year, as compiled by Col. Majendie, the Inspector ofExplosives, then runs on:

As a result of these various conspiracies and political outrages, twenty-ninepersons were convicted.

Some of the bombs used in the London explosions were very ingeniouslymade. Usually they had a clock-work arrangement which released a hammerand exploded the infernal machine at the time set. Others again hada time fuse depending upon the percolation of acid through parchment. Inevery case, however, the destruction wrought by the explosives was ridiculouslydisappointing to the conspirators, and in England as elsewhere theevent proved that high explosives are a delusion and a snare from therevolutionist’s point of view. They are greatly more dangerous to the personswho employ them than to the people or the property against whichthey may be aimed.

CHAPTER III.

The Exodus to Chicago—Waiting for an Opportunity—A Political PartyFormed—A Question of $600,000—The First Socialist Platform—Details of the Organization—Workat the Ballot-Box—Statistics of Socialist Progress—“The InternationalWorkingmen’s Party” and The “Workingmen’s Party of the United States”—TheEleven Commandments of Labor—How the Work was to be Done—A CuriousConstitution—Beginnings of the Labor Press—The Union Congress—Criticising theBallot-Box—The Executive Committee and its Powers—Annals of 1876—A Period ofPreparation—The Great Railroad Strikes of 1877—The First Attack on Society—ADecisive Defeat—Trying Politics Again—The “Socialistic Party”—Its Leaders andits Aims—August Spies as an Editor—Buying theArbeiter-Zeitung—How the Moneywas Raised—Anarchist Campaign Songs—The Group Organization—Plan of the Propaganda—DynamiteFirst Taught—“The Bureau of Information”—An Attack onArbitration—No Compromise with Capital—Unity of the Internationalists and theSocialists.

AFTER the enactment of the stringent Socialist law in Germany, andthe determined opposition of Prince Bismarck to the creed of theSocial Democrats, the exodus to America began, and Chicago, unfortunatelyfor this city, was the Mecca to which the exiles came. At first butlittle attention was paid to the incoming people. It was thought that freeair and free institutions would disarm them of their rancor against organizedsociety, and but little attention was paid to the vaporings of the leaders.We had heard that sort of thing before,—especially in the years following1848,—and it had come to nothing; and people generally, when they heardthe mouthings of the apostles of disorder, told themselves that when theseapostles had each bought a home, there would come naturally, and out ofthe logic of facts, a change in their convictions.

Hence, although there were some inflammatory speeches, and a pretenseof Socialistic activity, it was not until the year 1873 that any serious attentionwas paid to the movement. Even then the interest it excited was thatsolely of a political novelty.

The period was one of general business depression, however, and additionalimpetus was given to the feelings of discontent by the labor troublesin New York, Boston, St. Louis and other large cities. In New York thelabor demonstrations were particularly violent. The special object soughtto be accomplished there was the introduction of the eight-hour system.Eastern Internationalists saw in this an opportunity to strengthen theirfoothold in America, and they were not slow in fomenting discord amongthe members of the different trades-unions which had inaugurated themovement. They even went so far as to proclaim that, if there was anyinterference with the eight-hour strike, the streets would run red with theblood of capitalists. The Communists of Chicago sympathized with theirbrethren in the East, but they lacked numbers and similar conditions of[45]violent discontent to urge force and bloodshed in the attainment of the sameobject, which, however, had been for some time under discussion by theTrades Assembly of Chicago. They consequently contented themselveswith wild attacks upon the prevailing system of labor and urged a severancefrom existing political parties and the formation of a party exclusivelydevoted to the amelioration of the condition of workingmen.

Toward the end of the year 1873, the leaders seem to have concludedthat they had a sufficient number of adherents to form a party, and a committeewas appointed to prepare and submit a plan of organization. Onthe 1st of January following, this committee reported. They suggestedorganization into societies according to nationalities, and that all societiesthus organized should be directed by a central committee, to be appointedfrom the several sections. At the same time it was publicly announced that“the new organization did not seek the overthrow of the national, State orcity government by violence,” but would work out its mission peaceablythrough the ballot-box.

While the formation of a party was under consideration, times wereexceedingly dull in the city. Thousands were idle, and there was a generalclamor among the unemployed for relief. This discontent was seized uponto influence the minds of the poor against capital, and the remedy wasdeclared to lie only in Socialism. The Relief and Aid Society formed the firstpoint of attack. The Socialist leaders loudly proclaimed that it had onhand over $600,000,—the charitable contributions of the world sent to Chicagoafter the fire for the benefit of the poor,—which sum was held, theyclaimed, for the enrichment of the managers of that society and the benefitof “rich paupers.” In the early part of December, 1873, a procession ofthe unemployed marched through the streets of the city and demandedassistance from the municipal authorities. They finally decided to appealto the Relief Society, and, backed by hundreds in line, a committeeattempted to wait upon the officials of that organization. They wereexcluded, however, on the ground that all deserving cases would be aidedwithout the intervention of a committee.

The condition of labor now formed the pretext for many a diatribeagainst capital in general and the alleged favoritism of the Relief and AidSociety in particular; and many allied themselves with the Socialisticorganization—not comprehending its meaning, but because it happened atthe moment to appeal to their passions.

It was this state of affairs which spurred on the Socialist leaders to theformation of a party. Having accepted the general plan of organization asrecommended by the committee, another meeting was held in January, 1874.A declaration of principles was then formulated. There were nine articles,which may be summarized as follows:

[46]

Specifically stated, the organization was made to consist of sections anddivisions and a central committee. Each section was made to consist oftwenty-five members, and was entitled to one delegate to the conventions ofthe order, with one delegate for every additional one hundred members orfraction thereof. The central committee was to be composed of nine members,to be chosen by the delegates. The duties of the committee were fixed undersuch rules as might be adopted by the organization. Their term was fromone general convention to another. Each delegate was allowed as manyvotes as there were members of the section he represented. Delegates fromeach section were obliged to assemble every week to report all party affairs,and, if necessary, were expected to make similar reports to the central committee.Sections and divisions elected officers for six months. Two-thirdsof the members of each section were required to be wage-workers. Eachmember had to pay only five cents initiation fee and five cents monthly dues.One-half of the income from fees was given to the central committee forprinting and general expenses. All in arrears for three months, barringsickness or want of employment, were expelled. Each section was giventhe power to dismiss such members as acted by word, writing or deed to thedetriment of the party and its principles. The right of appeal to the centralcommittee was given to any member in case three of his section favoredit. Monthly reports to sections and quarterly reports to the central committeeas to the condition of the organization and the treasury were requiredof the secretary. In the event that any officer lost the confidence of hissection, he could be expelled before the expiration of his term by a majorityvote.

Such were the principles and plans of the organization at the outset.There does not appear anywhere anything to show that the ulterior objectof the party was to use violence to enforce its demands. On the contrary,at a subsequent general gathering a preamble to the platform expresslystated that the party was organized “to advocate and advance the political[47]platform of the Workingmen’s Party, to acquire power in legislative bodiesand to uphold the principles of the platform.” Subsequent mass-meetings,held in January, ratified the declaration of principles, and the variousspeakers urged that, inasmuch as the “other political parties were for thebenefit of unprincipled scalawags,” their party had come into existence“pure and undefiled, to secure to workingmen their rights.” The primemovers in the party at this time were John McAuliff, L. Thorsmark,Carl Klings, Henry Stahl, August Arnold, J. Zimple, Leo Meilbeck,Prokup Hudek, O. A. Bishop, John Feltes, John Simmens, Jacob Winnen,J. Krueger, William Jeffers and Robert Mueller. The organization wasstyled “The Workingmen’s Party of Illinois.”

Active agitation at once commenced in various parts of the city. Meetingswere held wherever possible in the poorer sections of the North andWest Divisions. In all speeches the prevalent distress was dwelt upon andthe people were urged to combine against capital. Some of the points madeat these gatherings may be judged from the remarks of the agitators at ameeting of the various sections of the party at No. 68 West Lake Street onthe 1st of March, 1874. While the sentiments were somewhat rabid, therewas no encouragement to deeds of violence. One of the speakers, Mr.Zimple, spoke of the object of the meeting as being “to devise means formarching on the bulwarks of aristocracy, and gain for the working classesthat social position to which they were by right entitled.” Then followedan invective against capital and society. “All existing things must be torndown,” he continued, “and a new system of society built up.” Slaves evenwere allowed to live, but, as things were then, workingmen, who could workno longer, had to starve. If they stood together and elected good men tothe Legislature next fall, this state of affairs would be changed. Legislatorswere too stupid to make a living by honest work, therefore they had to subsistby robbing the people. Mr. Thorsmark expressed confidence in thesuccess of Socialism and said that if all workingmen would do their duty“the present state of society would be re-formed, not only for their benefit,but for the benefit of mankind.” Carl Klings could conceive of “nothingmore inhuman, cruel and outrageous than the present state of society,” andit was for this reason, he said, that they had banded together to “strike ablow which would effect a change for all time to come.” The same tyrants,he argued, who had slaughtered their brethren in cold blood and oppressedthem in France, could be found in Chicago. The workingmen of Americahad not accomplished anything as yet, because they were not yet fully prepared,but gradually they were becoming a great power, and soon would “nolonger be compelled to drink the bitter poison from the cup of the aristocrats.”Mr. McAuliff touched on the wrongs of the existing state of societyas he saw it and held that “they all had to unite in one common body andseek success at the ballot-box.”

[48]

To gain political power, the Socialists made their first attempt by placinga ticket in the field. A convention was held in Thieleman’s Theater, inthe North Division of the city, on the 29th of March, 1874. Although therewere general city officers to be elected the following month, the Socialistsconfined their efforts to making nominations only for the town offices ofNorth Chicago, in which section their theories seemed, at that time, to havefound the most fertile soil. Their ticket was made up as follows: Assessor,George F. Duffy; Collector, Philip Koerber; Supervisor, August Arnold;Town Clerk, Frederick Oest; Constable, James Jones.

At this convention an impetus was given to the new organ of the party,theVorbote, which had just issued its initial number, and, although thisjournal was given a considerable circulation to boom the new-fledged candidates,the ticket only polled 950 votes.

But the leaders were not disheartened. They continued their politicalagitation, and at the approach of the fall campaign they decided to branchout more extensively, and to measure swords with the other political partiesfor all the offices in sight. On the 25th of October, 1874, a conventionwas held in Bohemian Turner Hall, on Taylor Street, near Canal, and Congressional,county and city tickets were put into the field. For Congressthey selected, for the West Side, W. S. Le Grand; for the North Side,F. A. Hoffman, Jr. It was left an open question whom they should supporton the South Side. Their candidates for the Legislature were: Madden,Rice, Hudek, Kranel, Thrane and Hymann; and for the Senate, Rowe,Bishop, Methua and Koellner. County Commissioners, Mueller, Bettetil,Bley and Maiewsky for the West Side, and German and Breitenstein forthe North Side. Their candidate for Sheriff was E. Melchior, and forCoroner, Dr. Geiger. The aldermanic selections were: In the SecondWard, Wasika; in the Fourth, Tuer; in the Sixth, Grapsicsky; in theSeventh, Maj. Warnecke and E. A. Haller; in the Eighth, Leonhard; inthe Ninth, George Heck; in the Tenth, Sticker; in the Eleventh, Urenharst;in the Twelfth, Zirbes; in the Fourteenth, Sirks; in the Fifteenth,Schwenn and Anderson; in the Sixteenth, Seilheimer; in the Seventeenth,H. Jensen; in the Eighteenth, Frey; and in the Twentieth, Otto F. Schalz.In the wards not given no nominations were made.

The strength of the ticket may be gathered by the fact that at the election,on November 5th, Melchior received only 378 votes, while hisopponent, Agnew, Democrat, scored 28,549, and Bradley, Republican,21,080. The Socialist candidate who polled the largest number of votes wasBreitenstein, for County Commissioner—790.

The leaders now became convinced that a German morning daily wasnecessary to further the interests of their party. TheIllinois Staats-Zeitungand theFreie Presse had almost neutralized their efforts on the stump, andthey saw that they must have an organ to meet these papers and reach the[49]masses. They had seen the effects of workingmen’s papers in Germany,where several representatives had been sent to the Reichstag, and as theirparty shibboleth then was “to secure power in legislative bodies” in Illinois,they determined to found a paper of their own. On the 13th of December,1874, on Market Street, they held a secret meeting. The leadingspirits in the proceedings were Mueller, Simmens and Klings. It was proposedthat stock to the amount of $20,000 should be issued for a daily, but asno one seemed to be thoroughly posted in the matter of publishing a paper,it was decided to select a committee. Messrs. Klings, Helmerdeg, Simmens,Methua, Kelting, Winner and Finkensieber were so selected, butwhether they made any progress, or submitted a report as to their conclusions,is not known. It is certain that no daily appeared to supplement theefforts of their weekly organ at that time, and it was not until four orfive years later that such a paper finally made its appearance.

In the winter of 1874 and the spring of 1875 the Socialist agitators were notopenly aggressive, but they nevertheless kept quietly at work sowing theseed of discontent. Finally, in October, 1875, they resumed open andactive agitation. The only meeting they held that fall was at No. 529 MilwaukeeAvenue, and their wrath was directed especially against the Republicanand Democratic candidates for County Treasurer. The speakers wereJ. Webeking, John Feltis, Jacob Winnen, A. Zimmerman and John Simmens.The burden of their harangues was that “the workingmen shouldno longer believe the scoundrels” put up by the other parties. It was time,they urged, to “destroy the power of the robber band.” Workingmen must“organize, place laborers on the throne, and drive capitalists from power.”

In the election, held the following month, they took no active part, andthis fact, together with the apparently quiescent condition of the organization,prompted theTribune to remark:

No longer do they work openly (smarting under former failures), nor do they allowoutsiders like Oelke, Gruenhut and others to get into their ranks. The Workingmen’s Partyof Illinois, as the Communists of this city style themselves, no longer acts as an independentorganization, but has placed itself under the protectorate of the society of the Internationalists,which has branches in every city in the world. The executive committee of this society,which formerly resided in Paris and Leipsic, has now its headquarters in New York, and itsmandates are implicitly complied with by all the local organizations. The central committeebelieve that during the winter large numbers will be without employment, and hence aproper time will come to strike a blow. For months they have been organizing militarycompanies and maturing plans to burn Chicago and other large cities in the United Statesand the Old World.

At about this time a secret meeting was held at No. 140 West LakeStreet. Only members of the local committee of the Internationale and theexecutive committee of the Workingmen’s Party were present. It came tothe surface that other than political measures were discussed. The Socialistleaders denied all intention of abandoning politics, but they did not hesitate[50]to avow a belief that some startling blow would facilitate the success oftheir movement. What seemed to give a strong color of truth to reportsabout their incendiary intentions was the action they took with reference toCarl Klings. He had been one of the most active spirits in their organization.He was a fiery, impetuous speaker and carried the crowds with himin all his harangues. For some unknown reason, not explainable upon anyother hypothesis than that some violent demonstration was contemplatedas a change from their past policy, the party had decided to take no hand inthe election of November, and yet, in spite of this decision, Klings had enteredinto it most bitterly and violently to accomplish the defeat of a candidateagainst whom he cherished the greatest enmity. It would seem that this,viewed from a Socialistic standpoint, ought to have commended him to hisbrethren, especially as the candidate was beaten in the election, but, on therepresentation that he had violated an order of the party, Klings was summarilyexpelled from the organization on the 13th of December, 1875. Thefact that he had never secretly advocated violent means undoubtedly accountsfor his expulsion.

It is unquestionably true that at this time the Communists were beginningto think of more serious matters than politics, and gradually driftingaway from their peaceful mission as avowed in their early party platformand public declarations, and it is not unwarranted to attribute their non-interventionin politics that fall to the efforts and influence of the Internationale.They proved in more ways than one that they had at heartrevolutionary methods, and that they were only awaiting an opportunetime to boldly proclaim their sentiments. Even if there could exist a doubton this point, it was dissipated by the utterances of the Socialists at a mass-meetingheld December 26, 1875, at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, toprotest against the treatment of Communist prisoners in New Caledonia bythe French Government.

As already stated, the Socialists had established in 1874 an “InternationalWorkingmen’s Party of the State of Illinois,” and for some timethey held meetings under that pretentious title, principally on ClybournAvenue. The organization struggled along for awhile and finally was lostto sight. Subsequently a “Workingmen’s Party of the United States”appeared in the Socialistic world, and some of the leaders of the old localorganization began to identify themselves with its establishment and success.They held frequent meetings on North Avenue. The declaration of principlesof the new party was as follows:

[51]

SCENES FROM THE RIOTS AT PITTSBURG, 1877.

[52]

The Constitution of the “Workingmen’s Party of the United States”was as follows:

The spring of 1876 found the local party in a quiescent state as regardsactive participation in politics, but they did not abandon their meetings.The First Regiment of the National Guard at this period had assumedgoodly proportions, and it naturally came in for a good deal of attention atthe hands of the speakers. They never failed to denounce it; but, to covertheir own sinister designs and lull others to a sense of security, they invariablydeclared that the Communists intended no war. They continued their“vacant-lot” oratory and in every way sought to increase the number oftheir party adherents.

Toward the end of July, 1876, a Union Congress was held in Philadelphia,and these new declarations of principles were formulated:

[57]

THE GREAT STRIKE IN BALTIMORE.
The Militia Fighting their Way Through the Streets.

[58]

It was further resolved that “no local paper shall be founded withoutthe consent of the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision.” Itwas resolved to place the agencies of all foreign publications in the handsof the party. After having come to an understanding with the variouspublishers of labor papers in other countries, a central depot was to beestablished. The two councils of administration of the party organs inNew York were charged with making the necessary preparations for openingthe central depot on the first day of October in New York. It was alsorecommended to the party authorities to publish labor pamphlets adaptedto the conditions of this country.

During the winter of 1876 the excitement on the possible outcome of thenational election prostrated business throughout the country. There wereeven rumors and threats of bloody conflict. Capital naturally hesitated, andinvestments were confined to projects in which there was no element ofchance and for which the returns were measurably certain. The Socialistsof Chicago sought in every possible way to make the most of the situationby inflaming the minds of the unemployed against capital, and labored tosecure proselytes by urging that such a state of affairs could never existunder Socialism. Meetings were held wherever either a hall or a vacant lotcould be secured. A. R. Parsons, Philip Van Patten, George A. Schilling,T. J. Morgan and Ben Sibley, who had hitherto figured only beforesmall street crowds, now became prominent as speakers at large gatherings,and their harangues proved that they were apt students in the Socialisticschool, and ready expounders of the proposed new social system.

The Legislature of Illinois was in session at the time under review, andin March, 1877, the Socialist leaders entered into a discussion of the necessityof forcing that body to pass the bills then pending before it with referenceto the establishment of a bureau of statistics on wages and earnings,cost and manner of living, fatal accidents in each branch of labor and theircauses, coöperation, hours of labor, etc., and for the collection of wages.They urged that the laboring classes should demand these measures and insistedthat the “boss classes, the capitalistic classes, the aristocrats, wholived in riot and luxury on the fruit which labor had tilled and ought to enjoy,”should not stand in the way of their passage. Time and again theyrang the various changes on the “iniquity and inequalities of the presentsocial system,” and fairly howled themselves hoarse in declaring that “theLabor party was organized not only to destroy that system, but to secure adivision of property, which Socialism demanded and was determined tohave.”

Early in July, 1877, the firemen and brakemen of the Baltimore andOhio Railroad began a strike at Baltimore against a reduction of wages.This strike soon reached Martinsburg, W. Va., and caused an immenseblockade of freight traffic. The strikers finally grew so riotous that thelocal authorities were powerless, and President Hayes, being appealed to by[60]the Governor of Maryland, issued a proclamation. United States troopswere at the same time dispatched from Washington and Fort McHenry tothe scene of disturbances, and order was finally brought out of chaos.

Following close upon the heels of this strike came one on the PennsylvaniaRailroad at Pittsburg, against an order doubling up trains and thusdispensing with a large number of employés. The railroad people, inexplanation of their action, showed that during June preceding not only hadthere been a great depreciation of railroad stocks, but a shrinkage in thevalue of railroad property from 20 to 70 per cent., caused by a great falling-offin business. It is needless for the purpose of this chapter to recountthe wild scenes of riot and bloodshed that ensued at Pittsburg, when troopsnumbering two thousand, sent from Philadelphia, engaged in deadly conflictwith the unbridled mob and when millions of dollars’ worth of propertywas destroyed by the incendiary torch.

While this carnival of fire, death and bloodshed still startled the world,a strike broke out in Chicago among railroad men. While the strikershere sought to contend in an orderly manner against their employers, thesame element which had inspired and carried out deeds of violence in theEast—the Communists—were not slow to seize upon the opportunity inChicago to widen the breach between capital and labor. Threats and riotousdemonstrations were their weapons. They virtually took possession ofall the large manufacturing establishments in the city, and by intimidationand force compelled men willing to work and satisfied with their wages tojoin their howling mobs. Not alone did they succeed in stopping freighttraffic, but they clogged the wheels of industry in the principal factories andshops of the city. The leaders were active during the day directing theriotous movements of their followers, and at night they assembled to devisemethods to increase the general turmoil. Their headquarters were at No.131 Milwaukee Avenue, and here all-night sessions were sometimes held.Proclamations were frequently sent out to workingmen, urging them tostand firmly in defense of their rights.

The leading spirits at this time were Philip Van Patten, now of Cincinnati,J. H. White, J. Paulsen and Charles Erickson, who constituted theexecutive committee of the Workingmen’s Party, and A. R. Parsons andGeorge Schilling.

Some of the meetings referred to were quite stormy in character.Threats were made to “clean out” the police, and some speakers advisedattacks on the guardians of the peace with stones, bricks and revolvers. Theleaders were too cautious, however, to advise anything of the kind in theirpublic declarations. Violence was reserved for the mobs on the inspirationof the moment, or at the instigation of trusted adherents at the proper time.

That such were their intentions is apparent from a statement of one ofthe members, who said:

[61]

“To-morrow Chicago will see a big day, and no one can predict whatwill be the end of this contest.”

Sure enough, on the day following—the 25th of July—a conflictensued between the police and strong mobs at the Halsted Street Viaductand elsewhere, in which several of the rioters were injured. On the dayfollowing, the riots reached their culminating point, and between thepolice, infantry and cavalry the Communistic element were driven to theirholes with many killed and wounded. That effectually terminated thereign of riot, and the city resumed its normal condition. The trouble inthe East also subsided about the same time.

The Communists, after this severe lesson, remained dormant for somemonths. Evidently they saw that the time had not arrived for the commencementof that revolution which they had at heart. In the fall of 1877they seem to have reached the conclusion that they would exchange the artof war for arts political. Accordingly, in October they were again to befound on the campaign stump—for the first time since 1874. There werethen four parties in the field,—Democrats, Republicans, Industrials andGreenbackers,—and this situation may have suggested a chance for the successof their ticket or an opportunity to secure concessions from the dominantparties that would result to their advantage. C. J. Dixon was thenchairman of the “Industrial Party.” This party claimed to seek redressfor the grievances of workingmen without resorting to destruction of societyor government, and if it had denied affiliation with the Socialists it mighthave become a factor in politics. It may be stated that for a time after theelection Dixon held to his principles, but a few years later became a representativein the Legislature of the Communistic element.

The outcome of the political agitation of the Socialists that fall was thenomination of the following ticket: For County Treasurer, Frank A. Stauber;County Clerk, A. R. Parsons; Probate Clerk, Philip Van Patten;Clerk of the Criminal Court, Tim O’Meara; Superintendent of Schools,John McAuliff; County Commissioners, W. A. Barr, Samuel Goldwater,T. J. Morgan, Max Nisler and L. Thorsmark. For Judge, John A. Jameson,then on the bench, was indorsed, and Julius Rosenthal—not a Socialist—wasnominated for Judge of the Probate Court. The election held on the8th of November showed some gains for the party. Omitting the “Industrials”which were swallowed up by the other parties in the way of “electiontrades,” the Socialists secured a vote of 6,592 in the contest for theCounty Treasurership, while McCrea, Republican, polled a vote of 22,423;Lynch, Democrat, 18,388, and Hammond, Greenbacker, 769.

In 1878 a session of the Congress was again held, and then it was decidedto change the name of the “Workingmen’s Party of the United States” tothe “Socialistic Labor Party,” and it was also resolved to “use the ballot-boxas a means for the elevation of working people” and for “electing men[62]from their own ranks to the halls of legislation and to the municipal government.”

The different wards of Chicago were subsequently organized into wardclubs, each with a captain and secretary as permanent officers for a year.It was made the duty of the captain of a ward to find halls for public meetingsand to report to the central committee. He was to open the meetingsin his ward and see that a chairman was chosen from among those attending.The duty of the secretary was to issue cards of membership to newmembers, to collect monthly dues of ten cents from each member, and toreceipt for the same on the back of the cards; he was also to keep minutesof the meetings and have them published in the party papers. The captainwas authorized to appoint a precinct captain for every precinct in his ward,whose duty it was to control the distribution of tickets at elections. Theprecinct captain was also directed to appoint lieutenants in his precinct,one for each block if possible, to assist him in the work of agitation and thedistribution of tickets.

Under the plans formulated by the Socialistic Congress a central committeewas again organized in the city of Chicago. It was composed of achairman, a secretary and a treasurer, who were elected by a joint meetingof the different sections every six months. In 1878 there were four sectionsin Chicago—one German, one English, one French and one Scandinavian.The German section had the largest number of members, between threeand four hundred, and was steadily gaining. The English section numberedonly about one hundred and fifty. The Scandinavian branch hadabout an equal number. The French only mustered fifty members. Duringa campaign the ward captains were made members of the centralcommittee. They were charged with the duty of reporting the progress ofthe ward clubs, notifying the committee where halls had been rented andindicating what speakers were needed. It was the duty of the centralcommittee to advertise all club meetings, pay for the halls rented when theclubs could not pay, and settle all bills and expenses incident to an election.The committee was the only body authorized to order the printing of tickets,and for all their acts they were held responsible to the “Socialistic LaborParty.” The money needed to defray expenses was raised mostly throughsubscriptions and collections in the various clubs. The meetings of thecommittee were conducted openly. Representatives of the press were permittedto be present if at any prior meeting they had not purposely distortedthe proceedings. During the years 1878 and 1879 the meetings ofthe committee were generally held in a hall on the second floor of No. 7South Clark Street.

[63]

THE LABOR TROUBLES OF 1877.
Riots at the Halsted Street Viaduct, Chicago.

[64]

With an organization thus perfected under the plan of the SocialisticCongress, the Socialists felt themselves in condition to cope with the otherparties. They saw in the vote of 1877 a chance for seating some of theirmembers in the City Council, and set out to talk politics at all their gatheringsfor the spring of 1878. On the 15th of March of that year they held aconvention at No. 45 North Clark Street, and put up a ticket for Aldermenin all the wards except the Eleventh and Eighteenth, and for the varioustown offices in the three divisions of Chicago. Inasmuch as the “oldtimber” was worked over for these various offices, it is needless to repeatnames. Their platform reiterated the demands made in the first declarationof principles, and, in addition, asked for the establishment of public bathsin each division of the city; extension of the school system; annulment ofthe gas and street-car companies’ charters, the same to be operated by thecity after payment to the owners of principal and interest on moneys actuallyinvested, out of the profits; prompt payment of taxes, and employment forall residents of the city that needed it.

During the campaign incident to the election, Paul Grottkau, then arecent arrival from Berlin, proved a conspicuous figure and made a numberof stirring appeals. He expounded the principles of Socialism and invariablywound up by characterizing the members of the Democratic andRepublican parties as “liars and horse-thieves.” Through his active participationin the Socialistic movement in Chicago Grottkau became editor oftheArbeiter-Zeitung, but, fortunately for himself, was displaced in 1880 byAugust Spies.

The election of April, 1878, resulted in placing one member in the CityCouncil—Stauber, from the Fourteenth Ward.

This was the first political victory the Socialists had achieved in the city,and, having noticed a small but steady increase in their voting force, theyproceeded to organize and agitate more diligently than ever before in apolitical way. Meanwhile they saw the growing strength of the Statemilitia, and as an offset to the organization of the various military companiesin Chicago they determined to raise and equip companies fromtheir own ranks. They had begun in a quiet way to start the nucleus ofmilitary companies some time after the First Regiment had been organized,but it was not until 1878 that it became generally known that they had menarmed and drilled in military tactics, to be marshaled against society upona favorable opportunity. In the early part of 1878 the very flower andstrength of their military was the Lehr und Wehr Verein, composed ofpicked men and veterans who had been baptized with fire on Europeanbattlefields. Its strength was variously estimated at from four to sixthousand, but it never exceeded four hundred members. The “JaegerVerein,” the “Bohemian Sharpshooters” and the “Labor Guard of theFifth Ward,” each with no more than fifty members, were auxiliary organizationsand composed mainly of raw recruits. Their instruction in themanual of arms was mainly given by Major Presser, a trained and skilledEuropean tactician.

[65]

Meantime the party had been greatly strengthened by the aid of newspapersprinted in its interest. In 1874,Die Volks-Zeitung had been startedby a stock company called the Social-Democratic Printing Association.This paper was published at No. 94 South Market Street, with Mr. Bruckeras editor. Shortly thereafter, theVorbote, a weekly paper, was startedunder the auspices of the Workingmen’s Party at the same number. C.Conzett, formerly a resident of Berne, Switzerland, became its editor. Hesubsequently bought out theVolks-Zeitung and thereafter published a tri-weeklypaper under the name of theArbeiter-Zeitung, which became aprivate enterprise in the interest of workingmen. His assistant editor wasGustav Leiser. They made the paper an advocate of revolutionarymethods and urged the organization of trades-unions. They encouragedstrikes and held that only through such means could workingmen securetheir rights. They published without charge all grievances of laboringmen on the score of non-payment of wages and abuses of manufacturingconcerns, but each article had the full name of the writer. At first theeditors did not favor a resort to the ballot-box to remedy grievances. Itwas not until after the great railroad strike of July, 1877, that they advocatedan organized fight in elections independently of the old parties. Theworkingmen, they urged, must elect men of their own in order to securefavorable legislation.

In 1878 an English weekly called theSocialist was started under theauspices of the main section of the Socialistic Labor Party of Chicago.This main section was composed of the German, English, Scandinavianand French sections, and they employed Frank Hirth as editor at a salaryof $15 per week and A. R. Parsons as assistant at a salary of $12 per week.This paper was made the organ in the English language of the SocialisticLabor Party, and, while it made some headway at the start, it succumbedwithin a year, owing to jealousies and differences of opinion between theGerman and English sections.

About the time theSocialist was established another paper was put inthe field by the Scandinavian section. It was calledDen Nye Tid, and wasedited by Mr. Peterson.

In 1878 the proprietor of theArbeiter-Zeitung signified a willingness tosell his paper to the Socialistic Labor Party, and, in order to consummatethe transfer, the main section held a meeting in May of that year at Steinmueller’sHall, No. 45 North Clark Street. Plans were then and there maturedfor its purchase. It was decided to borrow the money and issue notesat 6 per cent. interest, payable as soon as the treasury had secured enoughfrom collections and other sources to take them up. Collectors wereappointed for each division of the city, and they were directed to collectmoney from workingmen and storekeepers. On the evening of June 29,1878, a meeting was held at No. 7 South Clark Street, and the reports[66]showed that enough money had been raised to purchase theArbeiter-Zeitung.Subsequently a general meeting was held and a society was organized calledthe “Socialistische Druckgesellschaft.” A board of trustees was chosen,and they applied to the Secretary of State for a charter. That officialdeclined to issue the charter because the name of the society was in German.Another meeting was held at No. 54 West Lake Street, and the name waschanged to the “Socialistic Publishing Company,” after which the charterwas readily secured. The paper was then transferred by Herr Conzett to thenew company, and subsequently the managers added a Sunday edition calledDie Fackel. Paul Grottkau, formerly editor of the BerlinFreie Presse, wasappointed editor under the new management at a salary of $15 per week,and F. J. Pfeiffer, of Chicago, was made assistant editor. The societywhich now had charge of the paper was composed ofbona fide membersof the German section. Their meetings were conducted in the samemanner as those of the Socialistic Labor Party. The price of theArbeiter-Zeitungwas reduced, and all money realized from its sale over and aboveexpenses was applied for purposes of agitation. While the paper wasreported in a prospering condition, it was decided to take steps to pay offits indebtednes as represented by the outstanding notes, and to this end agrand festival was to be held, the proceeds of which should be devoted tothe press fund. Some trouble was experienced in getting a hall largeenough for the purpose. The Exposition Building was finally decided upon,and it was secured without much delay, with results as noted further alongin this chapter.

Soon after theSocialist had expired, the members of the Workingmen’sParty felt the need of an English organ, and, having meanwhile come to abetter understanding, they decided that they would make another effort toput one before the people. The result of several conferences was a monsterpicnic at Wright’s Grove on the 16th of June, 1878. The procession formedto make the occasion imposing numbered about three thousand, and side byside with the American flag was borne the red banner of Anarchy. Thisemblem, although it finally crowded out the “stars and stripes,” hadhitherto been reserved in public demonstrations for a minor place. Some ofthe mottoes displayed on this occasion ran as follows: “No Rich, no Poor—AllAlike.” “No Monopolies—All for One and One for All.” “Land belongsto Society,” and “No Masters, no Slaves.”

The result of the picnic was that theAlarm was established, and A. R.Parsons became its editor on a weekly allowance of $5, subsequently raisedto $8.

In the fall campaign of 1878 we find the Socialists again in the field witha full ticket for Congressmen, the Legislature and local offices. Formerparty platforms were reaffirmed, and mass-meetings to fire the hearts ofworkingmen were frequently held. At these gatherings capitalists were[67]denounced as usual, and the police came in for some attention. The campaignsong was also introduced, and the chorus of one, rendered by anuntamed troubadour named W. B. Creech, and referring to the police, ranafter this style, to the air of “Peeler and Goat”:

DR. CARL EDUARD NOBILING.

Then raise your voices, workingmen,

Against such cowardly hirelings, O!

Go to the polls and slaughter them

With ballots, instead of bullets, O!

One Dr. McIntosh could always be dependedon for grinding out any quantity ofdoggerel of this kind for any occasion.The Socialists claimed that theywould poll on the day of election—Nov.5th—from 9,000 to 13,000 votes.Their calculations, like their utterances,were wild and wide off themark, however, as their candidate forSheriff, Ryan, only secured 5,980votes, while Hoffman, Republican,had 16,592; Kern, Democrat, 16,586,and Dixon, Greenbacker, 4,491. Theysecured, however, a member of the State Senate, Sylvester Artley, and threemembers of the lower house of the Legislature—Leo Meilbeck, CharlesEhrhardt and Christian Meier.

MAX HOEDEL.

This gave them great confidence, and theypushed with greater vigor than ever theirpolitical work. Meetings were kept upthroughout the winter, and, among otherthings, they discussed measures which theydemanded from the Legislature in the interestof labor. These demands includedreducing the hours of labor; the establishmentof a bureau of labor statistics; abolishmentof convict labor; sanitary inspectionof food, dwellings, factories, work-shops andmines; abolition of child labor; liability ofemployers for all accidents to employésthrough the employers’ neglect, and priorityof demands for wages over all otherclaims. They found time also to give theirattention to their brethren in Europe, andat a meeting held Sunday, January 19,1879, they adopted resolutions denouncingBismarck for persecutions of workingmen in[68]Germany. The pretext for these persecutions, they claimed, grew out ofthe attempts on the life of Emperor William by Hoedel and Dr. Nobiling.The would-be assassins, they confessed, had once been Socialists, but at thetime of the attack had had nothing in common with the order. Hoedel,they said, had been expelled, and had subsequently joined the “ChristianSocialistic Party,” which they asserted had the favor of the Government,and at the head of which was a Government official. They claimedthat Hoedel had been instigated to the deed by the German court, andthey even doubted that he had been beheaded in expiation of hiscrime. Hoedel, they said, had been simply an instrument in the hands ofBismarck, who wanted a pretext to persecute the Socialists and secure thepassage of a bill in the Reichstag for their suppression. Under the provisionsof that bill, they asserted, men, women and children were thrown intodungeons without trial, and they insisted that the Congress of the UnitedStates should voice their protest against such persecutions.

At nearly every large meeting held during the winter in question, Creechwas to the front with new songs, among one the chorus of which ran thus:

Raise aloft the crimson banner, emblem of the free;
Mighty tyrants now are trembling, here and o’er the sea.

On the evening of March 22, 1879, they held the celebration in the ExpositionBuilding already referred to. This was ostensibly in commemorationof the establishment of the Paris Commune in 1848 and again in 1871.The real purpose, however, was to obtain funds to defray the expensesincident to the coming spring campaign and to aid in making a daily out oftheir tri-weekly organ, theArbeiter-Zeitung. There were from 20,000 to25,000 people in the building, and the amount reported realized reached$4,500. There was speech-making by Dr. Ernst Schmidt, A. R. Parsons,Paul Grottkau, and lesser lights, and the various military companies of theorganization strutted about in their uniforms, with belts, cartridge-boxes,bayonet scabbards and breech-loading Remingtons.

With part of the proceeds of this celebration, the Socialists fitted upcampaign headquarters in a top-story room on the northeast corner ofMadison and La Salle Streets, in the very heart of the business center.Their ticket covered all the offices from Mayor lo Aldermen. The only newnames that figured on this ticket were those of N. H. Jorgensen, J. J.Alpeter, Robert Buck, Henry Johnson, Max Selle, George Brown, R.Lorenz, James Lynn and R. Van Deventer. The election occurred on the1st of April, 1879, and their candidate for Mayor, Dr. Schmidt, secured11,829 votes, while Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, scored 25,685, and A. M.Wright, Republican, 20,496. They elected three Aldermen, however—Alpeterfrom the Sixth Ward, Lorenz from the Fourteenth, and Meier, thenin the Legislature, from the Sixteenth, which made, with Stauber, fourrepresentatives in the City Council.

[69]

BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—I.
From Photographs.

[70]

With the inauguration of Carter Harrison’s administration, a good dealof attention was given to the Socialists by him as well as by his Democraticco-laborers. Some of their men were given employment in the departmentsof the city. Although they still continued their agitation, these appointmentsand other favors had the effect of undermining their politicalstrength.

In the next Mayoralty election they made a show of keeping up theirorganization and nominated George Schilling for Mayor and Frank Stauberfor City Treasurer. But in the election held April 5th, 1881, the former onlypolled 240 votes, and Stauber 1,999, thus demonstrating an almost completecollapse of the party.

This virtually took them out of politics. Thenceforward the Socialistsseem to have decided to abandon theballot-box, and to rely on force only forthe attainment of their objects. Accordinglytheir harangues were directed tothe dissemination of the doctrines ofrevolution. They endeavored still, it istrue, to maintain a representation in theCity Council, but in 1884 the Socialisticelement was entirely eliminated fromthat body.

CARTER H. HARRISON.

At the session of the Congress ofthe International Workingmen’s Associationheld at Pittsburg from the 14thto the 16th of October, 1883, there wasa large delegation of Chicago Anarchists.A question arose as to the use ofthe ballot for remedying the wrongs ofthe laboring people. The delegatesfrom Baltimore insisted that recourseshould be had to the ballot-box, but those from Pittsburg were of anothermind, and favored something stronger. This suggestion gave the Anarchistcontingent from Chicago an opportunity to come to the front, and, whilesome of these did not hold to extreme measures, they all agreed that theballot-box only served to keep capitalistic representatives in office. Theradical Chicago element went still further, holding that the theory ofKarl Marx, the use of force, was the correct one, and that that force shouldbe dynamite. But here a split occurred in their own delegation, the milderones holding to the theory of Lassalle, that they should first give theballot a thorough trial and use force only in the event of failure. The sentimentof the convention predominated in favor of force, and the conservativeAnarchists ceased to be members.

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The controversy thus begun was carried back to Chicago, and the radicalsset themselves strenuously to work to bring their disaffected associatesto the advocacy of dynamite. The members of the Lehr und Wehr Vereinwere particularly opposed to the use of the bomb. They had equippedthemselves and drilled in the use of guns so as to be able to meet the policeand militia after failure at the polls, and they contended that men carryingbombs would be apt, through lack of experience, to hurt themselves as muchas their opponents. Men thoroughly drilled in the handling of a gun, theyargued, could accomplish something, and to that end every one should beinstructed in military tactics. The radicals of the various “groups” didnot believe in guns, however, and held that, inasmuch as they had experimentedwith dynamite with some success, they should adopt it as a means ofwarfare. They finally brought all to their ideas, and from that time to thepresent they have given the subject of dynamite and explosives a greatdeal of study.

As indicating the sense of the Pittsburg Congress their plan of organizationand resolutions are here given:

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After expressions of sympathy for the striking coal-miners in Dubois,Pa., who were advised to arm themselves for defense against the bandits oforder, the resolutions proceed:

No. 107 Fifth Avenue, Chicago.

In accordance with pre-arranged plans, therefore, when the street-carriots occurred on the West Division Railroad in the summer of 1885, theAnarchists and Socialists of Chicago took a prominent part and did everythingin their power to create a bloody conflict between the police and thestrikers. In 1886, when the laboring classes of Chicago had decided tostrike on the 1st of May for eight hours as a day’s work, they came forwardand resolved to strike a blow which would terrorize the community andinaugurate the rule of the Commune. How they went to work in thatdirection and how they succeeded is fully shown in succeeding chapters.

CHAPTER IV.

Socialism, Theoretic and Practical—Statements of the Leaders—Vengeanceon the “Spitzels”—The Black Flag in the Streets—Resolutions in theAlarm—TheBoard of Trade Procession—Why it Failed—Experts on Anarchy—Parsons, Spies,Schwab and Fielden Outline their Belief—The International Platform—Why CommunismMust Fail—A French Experiment and its Lesson—The Law of Averages—Extractsfrom the Anarchic Press—Preaching Murder—Dynamite or the Ballot-Box?—“TheReaction in America”—Plans for Street Fighting—Riot Drill and Tactics—Bakounineand the Social Revolution—Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist’s Duty—Herways’Formula—Predicting the Haymarket—The Lehr und Wehr Verein and the SupremeCourt—The White Terror and the Red—Reinsdorf, the Father of Anarchy—HisAssociation with Hoedel and Nobiling—Attempt to Assassinate the German Emperor—Reinsdorfat Berlin—His Desperate Plan—“Old Lehmann” and the Socialist’s Dagger—TheGermania Monument—An Attempt to Kill the Whole Court—A CulvertFull of Dynamite—A Wet Fuse and no Explosion—Reinsdorf Condemned to Death—HisLast Letters—Chicago Students of his Teachings—De Tocqueville and Socialism.

THE Constitution of the United States guarantees the right of freespeech, free discussion and free assemblage. These are the cardinaldoctrines of our free institutions. But when liberty is trenched upon tothe extent of advocacy of revolutionary methods, subversion of law andorder and the displacement of existing society, Socialism places itself beyondthe pale of moral forces and arrays itself on the side of the freebooter,the bandit, the cut-throat and the traitor. Public measures and public menare open to the widest criticism consistent with truth, decency and justice,but differences of opinion are no more to be brought into harmony throughblood than the settlement of private disputes is to be effected by means ofthe bludgeon, the knife or the bullet. The freedom of speech which is valuableeither to the individual or to humanity is that which builds up, notdestroys, society.

Now, what does Socialism, or Anarchy, precisely teach, and at what doesit aim? It is true, there are two schools of Socialism—one conservative andthe other radical to a sanguinary degree; one seeking a change in existingsociety and government through enlightenment, and the other the attainmentof the same principles through force. But the conservatives form sosmall a portion of the Socialistic body that they cut no figure in the generaldirection and management of the organization; and so far as relates to thevisible manifestations of that body, Socialism in the United States may beregarded as synonymous with Anarchy.

As I have shown, the ostensible object of the organization in Chicago, aselsewhere, at the outset, was peaceful, but the ulterior aim—the establishmentof Socialism through force, when sufficiently powerful in numbers—hasin later years clearly developed. The early Socialist orators only[75]hinted at force as a possible factor in the social revolution they advocated,and it was reserved for the active agitators of the past ten years to boldlyand openly proclaim for the methods of the Paris Commune.

Before proceeding to particulars as to the utterances of Anarchistleaders, the sources of their inspiration and their definition of Socialism,it may be well to advert to some incidents in connection with theirmovements as a revolutionary party. One incident specially worthy ofmention was a meeting held at Mueller’s Hall, corner of SedgwickStreet and North Avenue, on the evening of January 12, 1885.It was a secret gathering, but, despite Socialistic vigilance, OfficerMichael Hoffman managed to remainand quietly note the drift ofthe speeches. Parsons first tookthe floor, and said:

The Black Flag.From a Photograph.

Gentlemen, before we call this meetingto order, I want you to be sure that we areall right and all one. I want you to seeif there are any reporters or policemen present.See if you can discover any spies.If you find any one here, you can do withhim as you please, but my advice to youis, take him and strangle him and thenthrow him out of the window; then let thepeople think that the fellow fell out. Andif you should give one of them a chancefor his life, tell him, if he has any morenotions to come to our meetings, he shouldfirst go to St. Michael’s Church, see thepriest and prepare himself for death, sayfarewell to all his friends and family—andthen let him enter. I want all thesepeople to know that I am not afraid ofthem; I don’t like them, and let them stayaway from me.

After precautions had been takento exclude objectionable persons, the proceedings began. Four speecheswere delivered, two in English and two in German. Parsons confined hisremarks to the capitalists. All present were poor, he said, and they onlyhad themselves to blame. One-half of all the wealth in the country belongedto the poor people, but the capitalists had robbed them of it. The pooroffered no resistance, and yet the capitalist was doing the same thing dayafter day. He was getting richer, and the poor poorer, because the workingpeople lay down and permitted themselves to be robbed. He recountedsome of Most’s experiences, and insisted that capitalists mustsubmit to workingmen. They must be shown that their lives are worthno more than the lives of the working people.

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THE OFFICE OF THE ARBEITER-ZEITUNG.
From a Photograph.

He next touched upon the merits of a new invention by which, he said,many hundreds of houses could be set on fire, and exhibited a small tin boxor can with a capacity of four ounces. This can, he remarked, could befilled with some chemical stuff to serve as an explosive. A great many ofthese cans could be carried in a basket, and, traveling around as match peddlersor under some other guise, his hearers could secure entrance to thehouses of capitalists. All they would then be obliged to do was to eitherplace or drop one of “those darlings” in a secure place and go about theirbusiness. It would doits work, without anyone’s presence to attendto it, in less time thanan hour. If they wouldget the boxes ready, hewould tell them whereto get the “stuff.” Thisplan of operations wouldkeep the fire and policedepartments quite busy.If they organized andwent to work with aresolute spirit, theycould have things alltheir own way throughoutthe city and obtainpossession of what remainedafter their workof destruction. He alsourged all his comradesto become familiar withdynamite and said thatfor the necessary instructionsthey couldcome to a building onFifth Avenue (107, the offices of theArbeiter-Zeitung andAlarm), wherehe and others could be found to help them. There was no other way nowleft, he continued, except for the laborers to use the sword, the bulletand dynamite, and, closing sententiously, he said:

I probably will be hung as soon as I get out on the street, but if they do hang me, boys,don’t forget what I have been telling you about the little can and the dear stuff, dynamite,because this is the only way I and you can get our rights.

It goes without saying that Parsons was applauded to the echo. Anotherspeaker emphasized his remarks about dynamite, but refrained from making[77]a speech, because, as he said, Parsons had “covered the ground so well andthoroughly.” One of the German speakers gave his attention to KingWilliam and the Pope, scoring them in the strongest language he could command.He held that the “police of Chicago were only kept to protect theproperty of capitalists and to club poor workingmen.”

Another event memorable in the history of the party was the flaunting ofthe black flag on the streets of Chicago for the first time. On that occasion—November25, 1884, Thanksgiving Day—they marched through thefashionable thoroughfares of the South and North Divisions, and, with twowomen as standard-bearers for the black and the red, they made it a pointto halt before the residences of the wealthy, uttering groans and usingthreatening language. Their route included Dearborn Street to Maple onthe North Side. There they massed in front of the residence of Hon. E. B.Washburne, ex-Minister to France. They pulled the door-bell and insultedthe family by indulging in all sorts of noises, groans and cat-calls. Theyrested satisfied with this last exhibition, and retraced their steps, proceedingto Market Square, where they dispersed.

The preliminaries leading up to the procession just described were thusgiven in theAlarm on the following Saturday:

THE BLACK FLAG.

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AN ANARCHIST PROCESSION.

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Upon Mr. Parsons’ call the resolutions were read, as follows:

THE BOARD OF TRADE.
From a Photograph.

Another notable procession was on the evening of the opening of thenew Board of Trade building. TheAnarchists gathered in front of theArbeiter-Zeitung office and wereaddressed by Parsons and Fielden.The speeches were highly inflammatory.Parsons insisted that theyought to blow up the institution,and urged them to arm themselves“to meet their oppressorswith weapons.” The Board ofTrade, he said, was a robbers’roost, and they were reveling onthe proceeds of the workingmen.“How many,” he asked, “of myhearers could give twenty dollarsfor a supper to-night? We willnever gain anything by argumentsand words. While those men areenjoying a sumptuous supper, workingmenare starving.” He characterizedthe police as bloodhoundsand servants of the robbing capitalists,and suggested that the mobloot Marshall Field’s dry-goodsstore and other places and securesuch things as they needed. It was apparent that these sentiments appealedstrongly to the inclinations of the assembled rabble, and when Parsons hadconcluded the mob was ready for an even more violent harangue.

Fielden went as far as to urge the mob to follow him and rob thoseplaces, and, like Parsons, held that the Board of Trade building had beenbuilt out of money of which they had been robbed, and that all who transactedbusiness in that place were “robbers, and thieves, and ought to bekilled.”

There were hundreds of tramps in the throng addressed, and naturallyall allusions to capitalists as robbers, and all suggestions to plunder, weregreeted with applause. A procession was formed, with Oscar W. Neebe,[81]Parsons and Fielden at the head, and with two women following next carryingthe red and black flags. They marched down to the Board of Trade,but, arriving at the street leading to the building, a company of policeheaded them off. Thus balked, they had to content themselves with marchingthrough the streets back to their starting-point, where they separatedwithout further exhibition of violence than subsequently hurling a stonethrough the window of a carriage occupied by a prominent West Side residentand his wife, whom they took to be a millionaire on his way to theBoard of Trade reception. A tougher-looking lot of men than those whocomposed the procession it would be difficult to find, and, once started inthe direction of violence at the building, there is no telling the extent ofdamage they might have inflicted. The toleration of such a parade by themunicipal authorities was severely criticised by the community, for, had itnot been for the action of the late Col. Welter, then Inspector of Police, inintercepting the procession, a serious riot would have occurred.

Parsons, when asked subsequently why they had not blown up the Boardof Trade building, replied that they had not looked for police interferenceand were not prepared. “The next time,” he said, “we will be preparedto meet them with bombs and dynamite.” Fielden reiterated the samesentiments and expressed the opinion that in the course of a year theymight be ready for the police.

Now what is the Socialism or Anarchy they seek to establish? In hisspeech before Judge Gary in the Criminal Court, when asked why sentenceof death should not be imposed upon him, Anarchist Parsons, among otherthings, thus described the condition of affairs when Socialism should obtainsway:

Anarchy is a free society where there is no concentrated or centralized power, no state, noking, no emperor, no ruler, no president, no magistrate, no potentate of any character whatever.Law is the enslaving power of men. Blackstone defines the law to be a rule of action, prescribingwhat is right and prohibiting what is wrong. Now, very true. Anarchists holdthat it is wrong for one person to prescribe what is the right action for another person, andthen compel that person to obey that rule. Therefore, right action consists in each personattending to his business, and allowing everybody else to do likewise. Whoever prescribes arule of action for another to obey is a tyrant, a usurper and an enemy of liberty. This isprecisely what every statute does. Anarchy is the natural law, instead of the man-madestatute, and gives men leaders in the place of drivers and bosses. All political law, statuteand common, gets its right to operate from the statute; therefore, all political law is statutelaw. A statute law is a written scheme by which cunning takes advantage of the unsuspecting,and provides the inducement to do so, and protects the one who does it. In other words,a statute is the science of rascality or the law of usurpation. If a few sharks rob mankind ofall the earth,—turn them all out of house and home, make them ragged slaves and beggars,and freeze and starve them to death,—still they are expected to obey the statute because it issacred. This ridiculous nonsense, that human laws are sacred, and that if they are not respectedand continued we cannot prosper, is the stupidest and most criminal nightmare ofthe age. Statutes are the last and greatest curse of men, and, when destroyed, the world willbe free.... The statute law is the great science of rascality, by which alone the few[82]trample upon and enslave the many. There are natural laws provided for every work ofman. Natural laws are self-operating. They punish all who violate them, and reward allwho obey them. They cannot be repealed, amended, dodged or bribed, and it costs neithertime, money nor attention to apply them. It is time to stop legislation against them. Wewant to obey laws, not men, nor the tricks of men. Statutes are human tricks. The law—thestatute law—is the coward’s weapon, the tool of the thief.... Free access to themeans of production is the natural right of every man able and willing to work. It is thelegal right of the capitalist to refuse such access to labor, and to take from the laborer all thewealth he creates over and above a bare subsistence for allowing him the privilege of working.A laborer has the natural right to life, and, as life is impossible without the means ofproduction, the equal right to life involves an equal right to the means of production....Laws—just laws—natural laws—are not made; they are discovered. Law-enacting is aninsult to divine intelligence; and law-enforcing is the impeachment of God’s integrity and Hispower.

August Spies on the same memorable occasion gave his views of Socialismin these words:

Socialism is a constructive and not a destructive science. While capitalism expropriatesthe masses for the benefit of the privileged class; while capitalism is that school of economicswhich teaches how one can live upon the labor (i. e., property) of the other, Socialismteaches how all may possess property, and further teaches that every man must workhonestly for his own living, and not be playing the respectable Board of Trade man, or anyother highly too respectable business man or banker. Socialism, in short, seeks to establisha universal system of coöperation and to render accessible to each and every member of thehuman family the achievements and benefits of civilization, which, under capitalism, arebeing monopolized by a privileged class, and employed, not, as they should be, for the commongood of all, but for the brutish gratification of an avaricious class. Under capitalism,the great inventions of the past, far from being a blessing for mankind, have been turnedinto a curse! Socialism teaches that machines, the means of transportation and communication,are the result of the combined efforts of society, past and present, and that they aretherefore rightfully the indivisible property of society, just the same as the soil and the minesand all natural gifts should be. This declaration implies that those who have appropriatedthis wealth wrongfully, though lawfully, shall be expropriated by society. The expropriationof the masses by the monopolists has reached such a degree that the expropriation ofthe expropriateurs has become an imperative necessity, an act of social self-preservation.Society will reclaim its own even though you erect a gibbet on every street-corner. AndAnarchism, this terrible “ism,” deduces that under a coöperative organization of society,under economic equality and individual independence, the “state”—the political state—willpass into barbaric antiquity. And we will be where all are free, where there are nolonger masters and servants. Where intellect stands for brute force, there will no longer beany use for the policeman and militia to preserve the so-called “peace and order.” Anarchism,or Socialism, means the reorganization of society upon scientific principles and theabolition of causes which produce vice and crime.

Michael Schwab, in his utterances before the same tribunal, held asfollows:

Socialism, as we understand it, means that land and machinery shall be held in commonby the people. The production of goods shall be carried on by producing groups whichshall supply the demands of the people. Under such a system every human being wouldhave an opportunity to do useful work, and no doubt would work. Some hours’ work everyday would suffice to produce all that, according to statistics, is necessary for a comfortableliving. Time would be left to cultivate the mind and to further science and art. That is[83]what Socialists propose. According to our vocabulary, Anarchy is a state of society in whichthe only government is reason. A state of society in which all human beings do right for thesimple reason that it is right and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such a society no laws,no compulsion will be necessary.

Samuel Fielden, standing before the same court, also dwelt upon Socialism,saying:

And it will be a good time, a grand day for the world; it will be a grand day for humanity;it will never have taken a step so far onward toward perfection, if it can ever reach thatgoal, as it will when it accepts the principles of Socialism. They are the principles thatinjure no man. They are the principles that consider the interest of every one. They arethe principles which will do away with wrong; and injustice and suffering will be reduced atleast to a minimum under such an organization of society. As compared to the presentstruggle for existence, which is degrading society and making men merely things and animals,Socialism will give them opportunities of developing the possibilities of their nature.

The platform of the International Association of Workingmen, indorsedby the local organization, formulates the principles of Socialism as follows:

The above was published in theAlarm of November 1, 1884, with thefollowing comment:

Such, in brief, are the aims of Socialism as expounded by its mostextreme representatives. The state of society they seek to establish maybe highly beneficial to a class which, under any conditions, lacks sobriety,frugality, thrift and self-reliance; but just where the general mass of humanityis to be bettered or elevated, socially, morally or politically, is a point notsatisfactorily explained. Their theory may look well on paper, and theirglittering generalities may draw adherents from the ranks of the illiterateand the vicious, but a condition of society in which there are no mastersand no authority can only lead to chaos. In a society “in which allhuman beings do right for the simple reason that it is right,” there can beneither stability nor permanence, unless human nature is recast, reconstructed[84]and regenerated. Human nature must be treated as it is found inthe general make-up of man; and therefore a society in which all specialdesires, all ambition and all self-elevation have been eliminated, precludesdevelopment and progress. It reduces everything to utter shiftlessness andstagnation. In such a society there can be no incentive to great achievementsin art, literature, mechanics or invention. If all are to be placed onan equal footing, the ignorant with the educated, the dullard with thegenius, the profligate with the provident, and the drunken wretch with theindustrious, what encouragement for special effort? If you “render accessibleto each and every member of the human family the achievements andbenefits of civilization,” holding “property in common,” why should a manrack his brain or strain his muscles in producing something which heexpects to prove remunerative to himself in some way, but which under theSocialistic state would go to the financial benefit of all? Take away allincentive to improvement, and you make life scarcely worth the living.Where the state, or the “independent commune,” is to be entrusted withthe care and equal distribution of wealth and the employment of men,the individual will give little concern for the morrow or for anything beyondhis immediate wants. What need he accomplish more than his neighbor,since everything that is produced is shared jointly?

In the Socialistic society, every man might “work honestly for his ownliving,” as Spies declares, but what would be the inevitable result of a systemin which the state or commune undertakes to see that all have employment?

History does not leave us room for doubt. The various constitutions ofFrance recognized the right of the people to employment. It was providedin 1792 that it was the duty of society to afford such employment, and inthe following year it was added that the remuneration of the laborer shouldbe sufficient to support him. This doctrine was recognized until 1819,when it fell into “innocuous desuetude,” and it was not revived until 1848.In that year a placard appeared on the dead walls of Paris, to the followingeffect:

The Provisional Government of the French Republic guarantees existence to the laborerby labor. It guarantees labor to every citizen. It guarantees that laborers may associate toobtain the profits of their legitimate labor.

In consequence of this proclamation the Government was appealed to,and national work-shops were established under the auspices of the Government.The establishments were open to all, but, as no one was speciallyinterested in their financial success, they soon proved too great a drain uponthe resources of the nation. Failure was the result. In the assignmentof work at the factories, skill and fitness never entered into consideration.One workman was as good as another, and the men, so long as they had theGovernment at their back, with living guaranteed, did not bother muchabout the kind of article they produced. The result was that inferior goodswere thrown upon the market, and purchasers were difficult to find. Thisspeedily led to the closing of the work-shops, and since then the FrenchGovernment has never maintained that society at large must operate work-shopsfor the benefit of all. Any commune that undertakes the same taskagain must similarly fail.

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BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—II.
From Photographs.
1. “Down with all Laws.”——6. “Long live the Social Revolution!”

[86]

Now, suppose that, in the new economic conditions, it should be determinedby the “independent communes” that wages should in a measure befixed according to the skill, ability and energy of the workingmen, whatsort of allotment would fall to the great body of workers? Edward Atkinson,an accurate statistician of world-wide reputation, has furnished thepublic with a compilation showing what each would receive if the aggregateproduction in the United States were divided among its inhabitants. Theannual production, he calculates, of all the industries of our country, does notexceed $200 per head of population. This would give a total of $12,000,000.If this were divided equally among families of five persons each, on a basis ofa sixty-million population, each family would have $1,000 per annum. But,as I have said, suppose some families secure more than others, on accountof greater efficiency, and that one-third of these families secure $2,000 eachper annum. The remaining two-thirds would only secure an average of$500. “Suppose,” it has been said, “one-half of this third to be fortunateenough, or skillful enough, to increase their average to $3,000. The remaininghalf continuing at $2,000, the average share of the two-thirds wouldfall to $250, or $50 only per head, per annum.”

As Prof. Barnard, dwelling upon the facts to be deduced from Atkinson’sshowing, says: “Inasmuch as the idea of an average implies that asmany are below it as are above it, it is easy to see that the only way ofremoving the scourge of poverty from the entire human race is to increasethe productiveness of labor so that want can only be a consequence of willfulidleness, or improvidence, or vice.”

In the “wonderful readjustment” of wealth and the products of laborSocialists propose to inaugurate, there would be everywhere more misery,more poverty and more crime than the people are now contending with inthe purlieus of London and Paris. That there is room for improvement inthe condition of our social state is true, but that changes for the better canbe obtained by Socialism and by means of violence is false. These socialas well as governmental improvements can only be brought about by peaceablemeans. Never by force, as the logic of events demonstrated in theCook County Jail. There is no question that crack-brained theorists willcontinue to spring up and exist. They have existed in the past. TheBabeufs, the Lassalles, the Fouriers and the Karl Marxes may continue topreach their one-sided ideas, but universal education in the United Statesand the general morality of the masses may be safely counted upon as a[87]guaranty that neither the gospel of violence nor isolated cases of bloodshedwill ever succeed in establishing exploded and ruinous theories of politics.

A GROUP OF ANARCHISTS.

From a Photograph.—The central figure is that of a man in the uniform of theLehr und Wehr Verein. The reclining figure in foreground is MoritzNeff, proprietor of Neff’s Hall.

After the Socialists of Chicago had organized their military companies,it soon became evident that they intended to use their forces against organizedsociety, and as they paraded them before the community on all publicoccasions as amenace to good order,the Illinois Legislaturein 1879 settledtheir statuseffectually by adoptinga law prohibitingarmed forces inthe State exceptthose willing toswear to support theinstitutions of theState as well as ofthe nation, or to becomemembers ofthe State militia. Itwas also made apunishable offensefor any body of mento assemble witharms, drill or paradewithin the Statewithout authority.The Socialists werenot seeking Statehonors, and theytook an appeal tothe State SupremeCourt on the groundthat the legislativeact was unconstitutional. They were beaten, and accordingly forced toabandon their ten companies.

From carrying arms, however, they soon turned their attention to thestudy of explosives. They began experiments at once, and some yearslater boldly urged their adherents to become adepts in the manufactureand use of the most approved explosive—dynamite.

In theAlarm of October 18, 1884, the following was published:

[88]

One man armed with a dynamite bomb is equal to one regiment of militia, when it is usedat the right time and place. Anarchists are of the opinion that the bayonet and Gatling gunwill cut but sorry part in the social revolution. The whole method of warfare has beenrevolutionized by latter-day discoveries of science, and the American people will avail themselvesof its advantages in the conflict with upstarts and contemptible braggarts who expect tocontinue their rascality under the plea of preserving law and order.

The same paper, in its issue of November 1, 1884, contained this pronunciamento:

Again, on February 21, 1885, from the same paper:

In the same issue also appeared the following:

Dynamite! Of all the good stuff, this is the stuff. Stuff several pounds of this sublimestuff into an inch pipe (gas or water pipe), plug up both ends, insert a cap with a fuseattached, place this in the immediate neighborhood of a lot of rich loafers who live by thesweat of other people’s brows, and light the fuse. A most cheerful and gratifying resultwill follow. In giving dynamite to the downtrodden millions of the globe science hasdone its best work. The dear stuff can be carried in the pocket without danger, while it isa formidable weapon against any force of militia, police or detectives that may want tostifle the cry for justice that goes forth from the plundered slaves. It is something not veryornamental, but exceedingly useful. It can be used against persons and things. It is betterto use it against the former than against bricks and masonry. It is a genuine boon for thedisinherited, while it brings terror and fear to the robbers. A pound of this good stuff beatsa bushel of ballots all hollow, and don’t you forget it! Our law-makers might as well try tosit down on the crater of a volcano or a bayonet as to endeavor to stop the manufacture anduse of dynamite. It takes more justice and right than is contained in laws to quiet thespirit of unrest.

[89]

In theArbeiter-Zeitung of March 19, 1886, appeared the following,after many articles had been previously published of the same tenor asthose in theAlarm:

The following extracts are from the first number of theAnarchist,Engel’s paper, dated January 1, 1886, with the motto, “All government wehate”:

TheAlarm, January 13, 1885:

TheAlarm, July 25, 1885:

STREET FIGHTING.

[91]

BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—III.
From Photographs.

[92]

“United States and State regiments are organized on the unit of four, which permits themost rapid and effective change of front that can be devised. The art of war consists inmaking soldiers fight. The line of retreat must be kept open to avoid capture. In futurerevolts the people shall assume the aggressive. Army officers have wasted years of studyover the science of street fighting, unavailingly. The plan below shows a method adoptedas best. The troops are formed on the street in two bodies in column of four, headed bya Gatling gun. On the sidewalk a line of skirmishers and sharpshooters, whose duty it is tofire into the houses, the whole advancing cautiously. When a cross street is reached, a companyis left to hold it, in order to keep open the avenue of retreat. Military knowledge hasbecome popularized since 1877, and now, in almost any contest, it would be easy to findsome fair leaders of the people who would devise some means of meeting such an advance,as indicated by the following diagram. The diagram represents a street corner. The planis, at the street crossing to have bodies of revolutionists with movable barracks placed obliquelyon the cross street, and who from there will fire vigorously upon the advancing column.They have supporters also in the building, also at the corner, whose duty is to throwdynamite upon the troops. If the position is carried, the party defending escape throughthe cross streets. The rear of the column can also be attacked from the cross streets. Ifthe men in the barricades are armed with the new international dynamite rifle (which I amtold exists in the hands of the revolutionists), I give it as a careful technical opinion, that,pursuing these tactics under brave and able leaders, fifty men can hold at bay and finallydestroy in any of your cities an attacking force of five thousand troops.” Signed “R. S. S.”Alcatraz Island, December 8.

TheAlarm, December 26, 1885:

THE RED BANNER OF THE
CARPENTERS’ UNION.
From a Photograph.

TheAlarm of January 9, 1886, then edited, in the absence of its editorand his assistant, by August Spies, contained this suggestive editorial:

TheArbeiter-Zeitung, February 17, editorial:

In France, during strikes, etc., a new method is lately adopted. The workingmenbarricade themselves in the factories with provisions, taking possession of the property,which the manufacturers desire to preserve, and will only resort to force for their ejection inthe most extreme case. The conflict between capitalism and workingmen is growing constantlysharper, and the indication is that force will bring about decisive results in the battlefor liberty.

TheArbeiter-Zeitung of April 30:

We are advised that the police are ordered to be ready for a conflict upon Saturday ofnext week. The capitalists are thirsting for the blood of workingmen. The workingmenrefuse longer to be tortured and treated like dogs, and for this opposition the capitalists cryfor blood. Perhaps they may have it, and lose some of their own. To the workingmenwe again say: Arm yourselves, but conceal your arms lest they be stolen from you.

TheArbeiter-Zeitung, May 3:

Courage, courage, is our cry. Don’t forget the words of Herways: “The host of theoppressors grow pale when thou, weary of thy burden, in the corner puttest the plow; whenthou sayest, ‘It is enough.’”

TheArbeiter-Zeitung, May 4:

These are a few of the many articles emanating from the Socialisticpropaganda, calling the rabble to murder and destruction. Other declarations[95]printed in theArbeiter-Zeitung and pronounced upon the stump arein the same virulent spirit, couched in varying language as suggested by theevents of the moment, but all breathing defiance and death to the so-called“capitalistic class.” There are also minute and specific directions for thepreparation as well as the use of dynamite, Herr Most’s work on that subjecthaving been largely drawn upon for the enlightenment of those who believedthat dynamite is the weapon through the use of which the social revolutioncan be accomplished. Paragraphs, sections and chapters of Bakounine’s“Groundwork for the Social Revolution” were likewise read to the Socialistsand published in their organs.

ATTEMPT OF DR. NOBILING TO ASSASSINATE
THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY.

[96]

Another source from which to draw inspiration was Reinsdorf, theapostle of Anarchy in Germany. The Chicago Anarchists regarded him asa splendid representative of their class, and praised his attempt on the lifeof the Emperor of Germany. His death on the scaffold was regarded asmartyrdom, and his deeds were frequently extolled. His confederates inconspiracy, Hoedel and Nobiling, were referred to in terms of praise byGeorge A. Schilling at a meeting in West Twelfth Street Turner Hall.Louis Lingg had been personally acquainted with Reinsdorf, and gloriedin the man’s work and courage. The extreme section of the ChicagoSocialists alwayssought to inculcate hisideas, and that thereader may gain somenotion of Reinsdorf’scharacter, I reproducethe following translationfrom a GermanSocialistic paper, showinghis career:

AUGUST REINSDORF.

With such an example of courage before them, and the revenge hisexecution invited, it is almost needless to remark that the bloodthirstyAnarchists of Chicago read with eager avidity anything pertaining to theirhero. Accordingly, in theVorbote of December 16, 1885, the following isto be found:

REINSDORF’S INHERITANCE.

In the pamphlet about Reinsdorf there is a letter published which our great martyr wrotethe day previous to his decapitation. We are able now to publish two other letters whichReinsdorf wrote at the same time, to his parents and to his second brother.

One letter reads as follows:

The second letter is directed to his parents:

What Herr Johann Most, the present American leader of the irreconcilables,thought of Reinsdorf, may be judged by the following extracts fromMost’s biography:

JOHANN MOST.

The revolutionists of Chicago appear more careful about exposingthemselves to danger than their foreign co-conspirators, and, while counselingbloodshed, suggest ways of bringing about destruction with a minimumof danger. In theArbeiter-Zeitung of March 16, 1885, there appeared thefollowing editorial, suggesting the most effective way of using dynamite:

I have thus shown the manner and methods by which Socialism seeksto gain a foothold in America. In their declarations of principles andencouragements to violence, these agitators have proved themselves traitorsto their country or the country of their adoption, and ingrates to society.They have sought, and are seeking, to establish “Anarchy in the midst ofthe state, war in times of peace, and conspiracy in open day.” They arethe “Huns and Vandals of modern civilization.”

As De Tocqueville says: “Democracy and Socialism are the antipodesof each other. While Democracy extends the sphere of individual independence,Socialism contracts it. Democracy develops a man’s wholemanhood; Socialism makes him an agent, an instrument, a cipher. Democracyand Socialism harmonize on one point only—the equality whichthey introduce. But mark the difference: Democracy seeks equality inliberty, while Socialism seeks it in servitude and constraint.”

CHAPTER V.

The Socialistic Programme—Fighting a Compromise—Opposition to theEight-hour Movement—The Memorial to Congress—Eight Hours’ Work Enough—TheAnarchist Position—AnAlarm Editorial—“Capitalists and Wage Slaves”—Parsons’Ideas—The Anarchists and the Knights of Labor—Powderly’s Warning—Workingup a Riot—The Effect of Labor-saving Machinery—Views of Edison andWells—The Socialistic Demonstration—The Procession of April 25, 1886—How theArbeiter-Zeitung Helped on the Crisis—The Secret Circular of 1886.

WHILE the Socialists are bent on a revolution in the economic conditionof the working class, or, as they choose to term it, theproletariat, they have conclusively shown that they do not desire tofurther that movement by pacific means. Imbued with the doctrines ofviolence and intent on the complete destruction of government, they do notseek their end by orderly, legitimate methods. This fact has been mostthoroughly established by the extracts from their public declarations whichI have already given.

But if any doubts still exist with reference thereto, they are completelydissipated by an examination into the attitude assumed by the Socialiststoward the labor problem as it exists at the present day. It is not my purposeto enter into a detailed review of the whole field. I will simply callattention to one fact, and in that fact one sweeps the labor horizon, viewedfrom the Socialistic standpoint, as the astronomer sweeps the heavens withhis telescope, striking the most prominent objects within the range of observation.This one fact is the position of the Socialists toward the eight-hourmovement.

It is generally known that many economists and agitators, with neitheraffiliations nor sympathy for Socialism, have been contending for years thatwith the rapid increase in labor-saving machinery and the consequent displacementof labor, reduction in the hours of service has become an absolutenecessity. The points made in support of this position are numerous, andas the most salient ones appear in a memorial on the part of a NationalLabor Convention to the Committee on Depression in Labor and Businessof the Forty-sixth Congress, drafted November 10, 1879, I may briefly quotea few. The memorial asked a reduction:

1. In the name of political economy. “All political economists areagreed,” they said, “that the standard of wages is determined by the costof subsistence rather than by the number of hours employed. Wages arerecognized as resulting from the necessary cost of living in any given community.The cost of subsistence for an average family determines the rate,and it is for this reason that single men can save more if they will.”

2. In the interest of civilization. “The battle for a reduction of the[105]hours of labor is a struggle for a wider civilization.” With less hours, moreleisure is afforded for mental and social improvement. In proof the memorialistsappealed to the past and to the fact that one day of rest in seven hasraised the social condition of the people. Besides, they urged, the “historyof the short-hour movement in England proved conclusively that everyreduction of time in the United Kingdom had invariably been followed byan increase of wages,” and the consequent improvement of workingmen.

3. The changed relations between production and consumption demandremedial legislation. A reduction of hours would give more men employment.Under existing conditions, capital and production have increasedwhile the number of persons employed has fallen off.

These are doctrines one would think the Socialist, pretending to havethe interests of labor at heart, would unquestionably and heartily indorse.Far from it. True to his nature as a social disturber, disorganizer andmalcontent, he sees in it a possible solution of many labor troubles andthe approach to a rearrangement of existing conditions on a basis differentfrom his own theories. When this question arose in Chicago in the winterof 1885-86, theAlarm entered its most emphatic protest. In its issue ofDecember 12, 1885, it had this to say, under the heading, “No Compromise”:

These sentiments were frequently reiterated by A. R. Parsons, who wasthe editor of theAlarm; and in August Spies he found an energetic ally.Among other things Spies said concerning the movement:

[106]

The movement, however, took a firm hold of the laboring classes. Theysaw in it a chance to secure more leisure, and, inspired by their anti-Socialisticleaders, did all in their power to further it. There were then in Chicagoa great many unemployed, and under the plea that a reduction in thehours of toil would not only give more time for self-improvement, butnecessitate the employment of many of the idle throng, the leaders advocatedits speedy introduction. At this time the general sentiment prevailedthat it was simply a movement for a reduction in working-time, the questionof wages not being involved. Some few irresponsible talkers of theSocialistic stamp, it is true, held out that it was to be a contention for wagesas well, but the most influential and conservative representatives of laborinsisted that they only wanted eight hours’ work for eight-hours’ pay. GrandMaster Workman Powderly held to the latter view and repeatedly urged themembers of the Knights of Labor not to go beyond that demand. Heeven intimated a doubt if it were the part of wisdom and policy to undertakeat the time a strike of the kind, in view of the complications thengrowing out of the Missouri Pacific Railway—known as the Gould system—“tie-up.”Traffic and industry had been seriously affected throughoutthe West by Martin Irons’ stubbornness, and it is evident that Powderlyhad his misgivings about the outcome of an eight-hour strike. However,the leaders continued their agitation, and it was decided that the resolutionadopted in 1884 by a number of trades organizations in national sessionfor an eight-hour strike on May 1, 1886, should be carried out in Chicago,as in other large manufacturing and trade centers. Had this simple propositionnot been “loaded,” the result of the movement might have beendifferent, but, as the time drew near, it became quite apparent that, despitePowderly’s warnings, the question of wages was to cut a leading figure. Itwas developed that the demand for a reduction of hours was to be accompaniedwith a demand for the same wages as under the old ten-hour system.This was the rock upon which they subsequently foundered. Had they beencontent to accept decreased wages and relied upon increased efficiency andskill and the logic of events to secure increased pay in the future, theymight have scored many victories, if not a complete success.

But they were alike unmindful of Powderly’s advice and the teachingsof history. They seemingly forgot that the employers would naturallyresist any such sweeping concession, and that, as in other instances, theunemployed would at once be installed, whenever possible, in their places,and that in industries where there did not exist an over-production, thecapacity of machines would be more heavily taxed and new machines wouldbe introduced to do work hitherto done by hand. A London publicationhas shown how, in recent years, in the extremity of bitter strikes, manufactorieshave increased their labor-saving machinery to offset the absenceof their workmen and how invention in the line of new machines has been[107]greatly stimulated by a stubborn conflict between employer and employé.Hon. David A. Wells has also pointed out a similar result in this country.Identically the same thing happened in several establishments in Chicago.The unemployed and new machines were called into requisition wheneverpossible.

But labor-saving machinery need not necessarily be regarded as anenemy of labor. That doctrine, which had its origin at the time when ariot in Spain followed the introduction of a machine to make woolens, andwhich continued until the invention of the sewing-machine, has in this daycome to be regarded by all enlightened economists as a nightmare of themusty past. The fact is labor has been aided and benefited by machinery.

Prof. Edison, the great inventor, is authority for the statement that theincrease in machinery and inventions during the last fifty years has doubledthe wages of workingmen and reduced the cost of the necessaries of life 50per cent. “For the first time in the world’s history,” he says, “a skilledmechanic can buy a barrel of flour with a single day’s work.” Hon. DavidA. Wells, in an article in thePopular Science Monthly for October, 1887,treating of the depression of prices since 1873, also demonstrates the factthat the reductions, which he states to be 30 per cent., during the timeunder his review, are due to inventions. Edison goes still further inhis statement with reference to the enhancement of wages. He predicts,rather too glowingly perhaps, that in another generation even “the unskilledlaborer, if sober and industrious, will have a house of his own, a library, apiano and a horse and carriage,” with all the comforts that these imply.

Anarchist Spies evidently took no stock in such a condition as the resultof new and improved mechanical appliances, for in his early opposition tothe inauguration of the eight-hour movement he declared that “for a manwho desires to remain a wage slave, the introduction of every new improvementand machine is a threatening competitor.”

I have thus pointed to some facts bearing on strikes and wages becauseit has since transpired that the Anarchists or Socialists, intent on precipitatingthe “social revolution,” were the principal instigators of the demandfor ten hours’ pay for eight hours’ work, thereby hoping to irritate the employersto determined resistance and the workingmen of non-Socialisticideas to the point of violence. Past experience was cast aside under theirclandestine guidance. While the movement was in its infancy the Socialists,as such, held aloof, but, the moment they saw that it was gaining strengthand was likely to involve all the wage-workers in the city, and that eighthours on a basis of reduced pay might be secured, they perceived theiropportunity to complicate matters by the introduction of a demand for theold wages with reduced time. This at once threw down the gauntlet.While before they had opposed the movement, they now became activeagitators in its behalf and appeared more solicitous about its certain inauguration[108]than they were about its successful ending. Their organs bristledwith incendiary language. Their speakers could hardly find words strongenough to fire their auditors in the demand for eight hours. They even gotup a procession under the auspices of the Central Labor Union, and, onSunday, April 25, 1886, paraded the streets with red flags and red badges.

Among some of the mottoes displayed were: “The Social Revolution,”“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves,” “Down with Throne, Altar and Moneybags,”and “Might makes Right, and You are the Strongest.”

The procession massed on the Lake Front. There the leading speakerswere loud in encouraging the strike for eight hours. Parsons maintained that“if the demands of workingmen were met by a universal lock-out, the signalwould be taken as one of ‘war, and war to the knife.’” Spies declaredthat “the eight-hour day had been argued for twenty years. We at lastcan hope to realize it.” Schwab and Fielden were alike emphatic.

TheArbeiter-Zeitung likewise heartily indorsed the movement. In itsissue of April 26, 1886, appeared an editorial of which the following isthe concluding paragraph:

What a modest demand, the introduction of the eight-hour day! And yet a corps ofmadmen could not demean themselves worse than the capitalistic extortioners. They continuallythreaten with their disciplined police and their strong militia,—and these are notempty threats. This is proved by the history of the last few years. It is a nice thing, thispatience, and the laborer, alas! has too much of this article; but one must not indulge in atoo frivolous play with it. If you go further, his patience will cease; then it will be nolonger a question of the eight-hour day, but a question of emancipation from wage slavery.

In the same paper two days later the editor said:

When the eventful day—May 1—arrived, theArbeiter-Zeitung becamemore menacing than ever, and the following appeared:

[109]

BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—IV.
From Photographs.

[110]

In the same issue of theArbeiter-Zeitung also appeared the following, ina conspicuous place:

It is said that on the person of one of the arrested comrades in New York a list ofmembership has been found, and that all the comrades compromised have been arrested.Therefore, away with all rolls of membership, and minute-books, where such are kept. Clean yourguns, complete your ammunition. The hired murderers of the capitalists, the police and militia,are ready to murder. No workingman should leave his house in these days with empty pockets.

The consummate inconsistency of the Socialists is thus no better illustratedin what has already been shown than in their record in Chicago.They have always been eager to jump on top of the band wagon, to paraphrasea famous expression of Emery A. Storrs, when they thought that itgave them a chance to join in the lead of the procession; and, the momentthey had a voice in directing the music, they led it beyond the mere sentimentsof a Marseillaise. Take each formidable strike in the city, andinvariably they have instigated the rabble to deeds of disorder and violence.What care they for labor reforms accomplished through peaceable agitation?It is only when a pretext is presented for widening the breachbetween capital and labor, and hastening the time for revolution, that theSocialists join in any movement looking to the real benefit of labor. It istrue, they have figured in labor reforms, such as the agitation for nationaland State bureaus of labor statistics, the abolition of convict labor in competitionwith outside industries, the prevention of child labor in factoriesand work-shops, the sanitary inspection of tenement-houses and factories;but all these have been merely side issues to their one and controlling purpose—Revolution.For appearance’ sake they have boasted of their achievementsin the lines indicated, but it is a fact of history that, without theefforts of non-Socialistic labor, none of the reforms so far accomplishedwould ever have been secured. The fact is that Socialists and Anarchistsare radically opposed to the whole wage system and only join in thedemands of law-observing and peace-loving labor as a means to one end—opportunityfor disturbance. For this purpose alone they have becomemembers of the Knights of Labor, and, once in, they have proved an elementof disorder and contention. So pronounced had they become infomenting trouble during the eight-hour agitation that Mr. Powderlyfinally found it necessary to issue a secret circular to the order in the springof 1886. In that circular, among other things, he said:

[111]

INTERIOR VIEW OF NEFF’S HALL.—From a Photograph.

Men who own capital are not our enemies. If that theory held good, the workman of to-daywould be the enemy of his fellow-toiler on the morrow, for, after all, it is how to acquirecapital and how to use it properly that we are endeavoring to learn. No! The man of capitalis not necessarily the enemy of the laborer; on the contrary, they must be brought closertogether. I am well aware that some extremists will say I am advocating a weak plan andwill say that bloodshed and destruction of property alone will solve the problem. If a manspeaks such sentiments in an assembly read for him the charge which the Master Workmanrepeats to the newly initiated who join our “army of peace.” If he repeats such nonsenseput him out.

Wise words and well spoken.

CHAPTER VI.

The Eight-hour Movement—Anarchist Activity—The Lock-out at McCormick’s—Distortingthe Facts—A Socialist Lie—The True Facts about McCormick’s—WhoShall Run the Shops?—Abusing the “Scabs”—High Wages forCheap Work—The Union Loses $3,000 a Day—Preparing for Trouble—Arming theAnarchists—Ammunition Depots—Pistols and Dynamite—Threatening the Police—TheConspirators Show the White Feather—Capt. O’Donnell’s Magnificent PoliceWork—The Revolution Blocked—A Foreign Reservation—An Attempt to Mob thePolice—The History of the First Secret Meeting—Lingg’s First Appearance in theConspiracy—The Captured Documents—Bloodshed at McCormick’s—“The BattleWas Lost”—Officer Casey’s Narrow Escape.

THE events immediately preceding the inauguration of the eight-hourstrike were remarkable in the opportunities they afforded Anarchistsfor arousing workingmen against capital and stirring up their worstpassions. The leaders had already intensified the clamor for reducedworking-time, and only the occasion was needed to fully arouse the trueruffianism behind the Socialistic rabble. This occasion was presented inthe troubles that grew out of the “lock-out” at McCormick’s HarvesterWorks, and, as the facts in connection therewith are necessary to a clearand comprehensive understanding of the situation, I shall briefly reviewthem. Before doing so, however, it may be well to premise by saying thatthe real state of affairs in that trouble was greatly exaggerated, and that,instead of dividing responsibility, the Socialistic orators sought to throw thesole burden upon the owners and managers of that establishment, chargingthem, in the heat and excitement of the times, with gross violation of pledgedfaith to the men employed, and instigating even violent resistance to theinstallation of new men, or “scabs,” as they were opprobriously termed,into the vacated places.

This so-called “lock-out” occurred on February 16, 1886, and throughit some twelve hundred men became idle. The Anarchists proceeded atonce to distort every fact in connection with it. The view they presentedof the affair may be best shown by the following extract from a history ofthe Chicago Anarchists published by the Socialistic Publishing Society:

The employés of that establishment had been for some time perfecting their organization,and at last had presented a petition for the redress of certain grievances and a general advanceof wages. The dispute arose over an additional demand that a guarantee be given that noman in the factory should be discharged for having acted as a representative of his comrades.This was absolutely refused. A strike in the factory in the preceding April had been adjustedon the basis that none of the men who served on committees, etc., and made themselves conspicuousin behalf of their fellow workmen, would be discharged for so doing. This agreementhas been wantonly violated, and every man who had incurred the displeasure of Mr. McCormickwas not only discharged, but black-listed, in many cases being unable to obtain employmentin other shops.

[113]

It thus appears that the Socialist leaders not only hoped to utilize thestrike to precipitate their revolution, but, by purposely misstating the grievancesof McCormick’s men, to engender a bitter and violent feeling againstthat establishment. Now, what were the true facts in the case? Along inFebruary the employés in the works asked for a uniformity of wages, there-employment, as occasion demanded, of all old hands, who had been outof work since the strike in April preceding, and the discharge of five non-unionmen employed in the foundry. Mr. Cyrus McCormick generouslyconceded the first two demands, but firmly declined to discharge the non-unionmen, as he regarded this as an interference with the company’s rightof employing whom they pleased. Thereupon the employés held a meetingand formulated anultimatum, in which they insisted upon the discharge asrequested, “not because,” as they said, “they wanted to abridge the privilegeof hiring and discharging, but because Foreman Ward threatened topursue old hands with such vindictiveness that he would drive them overthe ‘Black Road,’ or else they would have to walk in their nakedness,” and injustice to the old employés the non-union workmen ought to be “thrownout.” Mr. McCormick took the position that this was an attempt to dictatethat only union men should be employed in the works, and he finallydeclared that the company had always decided and always would decidewho were best suited to do its work, and whom or how many men it wouldemploy or discharge. If the concessions already made were not satisfactory,he would close the works.

During the strike of the preceding spring, McCormick had done justwhat other manufacturers had done in similar cases—introduced new machineryto perform work hitherto done by hand. He had put in new moldingapparatus and had found that the new machines in the hands of ordinarylaborers, as soon as they learned to handle them, turned out daily far moremolds and more reliable ones than the old hand process. On the outbreakof the trouble in February there were fifteen men employed in the foundry,—tenold hands and five non-union men. The services of all of themmight thus have been dispensed with, since skilled labor was not necessary,and, with the addition of more machines and a few raw hands, just as muchand just as good work, he claimed, might have been produced. But theowners desired to favor the employés, and, having granted a uniformity ofwages even to the extent of advancing the pay of ordinary labor to $1.50per day, a sum greater than that paid by similar industries elsewhere, andhaving promised to give preference to old employés when additional handswere needed, they resolved not to be dictated to by outside malcontents norto discharge men who had done efficient work for the company.

[114]

A STRIKE.
The Walking Delegate Sowing the Seed of Discontent.

[115]

The grant of such a request would, they held, be virtually placing the management ofthe concern in the hands of outsiders. When, therefore, the employés,instigated by the Anarchists, resolved to strike for their demand, McCormicktook time by the forelock and ordered the works closed on and after nineo’clock on the morning of February 16, to remain closed until the strikersdecided to return.

GREIF’S HALL.

By this “lock-out” the employés were deprived of$3,000 a day in the shape of wages, that amount representing the daily payrollof the concern. Meanwhile, pending the lock-out, the company canvassedthe possibility ofan early resumption ofbusiness and quietly perfectedarrangements forthat step, which they concludedto take on March 1.Of course, this contemplatedmove enraged allthe groups in the city.The strikers in the vicinityof the factory were especiallyexcited. Ever sincethe establishment hadclosed its doors the neighborhoodhad been infestedwith idlers and vicious-lookingmen. They hadall felt confident that thefirm would be finallyforced to submit, but whenit gradually dawned upontheir minds that arrangementshad actually beenmade for a resumption ofwork without referenceto the wishes of the “outs,”they determined to preventit by force. Theywere the first to decide onviolent measures, and theypresented their purpose to the members of Carpenters’ Union No. 1.The result was that two secret meetings of the armed men of bothunions were held between February 27 and March 3 at Greif’s Hall.The first meeting called out nearly all the “armed men” of the Metal-workers’Union and about one hundred and forty men belonging to InternationalCarpenters’ Union No. 1, some with rifles, revolvers and dynamitebombs. They then and there formulated a plan to prevent the “scabs”from going to work. The plan was that the metal-workers should gather[116]in the vicinity of the factory at about five o’clock on the morning the workswere to be reopened, well equipped with bombs, rifles and revolvers.Those who did not possess rifles were to secure revolvers and bombs,which could be obtained, they were told, on Blue Island Avenue, betweenTwenty-second Street and McCormick’s. At that place, on giving thepass-word and number of the place, every member would be supplied. Inthe event of their running short of ammunition, they were to repair to thatplace, and they would find some one there always to wait on them. It wasgiven out that the place was run by the metal-workers, who would see toit that all necessary bombs were on hand. Members having friends livingin the vicinity of the factory were to stay with them over night so as to beup bright and early in the morning, and those living at a distance were tomake it a point to get up early enough to be on hand at the time indicated.A point ofrendezvous was designated, and, when all had arrived, they wereto surround the factory and permit no one to enter except on peril of beingshot. This situation of affairs, they said, would necessarily bring out thepolice, but the moment these should arrive the “armed men” were to openfire. The first volley was to be over the heads of the “blue-coats,” and ifthat did not put them to flight, they were to be shot down without mercy.When they began to throw bombs the “reds” were all to be in line, so thatnone of their own number would be hurt by the explosions, and whereverthe police formed a company a solid front was to be presented and arattling fire maintained. They would also form different lines along the“Black Road,” and when patrol wagons came to the rescue of the officers,they were to hurl bombs at them.

It was to be a fight to the death. Every one agreed, as I was told, “todie game, give no quarter, and see to it that the green grass aroundMcCormick’s factory was nourished with human blood.” In accordancewith the plan, the members of the Carpenters’ Union were to assemble withrifles and ammunition at Greif’s Hall at an hour not later than six o’clockin the morning, and to remain there until orders for their services weresent. The carpenters carried out their part of the programme, and at theappointed hour there were no less than two hundred of them at the hall,fully armed and apparently ready for any emergency. They scatteredthroughout the hall building so as not to attract attention, and impatientlyawaited orders or information indicating the progress of affairs at thefactory. But no orders were received. They heard nothing for sometime, but when they did they were a happier lot of men. The clamor andexcitement of the hour had stimulated them with a false courage, buteach had nevertheless entertained a secret hope that there would be no callfor a display of their valor. And there was none.

It appears that, on the morning they were to have created such diredestruction, the brave metal-workers overslept themselves! “There was[117]snow on the ground,” and probably they did not care to defile it with theblood of their enemies. None of them appeared at therendezvous on time,and when they straggled around at a later hour they were full of excuses,the one on which they principally relied being that their faithful spouseshad neglected to wake them in time. No one for a moment charged theothers with cowardice, and yet that was the whole secret of their failure.Each had expected others to be at the appointed place ready for the fray,but the unanimity with which all had prolonged their slumbers preventedwhat all had expected to see—a brilliant victory with themselves beyondall danger.

But about the time these braves should have been around according toprogramme, another party occupied the field. It was the brave and fearlessCapt. Simon O’Donnell, of the Second Precinct, with two lieutenantsand three companies of well disciplined officers. They took charge of the“Black Road” and the vicinity of McCormick’s factory as early as sixo’clock, and the so-called “scabs” passed into the works, “with none tomolest them or make them afraid.” When those who had oversleptsneaked around, one after another, they were perfectly amazed. Wherethey had hoped to see the ground strewn with the dead bodies of policemen,they found order and serenity.

In the expectation of seeing some disturbance, the vicinity becamecrowded during the forenoon with idlers and curious people drawn from allparts of the city. Seeing this throng and relying on the presence of manyAnarchists, the daring metal-workers revived their spirits and hoped yet toprecipitate a conflict by egging it on at a safe distance in the rear. Theyaccordingly began to utter loud threats and urge the excited rabble to anattack on the “blanked bloodhounds,” the police.

There were in the crowd a lot of half-drunken Polanders and Bohemianswho, living in the neighborhood, claimed that the presence of thepolice was a menace to their personal rights and privileges. The policewere on what these misguided people considered their own reservation,and, with a view to driving them away, some began throwing stones andclubs at the officers in the patrol wagons. Others picked out officers apartfrom their companions and made them the targets for their missiles.Captain O’Donnell learned, while this disconcerted attack was going on,that many of the crowd had revolvers and dynamite in their pockets. Hespeedily resolved on a plan for arresting and disarming such men and gaveorders to his lieutenants to surround the crowd and search all suspectedpersons. The result was that the following were found to have arms, andthey were placed under arrest: Stephen Reiski, Adolph Heuman, CharlesKosh, Henry Clasen, John Hermann, George Hermann, Ernest Haker, OttoSievert, Emil Kernser, Frank Trokinski and Stanifon Geiner. Detectives[118]from the Central Station assisted in the search, and the offenders weretaken to the Police Court, where they were fined $10 each.

It was thought that this procedure would quiet the mob, but later in theday the Anarchists again gathered around McCormick’s. The crowd wasagain surrounded, and the following were arrested for carrying concealedweapons: Louis Hartman, William Brecker, Julius Vimert, Peter Pech,William Holden, Louis Lingg, Carl Jagush, Samuel Barn, William Meyer,Rudolph Miller, John Hoben and John Otto. These were also fined.

A “ROUND-UP.”

During this trouble at the factory a gang of Anarchists had gatheredat the Workingmen’s Hall on West Twelfth Street, and they had justformed a procession to march out in a body to McCormick’s, when theywere surrounded and searched. In this “round-up” the great “LittleAugust” Krueger was arrested with a full uniform of the Lehr und WehrVerein under anovercoat, and anumber of hiscomrades weretaken in charge atthe same time.Many of them haddynamite bombs,and some oneshouted that “allbrothers who had‘stuff’ should getaway and theothers should assistthem.”

But the policewere not to betrifled with, andsome of the most daring officers rushed into the thickest of the crowd, andsucceeded in gathering in several bombs. There were a number of womenin the mob, and some of these hid bombs under their petticoats. Theofficers were of course too gallant to molest them. But the search andarrests served to break up the procession and prevent further outbreaks atthe factory that day.

Such were the results of the plots of the first secret meeting. Thesecond secret gathering, a few days later, was held, as the former had been,at Greif’s Hall. It was called by the metal-workers and carpenters jointly.They were more demonstrative than ever. Gustav Belz was accorded thedistinction of presiding over the turbulent members of the Carpenters’Union. All of the carpenters belonging to the Lehr und Wehr Verein,numbering one hundred and eighty men, were present with their rifles, and[119]they were loud for war. At the same time the metal-workers had a gatheringby themselves, and when a delegation from them called on the carpentersand announced that they were prepared to engage in battle thatday, the carpenters’ assemblage became delirious with excitement. Theyshouted and jumped about in such a lively manner that some of the moreconservative members were obliged to warn them to quiet down or theywould attract the attention of the police. The hot-heads, enraged at thiscaution, retorted by accusing the conservatives of cowardice. They refusedto be quieted, and, like Comanche Indians about to take to the war-path,they examined their revolvers and brandished their guns. They eveninspected the fuse on their bombs, and insisted that they would be readythe moment the command was given. In anticipation of blood, they screwedup their courage by frequent libations; and the more they drank the happierthey grew over the prospect of speedy acquisition of wealth when once theirrevolution was started.

It was an uncomfortable place meanwhile for the conservative members,and these had frequent occasion during the stormy proceedings to regretthat they had uttered a word of remonstrance. But there was one who didnot allow his feelings to get the better of his judgment. It was BalthasarRau. He took the floor and said that, however much he desired to fightand sweep McCormick and all other capitalists from the face of the earth,yet he could plainly see that the time had not yet arrived for commencingthe revolution. It would be folly, he insisted, to go out on the streets withrifles in hand while all the surroundings were against them and while theywere not generally prepared to cope with the police and militia. To commencea general upheaval now would be to destroy their prospects in theimmediate future.

“Before you make war,” said Rau, “you must have something to fallback on; but now we have nothing. We ought to have a treasury wellfilled. If we inaugurate a fight we must expect that some of us will bekilled, others wounded, and others again arrested. Where is the money tohelp those in distress? What will your families do if you are killed? Youmust take all these things into consideration. It is very easy for us to goout, shoot and kill somebody, but what can we expect to gain by all that?We must be ready and prepared and protected.”

This speech had a soothing effect upon some, but Belz wanted blood,and that immediately. He despised the capitalists, and the sooner theirblood was spilled the better it would suit him. The majority of the meetingexpressed a concurrence in Rau’s ideas, and one member emphasized Rau’sremarks by saying that it would be like a man going out on the streets,pounding another and then running away—nothing was gained.

Belz, seeing the drift of sentiment, grew very angry, and he suggestedthat some one move an adjournment to some other day, when they might[120]hope to get together a braver lot of men. Such a motion was made, andthe gathering separated, those that were not too drunk posting off at oncefor home.

Hynek Djenek.————————Anton Seveski.
SPECIMEN RIOTERS—I.From Photographs taken by the Police Department.

Belz grew quite demonstrative over the lack of results at this meeting,and avowed that he would have nothing more to do with such a crowd ofcowards. A few days thereafter, however, another meeting was held; but,in view of the many arrests Captain O’Donnell had made among their members,they were unable to decide upon any business. Some of the hot-headsthrew all the blame on Rau and some of his friends for having preventeddecisive action when they might have hoped to come out victorious.But all this sort of talk was simply braggadocio, and had any of these loud-mouthedfellows been actually tried, they would have been found skulkingin the rear of an attacking party. Prior and subsequent events provedthem all trembling cowards when their own personal safety was at stake.

Perhaps the most dangerous, because the most secret, figure in thecabal at this time was Louis Lingg. He seems to have been chosenespecially to direct the revolutionary design in the southwest part of thecity, and his counsels permeated every Socialistic circle in that section. Inhis trunk, after his arrest, the following letter was found in his own handwriting,evidently a copy or the original of one sent:

Lingg likewise issued a personal address, a copy of which was also foundin the trunk, urging the laborers of the Southwest Side to practice in thehandling of arms. Among other things found written over his signature, isthe following:

Our authorized demands are replied to with clubs, powder and lead. In consequence ofthese experiences it is no more than right that we adopt force and arm ourselves. Theopportunity to arm yourselves cheaply can be ascertained from all well-known comrades, aswell as armed organization, where you can find good places to drill. Don’t let this opportunitypass. The medicine dynamite, in leaden bomb, is more powerful than the rifle. Don’tforget the opportunity.

Lingg also sent another circular to his comrades in that section, ofwhich the following is a copy:

John Pototski.————————Frank Novak.
SPECIMEN RIOTERS.—II.From Photographs taken by the Police Department.

Vaclav Djenek.————————Anton Stimak.
SPECIMEN RIOTERS—III.From Photographs taken by the Police Department.

In the work of stirring up bad blood, Lingg seems to have neglected nopoint likely to count with the dissatisfied laborers. He knew that among thestrikers were a great many German Knights of Labor, and, with an ingenuityworthy of a better cause, he took occasion particularly to point out an articlepublished in theArbeiter-Zeitung of April 22, 1886, giving GovernorOglesby’s views on boycotting. This paper was afterwards found in histrunk, somewhat soiled from frequent usage, and the article in question, forconvenience of reference, had been heavily marked with a lead-pencil.Lingg no doubt figured that those who believed in the boycott would thereafterarray themselves solidly on the side of those who favored force. Atranslation of the Governor’s remarks, as given in theArbeiter-Zeitung, is asfollows:

The system of boycotting is the most damnable proposal which was ever fabricated. Itrepudiates the Constitution, the law and everything. It is the devil’s invention. Yes (speakingto John V. Farwell), when it has so far progressed that the militia is obliged to interfere,you will find that these d—d boycotters will come to them (the merchants and business men)and say, “You must prohibit your employés joining the militia, and those who persist inbelonging must be discharged from employment, or you will be boycotted.” This is a finearrangement. It is true that, meeting with opposition all over, it will die out, but I tell youit is the most damnable transgression which was ever concocted.

Ignatz Urban.————————Joseph Sugar.
SPECIMEN RIOTERS—IV.From Photographs taken by the Police Department.

Parsons and Schwab also took a hand in the McCormick “lock-out,”but they used the platform to arouse the people to force. On the 2d ofMarch a mass-meeting of Anarchists and hot-headed strikers was held atthe West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. Parsons and Schwab were the chiefspeakers. They were particularly abusive of the owners and the superintendentof the works, and advised the use of violence against the police.[124]So incendiary were the speeches that E. E. Sanderson, a member of thestrikers’ standing committee, took occasion to denounce the proceedings.

“Such speakers,” he declared, “cause every spark of sympathy to disappearand bring us into disrepute.” If he had had the power, he said, hewould have stopped the gathering. He belonged to the true laboring class,and to properly voice its sentiments he hired another hall for the next day.

The continued presence of the police at the works finally restored orderin the vicinity, and it seemed as if the Anarchists had abandoned any furtherintention of violence. But they were secretly at work, biding their timeand watching their opportunity. It came on the afternoon of May 3. Atthis time between 40,000 and 50,000 men in Chicago were out of employmentby reason of the eight-hour strike. Excitement ran high throughoutthe city. The reaper works were now almost in full operation, and, led bythe Anarchists, some of the hot-headed strikers, grown impatient over theapparent failure of their plan, made an assault upon the “scabs” at workin the shops. The instigators of this attack and the principal assailantswere Anarchists, who exerted themselves to the utmost to bring on a deadlyconflict between the police and the unemployed.

For the day in question a meeting of the Lumber-shovers’ Union hadbeen called in the vicinity to receive the report of a committee who hadwaited on their employers with reference to the eight-hour question. TheSocialists, learning of this, determined to make use of the opportunity.The union was composed of over six thousand lumber workingmen, threethousand Bohemians and over three thousand Germans, and had no connectionwith the McCormick strike, but it occurred to the Central Labor Unionthat, inasmuch as many of them were adherents of Socialism, it would be nodifficult matter to incite them to riotous demonstrations. On the day preceding,Spies had been delegated by his union to address the gathering.The president of the Lumber Union, Frank Haraster, had become cognizantof the Anarchists’ intentions, and had taken occasion to warn the menagainst either listening to Socialistic orators or participating in a riot. Butthere were mutterings of discontent, and the crowd was in a revengefulmood. There were no less than 8,000 people at the gathering—some estimatedthe number as high as 15,000. Some were intent on revolution, andothers had been drawn to the scene through idle curiosity.

It only needed a spark to create a tremendous conflagration. Anarchistswere busy among the various groups that had collected. For severaldays they had labored early and late in the locality to stimulate revolutionaryaction. Their plans had been carefully concocted, and their networkof conspiracy extended in every direction. They had opened channels ofsubterranean communication, and so arranged their mines of Socialisticpowder that at the appointed time they hoped to produce an explosion thatwould reverberate throughout the globe. That appointed time, they figured,[125]had arrived with the inauguration of the eight-hour movement, and in thelock-out at McCormick’s the first opportunity was presented for a generalupheaval. This was their hope and the burden of their care.

When, therefore, a coterie of trained Anarchists appeared on the sceneof trouble,—evidently by a preconcerted arrangement,—with the Nation’sflag reversed and trailing in mud and muck, the wildest excitement wasaroused, and only a leader was necessary to connect the electric currentsof suppressed hostility to start an outburst of violent deeds.

The occasion brought forth that leader in the person of the impulsiveand impetuous Spies. He, with some trusted lieutenants, mounted a box-carin the vicinity of the meeting of the lumber-shovers and the McCormickworks. He gathered about him an immense crowd, and, speaking inGerman, called the attention of his auditors to the “brutalities of capital,its selfishness and its grinding oppression” of wage-workers, renderingtheir condition worse than that of slaves. With fiery invective he wroughtup the feelings of the mob to a pitch of reckless frenzy. In the climaxesof his envenomed utterances, he held the multitude with a charmed spell,and he evoked their highest plaudits when he counseled violence as ameans to redress their grievances.

Before the termination of this lurid speech, many hitherto apparentlyapathetic had caught the infection, and when some of the non-union menemerged from the gate at the McCormick foundry, on the conclusion oftheir day’s labor,—the hour being three o’clock,—many of the mob rushedto the establishment, bent on wreaking vengeance. They had hardlybegun to move when some one on the box-car shouted: “Go up and killthe d——d scabs!” The identity of this person has never been disclosed,but it is no rash conclusion to suppose that it was a confidant of Spies, aswell as of Lingg, who had secret charge of fomenting disturbances in thatdistrict. Lingg was present at this gathering, and, as he subsequentlyclaimed that he had been clubbed by the police in the riot that followed,he may possibly have raised the cry himself.

The mob reached the works in short order, hurling stones and firingshots into the windows of the guard-house, which they finally demolished.The non-union men, seeing the approaching mob, took to flight, someseeking shelter in the works and others scampering across the prairiebeyond reach. There were at this time only two policemen on duty. Oneof them, J. A. West, endeavored to pacify the crowd, but received inresponse bricks and mud. The other for awhile, as well as he could, heldthe mob at bay at the gate. West finally worked his way through thecrowd to a patrol box, and turned in an alarm for reinforcements. Meanwhilethe mob disported itself in throwing stones and firing revolvers, andfinally forced an entrance through the gate to the yards.

Presently a patrol wagon loaded with officers plowed through the turbulent[126]mass, and, securing the ground between the mob and the buildings,began driving out and dispersing the rioters. This only served to infuriatethe Anarchists, who fired in the direction of the police and hurled a showerof stones. The officers remonstrated in vain, warning the mob to keepback, and finally made a rush upon the rioters with revolvers drawn, shootingright and left.

CHARGING THE MOB.

The crowd swayed to and fro, retreated slightly, then rallied again, and,diverging to either side in a jumbled but compact body, seemed bent onholding their ground and fighting for every inch of it. But the dashing andaggressive movements of the police, backed by courage and discipline, soondemonstrated to the howling rabble the hopelessness of the struggle. Thevery air seemed charged with bullets, clubs and missiles. Revolvers clickedfuriously, the exigencies of the moment necessitating their use onthe part of the police, and several revolutionists bit the dust, maimed andwounded. What seems strange is that none were killed in this furiousonslaught.

The mob, which numbered fully 8,000, was soon put to precipitate flight.Some of the most vicious leaders, however, kept up a rattling fire of guns,[127]revolvers, brickbats and sticks so long as their retreat was measurablycovered by the fleeing mob surrounding them. Several of these leaders,with their weapons still smoking, were subsequently overtaken, disarmedand locked up.

During all this short affray, Spies was nowhere to be seen, but, themoment all danger seemed past, he emerged from his seclusion, breathingcourage and vengeance. He bounded into the field like one ready tosacrifice himself for his cause, but cautiously kept himself where no straybullets might reach him. Another singular feature in connection with thepart he played in the affair was his attempt to parade his own heroic virtues,by implication, in the denunciations and upbraidings he heaped upon hiscomrades in the account published of the riot on the very afternoon afterits occurrence. Thisis what he said intheArbeiter-Zeitung:

OFFICER CASEY’S PERIL.

The writer of thishastened to the factoryas soon as the first shotswere fired, and a comradeurged the assemblyto hasten to the rescueof their brothers, whowere being murdered,but none stirred....The writer ran back. Heimplored the people tocome along,—those whohad revolvers in theirpockets,—but it was invain. With an exasperatingindifference theyput their hands in theirpockets and marched home, babbling as if the whole affair did not concern them in theleast. The revolvers were still cracking, and fresh detachments of police, here and therebombarded with stones, were hastening to the battle-ground. The battle was lost!

A riot on a smaller scale occurred shortly after this in another locality,instigated by the Anarchists who had been so severely repulsed in theafternoon. After the McCormick outbreak one of the wounded strikerswas taken in a patrol wagon to the Twelfth Street Station, and thence to hishome on Seventeenth Street. Officer Casey was one of the men in chargeof the wagon, and remained behind at the house to take a report of theman’s name, his residence and the nature of his injuries. When theofficer came out of the wounded man’s home, he was set upon by a mob,shouting:

“Hang him! Hang the blue-coat!”

A Bohemian, named Vaclav Djenek, cried out:

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“Help me; help me to hang thecanaille!”

Two or three came to his side and endeavored to execute the threat.Casey by a great effort managed to get away, and started on a run. Pistolshots were fired after him by the mob, but fortunately he escaped withoutinjury.

FRANZ MIKOLANDA,
A POLISH CONSPIRATOR.
From a Photograph.

A patrol wagon from the West Chicago Avenue Station had meanwhilebeen telephoned for by some peace-loving citizens, and it rapidlydashed up to the scene of disturbance.The officers saw the whole situation,dispersed the mob, and set aboutarresting the parties who had sonearly succeeded in hanging the officer.They found that it had been avery close call for Casey, that the ropewas ready, and that, had it not beenfor his own Herculean efforts, hewould have dangled from a lamp-postin a very few seconds.

Djenek, who was afterwards recognizedas the principal actor inthis episode, was run down andplaced under arrest. He was triedand sentenced to one year in thepenitentiary. During the trial twoofficers of the West Chicago AvenueStation happened to be in the State’sAttorney’s office when a lot of Bohemianliterature and Anarchist utensilswere being exhibited. Amongother things, they noticed a photograph of Franz Mikolanda, and theyat once exclaimed:

“This is the other man who helped Djenek to hang Casey!”

Mikolanda appeared at the trial for the purpose of swearing to an alibifor Djenek, and was promptly recognized. He had no sooner left thewitness-stand than he was arrested on a warrant and subsequently prosecuted.He was found guilty and sentenced to six months in the Bridewell.

CHAPTER VII.

TheCoup d’État a Miscarriage—Effect of the Anarchist Failure atMcCormick’s—“Revenge”—Text of the Famous Circular—The German Version—AnIncitement to Murder—Bringing on a Conflict—Engel’s Diabolical Plan—TheRôle of the Lehr und Wehr Verein—The Gathering of the Armed Groups—Fischer’sSanguinary Talk—The Signal for Murder—“Ruhe” and its Meaning—KeepingClear of the Mouse-Trap—The Haymarket Selected—Its Advantages for RevolutionaryWar—The Call for the Murder Meeting—“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves”—Preparingthe Dynamite—TheArbeiter-Zeitung Arsenal—The Assassins’ Roost at58 Clybourn Avenue—The Projected Attack on the Police Stations—Bombs for Allwho Wished Them—Waiting for the Word of Command—Why it was not Given—TheLeaders’ Courage Fails.

NEVER was that old saying, “Whom the gods wish to destroy theyfirst make mad,” better illustrated than in the actions of the Anarchistleaders after their desperate exploits at McCormick’s Works. Thatriot was to have been the pivotal point in their social revolution. Itturned out a humiliating fiasco. They had hoped to make acoup d’état forthe scarlet banner and had counted upon such a victory as would terrorizeCapital, appal the people and paralyze the arm of constituted authority.When they discovered that the police had escaped with only slight bruises,that some of their own comrades had been seriously wounded and thateven the so-called “scabs” had passed through the onslaught with nothingworse than fright, their rage knew no bounds. They saw that “thebattle had been lost,” and prompt, energetic action seemed necessary toretrieve the situation.

Spies, their recognized leader, while the perspiration still dripped fromhis face, and his blood still fired by his speech to the strikers and his“heroic efforts” to rally the routed and fleeing Socialists, seized a pen,and, dipping it into the gall of his indignation, wrote what subsequentlybecame famous as the “Revenge Circular.” It was printed in Germanand English, and an exactfac-simile is presented herewith. The Germanversion is somewhat different from the English, being addressed to theadherents of Anarchy and Socialism, the English version seeming to havebeen intended for Americans in general. Several thousand copies werescattered throughout the city.

The wording of the English portion of the circular may be seen in theillustration. The German portion, translated, reads as follows:

THE FAMOUS “REVENGE” CIRCULAR.
Engraved from the Original
by direct Photographic Process.

Not content with this, Spies also wrote and published, in theArbeiter-Zeitungof May 4, the following:

Mark well the language,—seeking to inflame the minds of the Socialistsby maliciously stating that four men had been killed, when in fact not onewas fatally injured,—its bitter invective, its cunning phraseology, its rudeeloquence and its passionate appeal. All were well calculated to stir uprevengeful feelings at a time when public sentiment ran high throughout the[132]city. The events following close upon the heels of the eight-hour strikewere critical in the extreme, and none knew the exact situation better thanthe Anarchist leaders. Their course had been shaped with special referenceto it.

THE CALL FOR THE HAYMARKET MEETING.—I.
Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original.

Their secret plottings were directed by the events of the hour. Thetime had come, they felt, when the Commune should be proclaimed. Itwould not do, they urged,to let the opportunity pass.The failure of the McCormickriot at once suggestedretaliation in a manner bestknown to themselves, andthe circular was fulminatedwith a clear knowledge thatits import would be readilyunderstood by all in thedark secret of their conspiracy.

But that there might beno misdirected effort, andthat all might be properlyinstructed for the emergency,it was deemed bestto hold a secret conference.The hour seemed to havearrived when their armedsections, the various groupsof the order trained in theuse of guns and explosives,should be brought intorequisition, and the policein particular and the publicin general be made to feeltheir power. How best toaccomplish this purpose hadbeen uppermost in theirminds from the moment of their disaster at the reaper works. A conflictbetween the police and the strikers had been counted upon as a certaintyunder their inspiration, and plans looking to the best means of takingadvantage of this strike as well as the eight-hour strike had been discussedeven before the McCormick riot.

Only so short a time as the day before that event, the members of thesecond company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and of the Northwest Sidegroups had met in joint session at Bohemian Hall, on Emma Street, and[133]considered the probabilities in view of the eight-hour movement. Theyclearly foresaw a conflict, and, among other things, discussed a plan tomeet that contingency. This plan, proposed by Engel and indorsed byFischer, and subsequently confessed by one of the conspirators present atthat meeting, was that whenever it came to a conflict between the policeand the Northwest groups, bombs should be thrown into the police stations.The riflemen of the Lehr und Wehr Verein should post themselves in lineat a certain distance, and whoever came out of the stations should be shotdown. They would then come into the heart of the city, where the fightwould commence in earnest. The members of the Northwest Side groupswere counseled to mutually assist each other in making the attack uponthe police, and “if any one had anything with him, he should use it.” “Asthe police would endeavor to subdue the workingmen by sending all theiravailable force to the place of attack, the Anarchists could easily blow upthe stations, and such officers as might effect an escape from the buildingscould be killed by their riflemen. Then they would cut the telegraphwires so as to prevent communication with other stations, after which theywould proceed to the nearest station and destroy that. On their way theywould throw fire bombs at some of the buildings, and this would call out theFire Department and prevent the firemen from being called upon to quellthe riot. While proceeding thus they would secure reinforcements, and, inthe intense excitement following, the police as well as militia would becomeconfused and divided in counsel as to the points where they could do themost effective service. The attacks should be almost simultaneous in differentparts of the city at a given signal. When they all finally reachedthe center of the city, they would set fire to the most prominent buildingsand attack the jail, open the doors and set free the inmates to join them infuture movements.”

This plan, it is almost needless to remark, was unanimously adopted.But concerted action was necessary among all the groups, and in view ofthe “skull-cracking,” to use their own phrase, on the afternoon of May 3, asecret conference of all groups was determined upon as a supplement toSpies’ pronunciamento and as an incitement to future revolutionary movements.A notice understood by all in the armed sections—“Y, comeMonday evening”—was inserted in theArbeiter-Zeitung. The commanderof the Lehr und Wehr Verein rented a beer basement at No. 54 WestLake Street, known to the followers of Socialism as Greif’s Hall, and alongtowards eight o’clock representatives of all the armed sections of theInternationale gathered there. In order that the utmost privacy might bemaintained, guards were posted both at the front and rear entrances withinstructions to permit no one to stand on the outside and to admit onlytrusted adherents.

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When the session opened there were between seventy and eighty membersof the various sections present. Their deliberations were presidedover by Gottfried Waller, who subsequently became an important witnessfor the State.

Spies’ “Revenge circular,” written late that afternoon, was distributedin the meeting, and its sentiments were heartily seconded by all present.Engel finally submitted the plan already given, and some discussion followed,participated in by various members. Fischer considered the plan admirable,and, lest there might be evidence of weakness, he stated that if any manacted the part of a coward, his own dagger or a bullet from his rifle shouldpierce that man’s heart. Inquiries being made with reference to a supplyof bombs, he suggested that the members manufacture them on their ownaccount. The best thing, he said, was to procure a tin coffee-bottle, fill itwith benzine, attach a cap and fuse, and they would have a most effectivebomb.

Engel’s plan went through with a rush. Having now agreed upon adefinite course, it was necessary to adopt a signal to warn the sections ofdanger and summon them to action. Fischer was equal to the occasion.He proposed the German word “Ruhe,”—signifying “rest” or “peace,”—andadded that whenever it should appear in the “Letter-box” column oftheArbeiter-Zeitung, all would know that the moment for decisive actionhad been reached, and that all were expected to repair promptly to theirappointed meeting-places, fully armed and ready for duty. The suggestionwas adopted.

But what are plans without being fortified by enthusiasm on the part ofthe mob expected to carry them out? The Socialistic heart must be firedto a proper pitch of frenzy. Every soul must be made to feel that thecause of Socialism is his own. A mass-meeting was just the thing, and amass-meeting it was decided by this august band of conspirators to call.The time was the only point in controversy. The chairman insisted onholding it the following morning on Market Square, which is a widening ofMarket Street between Madison and Randolph Streets, but Fischer protested,because, as he said, it was a “mouse trap,” and insisted that themeeting be held in the evening, when they could bring out a crowd of noless than 25,000 people, and that the Haymarket be the place. There, hesaid, they would have greater security in case of disturbance, and more andbetter means of escape. His counsel finally prevailed, and after a call hadbeen suitably drafted, Fischer was intrusted with its printing.

Remembering that “what is everybody’s business is nobody’s business,”the meeting decided to appoint a committee, consisting of one or twomembers from each group. This committee was to keep a close watch on allmovements that might be made at Haymarket Square and in different partsof the city, and, in the event of a conflict, to promptly report it to the[135]members of the various armed sections by the insertion in theArbeiter-Zeitungof the word “Ruhe” if there was trouble during the day, or illuminatingthe sky with a red light at night. If either signal could not beconveniently used, then they were to notify the members individually.

THE CALL FOR THE
HAYMARKET MEETING.—II.
Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original.

Before the conclusion of this secret conclave, every one present wasdirected to notify absentmembers of what had beendone, and Rudolph Schnaubelt,who has since beenproven the thrower of thebomb which scattered deathand devastation on thefollowing evening, wishedto go even further and haveSocialists in other cities notifiedso that the proposed revolutionmight become general.The instigators of themeeting just described wereSpies, Parsons, Fielden andNeebe, but for some reasonthey failed to put in an appearance.

In accordance with arrangements,the call for themass-meeting was printedthe next morning. Therewere two versions of thiscall.Fac-similes of both aregiven.

In the afternoon of May4 the signal word “Ruhe”appeared in theArbeiter-Zeitung,and all the armedmen proceeded to placethemselves in readiness for the conflict. They also devoted themselvesenergetically to cultivating revengeful sentiments. While making their preparationsfor the projected riot, they communicated the plan decided uponto every member of the order, and all were urged to come fully armed withsuch weapons as they might possess.

NEFF’S HALL.

But their greatest reliance was placed in the use of dynamite. Thishighly explosive material was regarded as the chief arm of their cause.For many weeks, the leaders had experimented with it. Some six weeks[136]before the disastrous Haymarket riot, Louis Lingg had brought a bomb tothe house of William Seliger, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, where he boarded,and announced his intention of making other bombs like it. Before thishe had provided himself with dynamite, the money for its purchase havingbeen realized at a ball given some time previously and turned over to himto use in experiments. Being out of employment at the time, he devotedhimself energetically to experiments with that material, and producedlarge gas-pipe bombs. One of these he took out to a grove north of thecity, and, placingit in the crotch ofa tree, explodedit, splitting thetree to pieces. Theresult of the testappears to havebeen satisfactory,and he next gavehis attention to themanufacture ofglobular shells. Inthe casting ofthese he used thekitchen stove tomelt his metal,and often receivedthe assistanceof Seliger, Thielenand Hermann. Allday Tuesday, May4, he worked mostpersistently andseemed in a greathurry to make asmany bombs as possible. He was helped on that day by the parties namedand two others, Hueber and Munzenberger. Before the close of the daythey had finished over a hundred bombs. While they were at work Lehmanvisited them and carried home a satchel of dynamite, which he subsequently,after the Haymarket riot, buried out on the prairie, and whichwas afterwards disinterred by the police. Not alone did he and his friendsexperiment with dynamite, but it appears that Spies, Parsons, Fischer,Fielden and Schwab also tried their hands at it and handled the deadlystuff at the office of theArbeiter-Zeitung. They had several bombs thereand made no secret of the purpose for which they intended them. The officewas afterwards discovered to be an arsenal of revolvers and dynamite.

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After the bombs had been completed by Lingg and his assistants, Linggand Seliger put them in a trunk or satchel and carried them over towardsNeff’s Hall, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. On the way they were met byMunzenberger, who took the trunk, and, placing it on his shoulder, carried itthe rest of the distance. At this time—it being evening—there was a meetingof painters in a hall at the rear of Neff’s saloon, and the package wasplaced at the entrance for a moment’s exhibition. Lingg asked the proprietorif any one had called and inquired for him, and, on being answeredin the negative, proceeded with Seliger and Munzenberger into the hallwayconnecting the saloon and the assembly-room. Placing the trunk onthe floor, he opened it for inspection. Several parties examined thebombs and took some of them away. Seliger helped himself to two andkept them until after the Haymarket explosion, when he hid them under asidewalk on Sigel Street. Lingg, Seliger and Munzenberger then left thepremises. The direction the last-named took is a matter in doubt. Neffhad never seen him before, Lehman did not know him, and Seliger had noteven learned his name.

It is clear that all this work was part of the conspiracy concocted atGreif’s Hall the previous evening. It is also well settled that Munzenbergerwas the chosen agent to secure the bombs and see that they wereplaced in the hands of trusted Anarchists for use at the proper moment.The secrecy surrounding the latter’s identity was in complete accord withthe method of procedure outlined in the instructions given to Socialists:

In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the place of action, that is,a comrade of some other place, ought, if possibility admits, to participate in the action, or,formulated difficulty, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not known.

Still further steps were taken to precipitate the revolution. In conformitywith the Monday night plan, armed men were to be stationed, onthe evening of Tuesday, in the vicinity of the police stations. We findthat Lingg, Seliger, Lehman, Smidke, Thielen and two large unknown menwere in the vicinity of the North Avenue Station. They skulked about thecorners of the streets leading to that station, between eight and ten o’clock,fully armed with bombs and ready for desperate deeds. Others, who hadsecured bombs at Neff’s Hall, went further northward and hovered aroundthe police station near the corner of Webster and Lincoln Avenues.Seliger and Lingg also paid that vicinity a visit. There were also armedmen at Deering, where a meeting of striking workingmen was held, andwhich was addressed by Schwab after he had left the Haymarket. Anarchistsalso posted themselves in the vicinity of the Chicago Avenue Station.Men were also near the North Avenue Station, and some twenty-five postedthemselves at the corner of Halsted and Randolph Streets, two blocksfrom the Desplaines Street Station. Spies and Schwab entered this group[138]and held some secret consultation with the leaders. Fischer and Wallerwere also close to that station.

It furthermore appears that several men called on Tuesday evening atWaller’s residence while he was eating his supper and desired him toaccompany them to Wicker Park, saying that they “wanted to be at theirpost.” Two of these men were Krueger and Kraemer, belonging to the“armed sections.” Some men also called at Engel’s store, and one of themexhibited a revolver. Another, a stranger, explained to a comrade that hewas waiting for some “pills.” He waited only five minutes, when a younggirl about ten or twelve years of age came in, carrying a mysterious package.This she handed to the stranger, who stepped behind a screen and thenhastened out.

It is thus manifest that the various parties were bent on a carnival ofriot and destruction and only awaited the proper signal from the committee.The men intrusted with the secrets of pillage, murder and generaldestruction belonged to what was known in the order as the “RevolutionaryGroup.” The plan was not communicated to any one else. The utmostsecrecy had to be maintained for its successful accomplishment, and theconspiracy was only communicated to such as had proved themselves inthe past, by word and deed, in full accord with revolutionary methods.The “revolutionary party” consisted of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, commandedby Breitenfeld; the Northwest Side group, under command ofEngel, Fischer and Grumm; the North Side group, commanded by Neebe,Lingg and Hermann; the American group, commanded by Spies, Parsonsand Fielden; the Karl Marx group, directed by Schilling; the Freiheitgroup and the armed sections of the International Carpenters’ Union andMetal-workers’ Union. These various sections, or groups, were under themanagement of a general committee which included among its leadingspirits Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, Hirschberger, Deusch and Bélz.This committee met at stated periods at the office of theArbeiter-Zeitungand formulated orders for the guidance of the groups. Its expenses weremet by monthly contributions from all the Socialistic societies. It wasunder the inspiration of this committee that the Monday night meetingwas held. Why the signal for a concerted raid on the police stations, theburning of buildings and the slaughter of capitalists was not given on thefateful night of the Haymarket riot,—or, if given, as seems to be believed inmany quarters, in Fielden’s declaration, “We are peaceable,” why it wasnot carried out completely,—is not explicable upon any other hypothesisthan that the courage of the trusted leaders failed them at the criticalmoment.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Air Full of Rumors—A Riot Feared—Police Preparations—Bonfieldin Command—The Haymarket—Strategic Value of the Anarchists’ Position—Crane’sAlley—The Theory of Street Warfare—Inflaming the Mob—Schnaubelt andhis Bomb—“Throttle the Law”—The Limit of Patience Reached—“In the Name ofthe People, Disperse”—The Signal Given—The Crash of Dynamite First Heard onan American Street—Murder in the Air—A Rally and a Charge—The AnarchistsSwept Away—A Battle Worthy of Veterans.

WITH such active work among the conspirators as I have shown, itwas only a question of time when some terrible catastrophe wouldensue through the instrumentality of the powerful bombs they had manufactured.The public mind was in a state of fear and suspense, notknowing the direction whence threatened devastation and destruction mightappear. The incendiary speeches were enough to excite trepidation, andthe appearance of the “Revenge circular” fanned the excitement intogeneral alarm and indignation. The McCormick attack proved conclusivelythat the Anarchists meant to practice what they preached. After theirrout and defeat, they were heard to express regret that they had nottaken forcible possession of the works before the arrival of the police andthen received the officers with a volley of fire-arms, as had once been contemplatedin a star-chamber session of one of their “revolutionary groups.”The air was full of rumors, and the general public was convinced that somegreat disaster would occur unless the police promptly forbade the holdingof further revolutionary meetings. The Mayor’s attention had been calledto the possible results if such meetings were permitted to continue, andhe, in turn, directed the Police Department to keep close watch of thegathering called for the Haymarket Square and disperse it in case thespeakers used inflammatory language. During the day many of the Spiescirculars had been distributed in the vicinity of the McCormick establishment,and it was expected that many of the enraged strikers from thatlocality would attend the meeting. It was clear that, in view of the temperof the Socialists, only slight encouragement would be required to producea disturbance, and it was of the utmost importance that prompt actionshould be taken at the first sign of trouble. It subsequently transpiredthat the leaders had intended to make the speeches threatening in order toinvite a charge upon the crowd by the police, and then, during the confusion,to carry out the Monday night programme.

[140]

THE HAYMARKET MEETING.
“In the Name of the People, I Command You to Disperse.”

[141]

The city authorities fully comprehended the situation, but concludednot to interfere with the meeting unless the discussion should be attendedwith violent threats. In order to be prepared for any emergency, however,it was deemed best to concentrate a large force in the vicinity of the meeting—atthe Desplaines Street Station. One hundred men from Capt.Ward’s district, the Third Precinct, under command of Lieuts. Bowler,Stanton, Penzen and Beard, twenty-six men from the Central Detail undercommand of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, and fifty men fromthe Fourth Precinct, under Lieuts. Steele and Quinn, were accordinglyassigned for special service that evening. Inspector John Bonfield wasordered to assume command of the whole force, and his instructions wereto direct the detectives to mingle with the crowd, and, if anything of anincendiary nature was advised by the speakers, to direct the officers to dispersethe gathering.

The meeting had been called for 7:30 o’clock, and at that hour quite anumber had assembled in the vicinity of Haymarket Square. This squareis simply a widening of Randolph Street between Desplaines and HalstedStreets; and in years past was used by farmers for the sale of hay andproduce. It was for this place that the call had been issued, but for certainreasons the meeting was held ninety feet north of Randolph, on DesplainesStreet, near the intersection of an alley which has since passed into publicfame as “Crane’s alley.” In sight almost of this alley was Zepf’s Hall, onthe northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines Streets, and about two blocksfurther east on Lake Street were Florus’ Hall and Greif’s Hall—all notoriousresorts and headquarters for Anarchists. On the evening in questionthese places and surrounding streets leading to the meeting-place werecrowded with strikers and Socialist sympathizers, some within the saloonsregaling themselves with beer and some jostling each other on the thoroughfares,either going for liquids or returning to the meeting after having for themoment satisfied the “inner man.” Here was a condition of things thatwould permit an easy mingling in, and ready escape through, the crowd, inthe event of inauguration of the revolutionary plan adopted the eveningprevious. The throngs would serve as a cover for apparently safe operations.Another advantage gained by holding the meeting at the pointindicated was that the street was dimly lighted, and, as the building in frontof which the speaking took place was a manufacturing establishment,—thatof Crane Bros.,—not used or lighted at night, and as the alley contiguousto the speaker’s stand formed an L with another alley leading toRandolph Street, there were points of seeming safety for a conflict with thepolice. Besides, the point was about 350 feet north of the DesplainesStreet Police Station, and it was evidently calculated that when the policeshould attack the crowd, that part of the Monday night programme aboutblowing up the stations could easily be carried into effect.

These were the undoubted reasons for effecting the change. The readerwill remember that one of the objections urged by Fischer against holdingthe meeting on Market Square was that it was a “mouse trap,” and one ofhis potential arguments for the Haymarket was that it was a safer placefor the execution of their plot. There was thus a “method in their madness.”All the contingencies had evidently been very carefully considered.

[142]

THE HAYMARKET RIOT.
The Explosion and the Conflict.

[143]

But, as I have already stated, the hour had arrived for calling themeeting to order, and as there appeared no one to assume prompt charge,the crowd exhibited some manifestations of impatience. About eighto’clock there were perhaps 3,000 people in the vicinity of the chosen place,and some fifteen or twenty minutes later Spies put in an appearance. Hemounted the truck wagon improvised as a speaker’s stand and inquired forParsons. Receiving no response, he got down, and, meeting Schwab, thetwo entered the alley, where there was quite a crowd, and where they wereoverheard using the words “pistols”and “police,” and Schwabwas heard to ask, “Is one enoughor had we better go and getmore?” Both then disappearedup the street, and it is a fairpresumption—borne out by thefact that they had entered agroup of Anarchists on the cornerof Halsted and RandolphStreets, as noted in the precedingchapter, and other circumstances—thatthey went to securebombs. Spies shortly returned,and, meeting Schnaubelt,held a short conversation withhim, at the same time handinghim something, which Schnaubeltput carefully in a side-pocket.Spies again mountedthe wagon (the hour being about8:40—Schnaubelt standing near him), and began a speech in English. Itis needless, at this point, to reproduce the speech, as its substance appearslater on, both as given by the reporters and as written out subsequentlyby Spies. But both reports fail to give a proper conception of its insidiouseffect on the audience. It bore mainly on the grievances of labor,the treatment of the strikers by McCormick, and an explanation of his(Spies’) connection with the disturbances of the day previous. The lessonhe drew from the occurrence at McCormick’s was “that workingmen mustarm themselves for defense, so that they may be able to cope with theGovernment hirelings of their masters.”

INSPECTOR JOHN BONFIELD.

Parsons had meanwhile been sent for, and on the conclusion of Spies’harangue was introduced. He reviewed the labor discontent in the country,[144]the troubles growing out of it, touched on monopoly, criticised the so-called“capitalistic press,” scored the banks, explained Socialism, excoriatedthe system of elections, and terminated his remarks by appealingto his hearers to defend themselves and asserting that, if the demands ofthe working classes were refused, it meant war. His speech, like that ofSpies, was mild as compared with what would be expected on such anoccasion. Perhaps this is accounted for by the fact that during theirharangues Mayor Harrison mingled in the throng and paid close attentionto the sentiments of the speakers. He afterwards characterized Parsons’effort as “a good political speech,” and, being apparently satisfied thatthere would be no trouble, left for the Desplaines Street Police Station,giving his impressions of the gathering to the Captain in charge and tellingBonfield that there seemed to be no further use for holding the force inreserve.

No sooner had Harrison left for the station and thence for his ownhouse, than the next speaker, Fielden, grew bolder in his remarks and sentthe words rolling hot and fast over an oily, voluble and vindictive tongue.He opened with a reference to the insecurity of the working classes underthe present social system, drifted to the McCormick strike, in which men,he said, were “shot down by the law in cold blood, in the city of Chicago,in the protection of property,” and held that the strikers had “nothingmore to do with the law except to lay hands on it, and throttle it until itmakes its last kick. Throttle it! Kill it! Stab it! Can we do anything,”he asked, “except by the strong arm of resistance? The skirmishlines have met. The people havebeen shot. Men, women and childrenhave not been spared by the capitalistsand the minions of privatecapital. It had no mercy—neitherought you. You are called upon todefend yourselves, your lives, yourfuture. I have some resistance inme. I know that you have, too.”

CAPT. WILLIAM WARD.

At this juncture the police madetheir appearance. During the remarksof Spies and Parsons, detectiveshad frequently reported to thestation that only moderate, temperatesentiments were being uttered, butafter Fielden had got fairly workedup to his subject, this was changed.The crowd was being wrought up toa high point of excitement, and there[145]were frequent interjections of approval and shouts of indignation. Fielden’swas just such a speech as they had expected to hear. Very little wasrequired to incite them to the perpetration of desperate deeds. Like asculptor with his plastic model, Fielden had molded his audience to suitthe purpose of the occasion. With his rough and ready eloquence hestirred up their innermost passions.His biting allusions tocapitalists caught the hearts ofthe uncouth mob as with grappling-hooks,and his appeals forthe destruction of existing lawsshook them as a whirlwind.

It would be as well, he said,for workmen to die fighting asto starve to death. “Exterminatethe capitalists, and do itto-night!” The officers detailedto watch the proceedings sawthat the speech portended nogood, and they communicatedthe facts to Inspector Bonfield.Even then the Inspector hesitated.To use his own language,in the report he sent to SuperintendentEbersold: “Wantingto be clearly within the law, andwishing to leave no room for doubt as to the propriety of our actions, I didnot act on the first reports, but sent the officers back to make further observations.A few minutes after ten o’clock, the officers returned and reportedthat the crowd were getting excited and the speaker growing more incendiaryin his language. I then felt that to hesitate any longer would becriminal, and gave the order to fall in and move our force forward on WaldoPlace,”—a short street south of the Desplaines Street Station.

LIEUT. (NOW CHIEF) G. W. HUBBARD.

The force formed into four divisions. The companies of Lieuts. Steeleand Quinn formed the first; those of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, the second;those of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, the third; and twocompanies commanded by Lieuts. Beard and Penzen constituted thefourth, forming the rear guard, which had orders to form right and left onRandolph Street, to guard the rear from any attack from the Haymarket.These various divisions thus covered the street from curb to curb.Inspector Bonfield and Capt. Ward led the forces, in front of the first division.On seeing them advancing in the distance, Fielden exclaimed:

“Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty, and I’ll do mine!”

[146]

Arriving on the ground, they found the agitator right in the midst of hisincendiary exhortations, that point where he was telling his Anarchist zealotsthat he had some resistance in him, and assuring them that he knewthey had too. At that moment the police were ordered to halt within afew feet of the truck wagon, and Capt. Ward, advancing to within three feetof the speaker, said:

“I command you, in the name of the people of the State, to immediatelyand peaceably disperse.”

Turning to the crowd, he continued: “I command you and you toassist.”

Fielden had meanwhile jumped off the wagon, and, as he reached thesidewalk, declared in a clear, loud tone of voice:

“We are peaceable.”

This must have been the secret signal,—it has about it suggestions ofthe word “Ruhe,”—and no sooner had it been uttered than a spark flashedthrough the air. It looked like the lighted remnant of a cigar, but hissedlike a miniature skyrocket. It fell in the ranks of the second division andnear the dividing-line between the companies of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler,just south of where the speaking had taken place.

A terrific explosion followed—the detonation was heard for blocksaround. The direction in which the bomb—for such it was—had beenthrown was by way of the east sidewalk from the alley. It had been hurledby a person in the shadow of that narrow yet crowded passageway on thesame side of, and only a few feet from, the speaker’s stand.

SERGT. (NOW CAPT.)
J. E. FITZPATRICK.

The explosion created frightful havoc and terrible dismay. It wasinstantly followed by a volley of small fire-arms from the mob on the sidewalkand in the street in front of thepolice force, all directed against the officers.They were for the moment stunnedand terror-stricken. In the immediatevicinity of the explosion, the entire columnunder Stanton and Bowler andmany of the first and third divisions werehurled to the ground, some killed, andmany in the agonies of death.

As soon as the first flash of the tragicshock had passed, and even on the instantthe mob began firing, InspectorBonfield rallied the policemen who remainedunscathed, and ordered a runningfire of revolvers on the desperateAnarchists. Lieuts. Steele and Quinncharged the crowd on the street from[147]curb to curb, and Lieuts. Hubbard and Fitzpatrick, with such men aswere left them of the Special Detail, swept both sidewalks with a briskand rattling fire.

LIEUT. JAMES P. STANTON.

The rush of the officers was like that of a mighty torrent in a narrowchannel—they carried everything beforethem and swept down all hapless enoughto fall under their fire or batons. Themasterly courage and brilliant dash ofthe men soon sent the Anarchists flyingin every direction, and a more desperatescramble for life and safety was neverwitnessed. Even the most defiant conspiratorslost their wits and hunted nooksand recesses of buildings to seclude themselvestill they could effect an escapewithout imminent danger of bullets or ofbeing crushed by the precipitate mob.

Fielden, so brave and fearless on theappearance of the police, pulled a revolverwhile crouching beneath the protectionof the truck wheels, fired at theofficers, and then took to his heels and disappeared. Spies had friendlyassistance in getting off the truck, and hastened pell-mell through thecrowd in a frantic endeavor to get under cover. He finally reached safety,while his brother, who was with him on the wagon, got away with a slightwound. Parsons seems to have taken time by the forelock and nervouslyawaited developments in the bar-room ofZepf’s Hall.

LIEUT. BOWLER.

Fischer had been among thecrowd while Spies and Parsons spoke, buthe was in the company of Parsons at Zepf’swhen the explosion occurred. Schnaubelt,who had sat on the wagon with his handsin his pockets until Fielden began hisspeech, hurried through the mob, aftersending the missile on its deadly mission,and got away without a scratch. Otherlesser yet influential lights in the Anarchistcombination found friendly refuge, and, assubsequently developed, lost no time inreaching home as soon as possible. Howany of these leaders who were in the midstof the awful carnage managed to escape,while other of their comrades suffered, is[148]not clear, unless they dodged from one secluded spot to another, while thestorm raged at its height—and there are many circumstances showing thatthis was the case. At any rate the point is immaterial: the fact remainsthat they were all found lacking in courage at the critical moment, andeach seemed more concerned about his own safety than that of his fellowrevolutionists.

Owing to the masterly charge of the police, the conflict was of shortduration, but, while it lasted, it produced a scene of confusion, death andbloodshed not equaled in the annals of American riots in its extent and far-reachingresults. The hissing of bullets, the groans of the dying, the criesof the wounded and the imprecations of the fleeing made a combinationof horrors which those present will never forget.

No sooner had the field been cleared of the mob than Inspector Bonfieldset to work caring for the dead and wounded. They were found scatteredin every direction. Many of the officers lay prostrate where theyhad fallen, and to the north, where the mob had disputed the ground withthe police, lay many an Anarchist. On door-steps and in the recesses ofbuildings were found wounded and maimed. The police looked after alland rendered assistance alike to friend and foe. The dead, dying andwounded were conveyed to the Desplaines Street Station, where numerousphysicians were called into service.

In subsequently speaking of the bravery of his men on this occasion, inhis report to the Chief of Police, Inspector Bonfield very truly said:

It has been asserted that regular troops have become panic-stricken from less cause. Isee no way to account for it except this. The soldier acts as part of a machine. Rarely, ifever, when on duty, is he allowed to act as an individual or to use his personal judgment. Apolice officer’s training teaches him to be self-reliant. Day after day and night after nighthe goes on duty alone, and, when in conflict with the thief and burglar, he has to dependupon his own individual exertions. The soldier being a part of a machine, it follows that,when a part of it gives out, the rest is useless until the injury is repaired. The policeman,being a machine in himself, rarely, if ever, gives up until he is laid on the ground and unableto rise again. In conclusion, I beg leave to report that the conduct of the men and officers,with few exceptions, was admirable—as a military man said to me the next day, “worthythe heroes of a hundred battles.”

CHAPTER IX.

The Dead and the Wounded—Moans of Anguish in the Police Station—Caringfor Friend and Foe—Counting the Cost—A City’s Sympathy—The DeathList—Sketches of the Men—The Doctors’ Work—Dynamite Havoc—Veterans ofthe Haymarket—A Roll of Honor—The Anarchist Loss—Guesses at their Dead—ConcealingWounded Rioters—The Explosion a Failure—Disappointment of theTerrorists.

THE scene at the Desplaines Street Station was one which would appalthe stoutest heart. Every available place in the building was utilized,and one could scarcely move about the various rooms without fear of accidentallytouching a wound or jarring a fractured limb. In many instancesmangled Anarchists were placed side by side with injured officers. Thefloors literally ran with blood dripping and flowing from the lacerated bodiesof the victims of the riot. The air was filled with moans from the dyingand groans of anguish from the wounded. As the news had spread throughoutthe city of the terrible slaughter, wives, daughters, relatives and friendsof officers as well as of Anarchists, who had failed to report at home or tosend tidings of their whereabouts, hastened to the station and soughtadmission. Being refused, these set up wailing and lamentations about thedoors of the station, and the doleful sounds made the situation all the moresorrowful within.

Everything in the power of man was done to alleviate the suffering and tomake the patients as comfortable as possible. Drs. Murphy, Lee and Henrotin,department physicians, were energetically at work, and, with everyappliance possible, administered comparative relief and ease from theexcruciating pains of the suffering. The more seriously wounded, whenpossible, were taken to the Cook County Hospital. Throughout the nightfollowing the riot, the early morning and the day succeeding, the utmostcare was given the patients, and throughout the city for days and weeksthe one inquiry, the one great sympathy, was with reference to the woundedofficers and their condition. The whole heart of the city was centered intheir recovery. Everywhere the living as well as the dead heroes wereaccorded the highest praise. The culprits who had sought to subvert lawand order in murder and pillage were execrated on all hands. For daysand weeks, the city never for a moment relaxed its interest. From the timethe men had been brought into the station, it was long a question as to howmany would succumb to their wounds. Care and attention withoutceasing served to rescue many from an untimely grave; but even thosewho were finally restored to their families and friends, crippled and maimedas they were, hovered between life and death on a very slender threadthrough many a restless night and weary day and through long weeks and[150]agonizing months. The devotion of friends and the skill of physiciansnerved the men to strength and patience. That only eight should havedied out of so great a number as were mangled, lacerated and shattered bythe powerful bomb and pierced by bullets, attests the merits of the treatment.

The only one who was almost instantly killed was Officer Mathias J.Degan. The following list will serve to show the names of the officerskilled and wounded, the stations they belonged to, their residences, thenature of their wounds, their condition and other circumstances:

THE DESPLAINES STREET STATION.
From a Photograph.

The following is a list of the wounded officers belonging to the ThirdPrecinct:

The following belonged to the West Lake Street Station of the ThirdPrecinct:

The following belonged to the Fourth Precinct:

The following belonged to the Central Detail:

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THE HAYMARKET MARTYRS.

1. John J. Barrett.
2. Michael Sheehan.
3. Timothy Flavin.
4. Timothy Sullivan.
5. Thomas Redden.
6. Mathias J. Degan.
7. Nels Hansen.
8. George Muller.

The list shows the character of the wounds and the condition of theofficers just after the eventful night. Some of those who died lingered alongfor some time after, but the name of Timothy Sullivan was the last to add tothe death-list. Some of the sixty-eight wounded men have since returnedto active duty, but many are maimed for life and incapacitated for work.

It is impossible to say how many of the Anarchists were killed orwounded. As soon as they were in a condition to be moved, those in theDesplaines Street Station were turned over to their relatives and friends.The Anarchists have never attempted to give a correct list, or even anapproximate estimate, of the men wounded or killed on their side. Thenumber, however, was largely in excess of that on the side of the police.After the moment’s bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and firedround after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and manyrevolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unassisted,with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. Some ofthose in the station had dangerous wounds, and they were for the most partmen who had become separated, in the confusion, from their companions, ortrampled upon so that they could not get up and limp to a safe place. It isknown that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in thedead hour of night. For many months previous to the Haymarket explosionthe Anarchists had descanted loudly on the destructive potency of dynamite.One bomb, they maintained, was equivalent to a regiment of militia. Alittle dynamite, properly put up, could be carried in a vest pocket and usedto destroy a large body of police. They probably reasoned that if it wasknown that many more of their number had fallen than on the side of thepolice, it would not only tend to diminish the faith of their adherents in thereal virtues of dynamite, but would prove that the police were more thanable to cope with the Social Revolution, even though the revolutionistsdepended on that powerful agency. The public is not, therefore, likely everto know how many of their number suffered.

CHAPTER X.

The Core of the Conspiracy—Search of theArbeiter-Zeitung Office—TheCaptured Manuscript—Jealousies in the Police Department—The Case Threatenedwith Failure—Stupidity at the Central Office—Fischer Brought In—Rotten DetectiveWork—The Arrest of Spies—His Egregious Vanity—An Anarchist “Ladies’ Man”—WineSuppers with the Actresses—Nina Van Zandt’s Antecedents—Her RomanticConnection with the Case—Fashionable Toilets—Did Spies Really Love Her?—HisCurious Conduct—The Proxy Marriage—The End of the Romance—The Other Conspirators—Mrs.Parsons’ Origin—The Bomb-Thrower in Custody—The AssassinKicked Out of the Chief’s Office—Schnaubelt and the Detectives—Suspicious Conductat Headquarters—Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City Hall—AnAmazing Incident—A Friendly Tip to a Murderer—My Impressions of the SchnaubeltEpisode—Balthasar Rau and Mr. Furthmann—Phantom Shackles in a Pullman—Experimentswith Dynamite—An Explosive Dangerous to Friend and Foe—Testingthe Bombs—Fielden and the Chief.

IT was not difficult to locate the moral responsibility for the bold and bloodyattack on law and authority. The seditious utterances of such men asSpies, Parsons, Fielden, Schwab and other leaders at public gatheringsfor weeks and months preceding the eight-hour strike, and the defiant declarationsof such papers as theArbeiter-Zeitung and theAlarm, clearlypointed to the sources from which came the inspiration for the crowningcrime of Anarchy. It was likewise a strongly settled conviction that thethrower of the bomb was not simply a Guiteau-like crank, but that theremust have been a deliberate, organized conspiracy, of which he was a dulyconstituted agent. In the work, therefore, of getting at the inside facts,the points sought were: What was the exact nature of that conspiracy, andwho constituted the chief conspirators? The possession of every detail inconnection with these two points was absolutely necessary in order to fixthe criminal responsibility, and to the solution of this problem the officersbent all their energies.

The detectives were well aware that the office of theArbeiter-Zeitung hadbeen the headquarters for the central, controlling body of the Anarchistorganizations in Chicago, and on the morning following the explosionInspector Bonfield determined to raid the establishment and bring in suchof the leaders as might be found there. Several detectives were assignedto this duty, and they soon returned, having under arrest August Spies, hisbrother Chris, Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer. These were lockedup at the Central Station. Shortly thereafter fifteen or sixteen compositorsof the paper were arrested and brought to the same place. They were ameek-looking set, and were visibly moved with fear.

Immediately after 12 o’clock, State’s Attorney Grinnell, Assistant State’sAttorney Furthmann, Lieut. Joseph Kipley, Lieut. John D. Shea, Detectives[157]James Bonfield, Slayton, Baer, Palmer, Thehorn and several other officersrepaired to theArbeiter-Zeitung building and made a most thoroughsearch of every room in the premises. A lot of manuscript was found onhooks attached to the printers’ cases, and this was carefully wrapped up andtaken away. The files of theArbeiter-Zeitung andAlarm were also piledinto a wagon and carted to the Central Station.

ADOLPH FISCHER.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

Subsequent investigation by Mr. Furthmann of all the scraps of paperbrought over by the police revealed Spies’ manuscript with the signal word“Ruhe,” the manuscript of the “Revenge Circular,” issued on the afternoonof May 4, the manuscript for the “Y, come Monday night” notice, Spies’copy of the article headed“Blood,” published in theArbeiter-Zeitungof May 4, and anumber of other documentsdamaging in their character.This discovery was regardedas highly important, and in thetrial it proved extremely serviceableto the State. It likewiseserved, as will be shown,in furnishing a point by which,when I came to take up the caseI was enabled to finally lay barethe whole conspiracy from itsinception to its conclusion.

With the clues obtainedfrom theArbeiter-Zeitung office,the officers were enabled to putsome pointed questions to theprisoners, but they failed toproperly utilize even the meagerinformation they had managed to extract. At this time the Police Department,from the Chief to the detective branch, was rent with rivalries,dissensions and jealousies, and it did not require much frowning or manyinnuendoes from the one to destroy in the other any special interest inpursuing a clue to its legitimate results. At the start all the officers wereon a keen scent, and while outwardly all seemed working like Trojans inorder to meet public expectations, which was keyed up to its highest pitch,not alone in Chicago but throughout the country, still the fear that one mightget the credit for the work done by another operated to destroy disciplineand deaden personal enthusiasm. Outside events alone prevented a completefailure in the prosecution.

The arrested Anarchists, however, knew nothing of these dissensions.[158]All they knew was that public indignation was strong against them, andthey realized that they were in a very embarrassing situation.

THE FISCHER FAMILY.From a Photograph.

Fischer seemed to feel his position at the station more keenly than theothers. On his arrest he was found to have in his possession a 44-caliberrevolver, a file sharpened so as to make it serviceable as a dagger, and adetonation cap, and, as he was the foreman of the compositors in the office,his trepidation may have been caused by a suspicion that possibly the officerstook him to be the leader of an armed gang among them. Before the raidon the office it appears that he had endeavored to hide these weapons, buthe had been unable to unload himself, as the others in the office would notconsent to concealment in their vicinity, lest discovery in the event of aninvestigation might criminate them in the conspiracy. Fischer was on hisway down stairs to find a hiding-place for his weapons at the very momentwhen he was overtaken by the police and relieved of all further trouble.The dagger was a peculiar instrument, and it was the general opinion ofthose who examined it that it had been dipped in some deadly poison from[159]which, through a slight scratch or through a deep plunge of the weapon,death would be speedy.

Fischer always seemed thoroughly unscrupulous as to the means to beused to bring about the death of capitalists, and he never tired of utteringdire threats against the foes of Socialism. He was a tall, lithe and muscular-lookingman, and, with a resolute purpose, he impressed his comrades as onewho would not easily be balked. It is difficult to determine just how Fischercame to imbibe his bloodthirsty principles, as little is known of his antecedents.At the time of his arrest he was twenty-seven years old and married.He had been in the United States thirteen or fourteen years. He hadlearned the printer’s trade in Nashville, Tenn., working for a brother whoconducted there a German paper. Subsequently he acquired an interest ina German publication at Little Rock, Ark., and in 1881 he moved to St.Louis, where he worked at the case and where he became known for hisextreme ideas on Socialism. He soon found his way to Chicago, where hefelt satisfied he would find more congenial spirits in the work upon which hehad set his heart. Here he became associated with Engel and Fehling inthe publication of a German paper, theAnarchist, but as this did not live long,he became a compositor on theArbeiter-Zeitung. Wherever he was, healways talked Anarchy and showed a most implacable hatred of existingsociety.

When brought to the station, Fischer weakened perceptibly, but afterwardsbraced up and yielded no information except as to his whereaboutsfor several days prior to the Haymarket meeting. He had no love for thepolice, and he did everything in his power to trip us up in our subsequentinvestigations. From the moment of his arrest to the day of his executionhe adopted a most secretive policy.

FISCHER’S BELT
AND POISONED DAGGERS.
From a Photograph.

Spies also weakened at first when brought into thestation, almost trembling with fear, but, after the firstflush of excitement had passed, he took on an air of bravado,and exhibited a bold front in spite of the documentarydisclosures against him. He became glib oftongue, but stoutly denied any knowledge of a conspiracyto precipitate a riot at the Haymarket. He wassavagely denounced by Superintendent Ebersold, buthe stood his ground andresolved to act the part ofthe innocent victim. Hisactive participation in alllarge demonstrations, notablythose at the McCormickfactory and the Haymarket,made him a splendid mark[160]for critical examination, but every effort to extract definite informationproved futile.

AUGUST SPIES.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

Spies was a young man of considerable ability, having enjoyed morethan a common school education in Germany, and in all his talks hedemonstrated that he had been a diligent reader of history and an enthusiasticstudent of Socialism and Anarchy. With all his reading, however, itwas apparent that he had not carefully digested his information. Healways acted as if self-conscious of great knowledge. He was a strongand effective speaker, but in allhis harangues there seemed to belacking the element of sincerity.For a long time some of his associatesdoubted if he really meantwhat he said, and there are Anarchiststo-day who do not believethat he was at any time really inearnest in his public utterances.They think that he exerted himselfsimply for the purpose of beinglooked upon as a popular leaderand hero, and that he worked forthe cause only as a means of obtainingan easy living. He wasexceedingly vain and pompous,and courted public notoriety.

Spies had received a very goodsalary as editor of theArbeiter-Zeitungand enjoyed nothing betterthan to write a fiery editorial ordeliver an incendiary speech. Itall served to rivet attention on himself.The more attention, the moreit pleased his vanity. His constant desire was to place himself on dressparade, so to speak, and he generally sought out, when he lunched downtown at noon, some fashionable or crowded restaurant. He would strut toa table which could only be reached by passing other crowded tables, andenjoy thesotto voce remarks as he passed or as he sat at the table hehad selected—“There is Spies, the noted Anarchist.” No common Anarchist,lager-beer-and-pretzel lunch-houses suited him.

It was at a large restaurant, on the 3d of May, at noon, that he met awell-known attorney, to whom he was introduced and with whom he hadsome conversation of a joking, bantering nature. The attorney testifiedbefore the grand jury subsequently as to this conversation, and the substance[161]of it will be found in the chapter devoted to a review of its proceedings.But it transpires that there was some further conversation that doesnot appear in the report of the grand jury investigation, but which hassince been brought out through the recollection of another party, and,which, while it was given in an off-hand way, fully showed that Spies desiredto make a great impression on the mind of his casual acquaintance as wellas to intimate the existence of some secret understanding for bringing onbloodshed. On that occasion Spies, after being assured that the attorneywas not an Anarchist, remarked:

“You had better be one, for in less than twenty-four hours a Socialist, wellarmed, with a market on his shoulder, will appear out of every door, andwhoever has not got the sign or pass-word will be shot down in his tracks.I am about going out now to McCormick’s factory, west of here, for thepurpose of addressing a multitude of workingmen, and I will raise h——lbefore I get through.”

Besides his fancy for popular restaurants, there was another peculiarityabout Spies. He frequently attended the German theaters, ostensiblyfor the recreation he might find in the plays, but the principal motivewas the cultivation of the actresses’ acquaintance. Introductions, which hesought eagerly, were followed by invitations to wine suppers. He was goodcompany, and his lady acquaintances were not averse to accepting his invitationseven though he was an Anarchist. Possibly they doubted the sincerityof his convictions—although they entertained no question about thereality of his cash. None of them, however, seem to have visited him duringhis incarceration, save one, a tall woman who now lives on Wells Streetnear Chicago Avenue.

During his troubles Spies made the acquaintance of a woman in anotherstation of life. It was during his trial that Miss Nina Van Zandt becameinterested in him and espoused his cause. She had read of his case, andthere seemed to be a charm about his conduct as described in the newspapersthat prompted her to seek his acquaintance. She was a young girlof rare beauty and considerable mental endowment, and she had moved inthe best society, but, notwithstanding her social position and culture, shesought an introduction and soon fell desperately in love with the Anarchist.She was an only child and the petted daughter of parents of high social connections,and her immediate relatives were wealthy people in Pittsburg.Her parents threw no obstacles in the way of her attachment, and sheespoused Spies’ cause with her whole impetuous nature, and cast her lotwith the conspirator and his rabble of low-browed followers. It may havebeen love, but it was love which could only have been the product of adisordered mind.

During the later stages of Spies’ trial she was a constant visitor at theCounty Jail, frequently accompanied by her mother and sometimes by her[162]father, and on each occasion she would bring him some delicacy or token ofher esteem. Rare flowers and bouquets she either brought or sent daily,and the affection she evinced seemed a growth of months instead of days.She had great confidence in the jury and implicitly believed that acquittalwould result at their hands. Her presence invariably graced the court-room,whenever possible, and the defendants themselves could not have been moreeager listeners to the proceedings. When her love for Spies became publiclyknown, she attracted great attention, but her demeanor would have ledone to believe that she was entirely unconscious of the notoriety she hadachieved. This was not the case.It rather pleased her, and, tostill further intensify public attentionand curiosity, she madeit a point to display a most variedwardrobe during the progress ofthe trial. At the forenoon sessionshe would appear in courtwith one fashionable outfit, andthis she would change for anequally stunning attire in theafternoon. She had a strikingfigure, was stately in appearance,dignified in manner, andwith a fine, handsome face, itwas no wonder that she becamean object of marked attention, inthe Court-house as well as uponthe streets.

MISS NINA VAN ZANDT.
From a Photograph.

But withal she never lostsight of her lover nor of the courtproceedings. Spies was in her mind constantly, and every movement inthe trial excited her closest attention. It was indeed a strange infatuationshe displayed for the Anarchist, and it was the more strange since Spiesseemed indifferent to her attentions. The public gradually began to learnof this state of affairs through rumors and newspaper reports, but the generalopinion was that, if such was the case, Spies had accepted her attentionssimply as a matter either of expediency or from an innate desirefor notoriety on his part. The public was right. Spies was playing forpoints, as billiardists would say. To be sure, he received her kindly andvery courteously, and indulged in the expressions which lovers are wontto exchange, but those who watched him closely and long could neverdiscover that his love came from the heart. He simply saw in herdevotion and in her standing in society a possible chance for favorably[163]influencing the minds of the jury, and thus, through her, he hopedto secure a release from the troubles surrounding him. When thisfailed and death stared him in the face, he still figured that she couldprove serviceable to him in influencing her wealthy relatives to aid himfinancially in further conducting his case, or help him in some mannerin effecting a change in public sentiment. Such were undoubtedly hismotives—at least close observers of his actions hold that theory. When,later on, things did not move exactly in the line he had hoped for, hewillingly assented to a marriage, and entered into the arrangements for itscelebration with apparent eagerness.

This course, Spies no doubt supposed, would demonstrate to the unfeelingworld that there existed a devout mutual attachment, and his claims forinterested consideration at the hands of her relatives would become greatlystrengthened. But it only proved his desperate situation. His love hadbeen questioned by the public, and marriagewas calculated to settle the doubt.The public did not take kindly to the proposedceremony. The moment the newspapershad announced such a contemplatedstep, the utmost indignation was aroused,and protest upon protest poured in uponSheriff Matson. Mr. Matson promptly declaredthat no marriage should take placebetween the two while Spies was in hiscustody, and thereafter Miss Van Zandtwas placed under the strictest surveillancewhenever she visited her affianced.

CHRIS SPIES.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

But all this unexpected interferencein what he regarded as his own businessonly tended to make Spies desperate, and, spurred on by his outside Anarchistfriends, who had likewise become indignant over a public intermeddlingin a love affair, he dropped his diplomacy and resolved that thewishes of his ardent lady love should not be baffled either by officials or bythe public. Miss Nina in her unreasoning infatuation readily acquiesced inthe suggestion of a proxy marriage, and Justice Engelhardt was consulted.This gentleman claimed that under the statutes such a marriage would bevalid, and he consented to a performance of the ceremony. Accordingly,on the 29th of January, 1887, a proxy marriage was performed betweenMiss Nina and Chris Spies, a brother of the doomed man. The attorneysof Chicago regarded the ceremony as illegal, but the Anarchists consideredit as binding as if directly contracted.

Miss Nina continued her visits to the jail after this mock proceeding,but lynx-eyed officials saw to it that there was no one present during her[164]interviews with Spies to secretly and legally splice them together. She wasdevoted to him at all times and all the time, and whenever she was not wellenough to visit him for some days or was kept away by other circumstances,she would write him tender missives of love and encouragement. She clungto him to the last, and in their final interview, two days precedinghis execution, she wept most bitterly.

MISS GRETCHEN SPIES.
From a Photograph.

Her love was remarkable, but throughout it all Spies proved himselfwholly unworthy. He was a reprobate cunningly playing upon her feelings,caring very little for her, and he must have known that her station in life atthat time made her an unsuitablecompanion. For him, however,she renounced friends and all.After his death she went into deepmourning, hung a cabinet photographof him in the parlor windowof her father’s fashionable residenceon Huron Street, and lockedherself in against the outer worldfor a number of days. She stillcherishes Spies’ memory and keepsin her parlor a marble bust of theexecuted Anarchist. Recently shehas been extending her acquaintanceshipamong Anarchists outsideof Chicago, and she has latelyvisited some of the most rabid anddemonstrative Socialists at Ottawa,Illinois.

Spies was born in Friedewald,in the province of Hesse, Germany,in 1855. He came to Americain 1872, and one year laterarrived in Chicago, where he engaged in various occupations until herelieved Paul Grottkau as editor of theArbeiter-Zeitung in 1876. Hisidentification with Socialism began in Chicago in 1875. He was unmarriedand supported his mother and a sister, Miss Gretchen Spies. He has twobrothers in Chicago, Chris and Henry.

MICHAEL SCHWAB.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

Michael Schwab, when confronted by the officers, looked like an exclamationpoint, and had his long, bushy hairs been porcupine quills, each wouldhave stood straight on end. He was bewildered, dumbfounded, and therewas a distant, far-off expression in his eye. He realized that he was introuble, and to the many questions put to him by the officers he stammeredapologetic but non-committal answers. It was clearly to be seen that he[165]had been like clay in the potter’s hand, a mere dupe of his associates. Hewas far less talented and less active than the other leaders, but still in hisown way he had played quite a conspicuous part in the Anarchist drama.He had seen something of the world as a peripatetic book-binder. Throughhis varied experience, his nature had grown irritable and crusty, and Anarchyseemed the only thing suited to right the wrongs of mankind. He fell inwith the ideas of the cranks in Chicago, and soon wormed himself into anassistant editorial position of $18 a week on theArbeiter-Zeitung. Inappearance Schwab was ungainly and ferocious, but when put to the test hewas calm and mild as a lamb. The only thing really vicious about him was inhis incendiary writings andspeeches. He aimed with hislimited capacity to be a greatleader, but the moment he gotinto the clutches of the law andfound himself in peril of his lifehe retracted everything whichhe had so persistently and stubbornlyadvocated. His new troublesbrought out the fact thathe had written and spoken simplyfor the money that was in thebusiness, and not because he sincerelybelieved in the theories hepreached. He was at all timesa supple tool in the hands ofSpies and Parsons, and duringthe remainder of his days inthe penitentiary he will haveample opportunities to repent ofhis past misdeeds.

Schwab was born in the village of Kibringen-on-the-Main, near Mannheim,in Bavaria, in 1853, and emigrated to the United States in 1879,reaching Chicago in the year following. He afterwards traveled from pointto point in the West, roughed it a little, and three or four years laterdrifted back to Chicago. He is a brother of the notorious Anarchist of NewYork, Justus Schwab, and has a wife and two children, who are now beingsupported by friends.

Albert R. Parsons was another leader wanted by the police, and thesearch for him was immediately instituted. Officers went to his houseonly to discover that he had escaped, and for some time it was believed thathe was in hiding among his friends in the city. Every effort, however, tofind him failed, and there were all sorts of speculations as to his whereabouts.[166]It was found out afterwards that he had become alarmed overthe aspect of affairs resulting from the Haymarket meeting, and, thinking“discretion the better part of valor,” he had gathered a few dollars together,boarded an outgoing train, and landed at Geneva, Ill., thoroughly disguised.He sought out the home of a friend named Holmes, who cherishedAnarchist sentiments, and remained with him three or four days in concealment.With a dilapidated outfit, he concluded to shift his abiding-place,and accordingly he went to Elgin, Ill., where he was taken care of. Fromthis point, in the course of a few days, he went to Waukesha, Wis., andthere hunted around for work as a tramp carpenter. Waukesha is a greatresort for Chicago people, but noone recognized him in his changedappearance. He succeeded in findingemployment, and for sometime worked as a carpenter, unknownand undetected. The laborproving too arduous for his undevelopedmuscles and contrary tohis principles as an Anarchist, hebegan to look out for easier work,and this he managed to secure asa painter. For seven weeks heremained at Waukesha, communicatingwith his wife under anassumed name and through a thirdparty living out of Chicago.

ALBERT R. PARSONS.
From a Photograph.

When the trial opened, thecounsel for the Anarchists wereconfident that the State had notsufficient evidence to convict, andupon assurances from Capt. Blackthat an acquittal was certain, Parsons decided to surrender himself tothe authorities. He boarded a train, reached the city, and, securing ahack, drove to his home, on Milwaukee Avenue, where he met his wife.After remaining there for three or four hours, he got into a hack, incompany with Mrs. Parsons, and drove down to the Criminal Court building.It was on the 21st of June, after Judge Gary had overruled amotion for separate trials, that Parsons reached the building. He alighted,tripped up the stairs, and entered the court-room. If a bomb had explodedon the outside, it would scarcely have created a greater surprise than theappearance of Parsons as he stalked in and took his seat with the prisoners.

Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., June 20, 1848, and after he hadreached the age of five, his brother, Gen. W. H. Parsons, of the Confederate[167]army, took his education in charge at the latter’s home in Tyler, Texas.When young Parsons was eleven years of age, he learned the printer’strade, and finally drifted into the service of the Confederate army. Afterthe “unpleasantness,” he branched out as editor of a paper at Waco, Texas,and then connected himself with the HoustonTelegraph. He identifiedhimself about this time with the Republican party, and, taking an activepart in politics, he became Secretary of the State Senate under the FederalGovernment.

MRS. LUCY PARSONS.
From a Photograph.

In 1872 he married a mulatto at Houston, and, being discardedby his brother andfriends, he emigrated withher to Chicago in 1873. Nosooner had he reached Chicagothan he joined the Socialists.He worked for atime as a newspaper compositor,but his radical ideasand obtrusive arguments preventedhim from holding anyposition permanently. Heeventually became editor oftheAlarm and depended onhis Anarchist friends for alivelihood. He was alwaysactive at their meetings, bothsecret and public, and paradedhimself as a labor agitator.He managed to become amember of the Knights ofLabor, but that body as awhole, after seeing how extremelyradical were his theories,repudiated him.

When his troubles overtookhim in connection with the trial, Parsons’ brother came to hisdefense and took a keen interest in his case, working for him untilthe very last. Mrs. Parsons had early identified herself with her husband’sviews, and was one among several others to organize a women’s branchof the Anarchists. She can make an effective address, and she alwaystook a leading part in extending the membership of her union. On thequestion of her birth, she maintains that she is of Mexican extraction,with no negro blood in her veins, but her swarthy complexion and distinctivelynegro features do not bear out her assertions. Since her husband’sexecution she has appeared on the stump in various parts of the UnitedStates, and she is now even more violent than ever.

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OSCAR W. NEEBE.
From a Photograph.

Oscar W. Neebe was fortunate in the failure of the prosecution toshow his direct complicity in the Haymarket murder. There was no doubtas to his active participation in all the plots of the Anarchist leaders, and,had it not been for the loss of some important papers, he would now beserving a life sentence instead of a fifteen years’ term in the penitentiary.He took an active part in stirring up the members of the Brewers’ Unionafter the McCormick riot, and he contributed no little towards sendingmany of those members to the Haymarket meeting, ready for violence anddesperate deeds. Immediately following the Haymarket slaughter, he wasplaced under arrest and taken to theCentral Station at the City Hall. Hewas there questioned in a general way,but the near-sighted officials then incharge of that important departmentwere unable to see any reason for hisdetention and permitted him to departwith his friend Schnaubelt, who hadbeen gathered in about the same time.This led him to believe that he hadfriends at the Central Headquarters.His belief in his “influence” was somewhatshaken, however, when I ordereda search of his house on the 8th ofMay. The officers on that occasionfound one Springfield rifle, one Colt’s38-caliber revolver, one sword and beltof the Lehr und Wehr Verein, a redflag, a transparency, a lot of circularscalling different meetings, includingthe one calling for “revenge,” andseveral cards of Anarchist groups, andwith all these and other evidence of his connection with the great conspiracy,I went before the grand jury and had him indicted for conspiracyto murder. On the 27th of May, about 6 o’clock, Deputy SheriffAlexander Reed called at the Chicago Avenue Station and asked me forassistance to arrest Neebe under the indictment. I detailed Officer Whalenfor this duty, and the two called at the man’s house, No. 307 SedgwickStreet. The deputy sheriff informed Neebe that he was under arrest, andthe officer explained the nature of the charge against him. They told himthat they would be obliged to take him to the County Jail.

Neebe smiled when notified of the charge, and remarked in a most carelessmanner:

“Is that all? That’s nothing. I will get out on bail right away.”

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But he did not; he had to linger for a long time.

Neebe was born in the State of New York, in 1850, of German parents,and since his location in Chicago he had succeeded in establishing a prosperousbusiness in the sale of yeast to grocers and traders. He was ambitiousto distinguish himself in other directions, however, and he choseAnarchy as a basis for building up a reputation as a leader among men.He achieved considerable notoriety, as he was active, energetic and pushing,and at the time of the Board of Trade demonstration he acted as chiefmarshal of the procession.

Neebe was in the habit of taking members of the North Side group toSheffield, Ind., for the purpose of practicing and experimenting withdynamite bombs. It was on one of these experimenting excursions that helost the joints of all the fingers of his right hand by a premature explosion.When questioned about it, he told all his friends and even his own familythat he had lost his fingers in assisting a friend to lift a sharp building-stoneon the South Side. His family physician was asked with reference to thematter, and, after some hesitation, finally stated that Neebe had admittedthat he had lost his fingers through the explosion of a bomb. In the explanationNeebe gave to his friends he overlooked the fact that if a sharpbuilding-stone had taken off his fingers it would not have taken his thumb,because that member of the hand is never in a position to be crushed whenone lifts a heavy stone.

After his trial and conviction, Neebe’s wife and little children often visitedhim at the jail, and Mrs. Neebe sought as well as she could to raise hisdrooping spirits. But she subsequently took sick, and after a short illnessdied. A most demonstrative funeral was arranged by the Anarchists. Thehall in which the ceremonies were conducted was profusely decorated withflowers and emblems of mourning. Under most binding pledges on the partof the Anarchists, Sheriff Matson permitted Neebe, under proper officialescort, to take a last look at the remains of his wife at the residence, andthe scene was a most impressive one. Mrs. Neebe had been a firm believerin the doctrines advocated by her husband, but his friends claimed that theunexpected troubles of the family had precipitated sickness and brought ondeath. At one time it was thought that some serious disturbance might growout of the demonstration, and that, with Neebe back at his home, an attemptat his rescue from the hands of the county officials might be made. But thepolice were present to see that order was maintained. The only thing borderingon disorder was the fiery speeches of the orators at the hall to whichthe remains were first taken, and from which an immense procession startedto the place of burial.

The death of his wife was a severe blow to Neebe. Verily, the way ofthe transgressor is hard. He was subsequently removed to the penitentiary,and possibly by the time his sentence expires he may be able to see life in adifferent light than through Anarchist spectacles.

[170]

RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT,
the Bomb-Thrower.
From a photograph.

Rudolph Schnaubelt is indeed a fortunate man, and, wherever he is atpresent, he must be felicitating himself on his escape from a felon’s death.On the morning of May 5, after all the help in theArbeiter-Zeitung had beenarrested, Schnaubelt was gathered in and taken to the Central Station. Hewas suspected of complicity in the conspiracy, but there seemed to be so“little against the young man,” that he was promptly released without theslightest pains being taken to inquire into his antecedents. Under the freeand easy system thenprevailing in the department,there seemed tobe no idea that officerswere employed for otherpurposes than simplydrawing salaries. I lookedcarefully into the releaseof Schnaubelt, andthe more I saw of it, themore I was convincedthat the examination ofthis most important prisonerwas the same kindof investigation as thoseone could have seen atsome of the primariesthree or four years ago,when, if a man happenedto be of a certain politicalfaith, he would bepassed along with theremark, “He’s all right,”and permitted to vote.Schnaubelt was simplyasked two or three questionsand then allowed to go. The stupid detectives knew he was a closefriend of Spies and Fielden, who were already locked up, and to prove thatfriendship now that they were in trouble, Schnaubelt frequently droppedin at the City Hall to inquire after them. He continued to hang aroundunder the tolerance of the officials, and I have always believed that theonly thing that saved him from being locked up was the fortunate circumstancethat no one put a sign on his back reading that he was the bomb-thrower.

Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had managed to get a slight clue againstthis man, and they arrested him again on the 6th of May. They stated their[171]case to Lieut. John D. Shea, and by him the arrest was reported to his superiorofficer. What was the result? Shea did not care to be bothered with thecase. The head of the department likewise did not care to be troubled.They accordingly saved themselves all further annoyance by telling Schnaubeltto go away. The prisoner, with singular stolidity, did not seem to careparticularly, and had to be told again that he was at liberty to go where hepleased. It is a wonder that the officials did not offer him a cigar inacknowledgment of their kindly feelings. When Schnaubelt was released,Officer Palmer remonstrated with the Lieutenant, but he was told to let theman alone and not bring him there any more. That ended the matter withthe officer. Several other detectives had meanwhile learned of Schnaubelt’sclose friendship with Spies and other Anarchists, but when they learned ofthe instructions Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had received they likewisedropped all investigations when they reached Schnaubelt. The man naturallyfelt pleased at such friendly favor and remained in the city until aboutthe 13th of May.

It was on the 14th of May that I first received information about thepart Schnaubelt had played in all the Anarchist meetings and that I learnedsomething of his special intimacy with Fischer and Balthasar Rau.

“You get him,” said my informant, “and I will tell you something interestingthat will surprise everybody.”

At this time the man was called Schnabel, and the information was thathe was working in a store on the South Side. I at once sent Officers Whalenand Stift to hunt him up. While engaged in the search they met OfficersPalmer and Cosgrove. Whalen explained their mission, and then Palmerasked:

“Are you not afraid to arrest him?”

Whalen wanted to know why there should be any fear in the case,and Palmer remarked:

“Well, you are running a chance of getting yourselves in trouble. Wewanted to arrest Schnaubelt in theArbeiter-Zeitung office, and we were notallowed to do so. We found him, Neebe, Fischer, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs.Schwab and Mrs. Holmes in the editor’s room. Shea told us not to arresthim, that he was a ‘big stiff,’ and then and there he told Schnaubelt to getaway from there or he would kick him out. All the others were arrested,but he was let go. I was detailed to remain around the building. Schnaubeltcame around there again afterwards, and I arrested him and took him tothe Central Station. There the man was told to go and get out. On thenext day he came around there again. I had in the meantime obtained alittle information about him, and I arrested him and took him to the CentralStation. I was again asked if I had not been told to let him alone and wascurtly informed that I was altogether too officious. Schnaubelt was againreleased. I explained that he was a partner of Fischer, that he had the bigrevolver and dagger; but it was no use—he was permitted to leave.”

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Officer Whalen replied: “We work for a different man, and I wouldlike to see Schnaubelt if he is in the city.”

Officer Gosgrove remarked that he knew where the man was working,and the two officers proffered their services to pilot Whalen and Stift to theplace. They went to No. 224 Washington Street, third floor, but on reachingthere they learned that “the bird had flown.” He had not even drawnthe wages due him, having sent his sister after the money. It subsequentlytranspired that Schnaubelt was the very man who had thrown the bomb atthe Haymarket, but he had “taken time by the forelock” and skipped forparts unknown. Possibly he had got tired of being kicked out of the officeof the Chief of Police and left Chicago in disgust, or possibly his friends atthe Central Station may have given him a “tip” to save himself from serioustrouble.

Some two weeks thereafter I received information as to where Schnaubeltcould be found.

I told Mr. Grinnell what I had learned, and he asked me to send a few menat once and get him. I informed Mr. Grinnell that I could not detail officersoutside of the city limits without the consent of the Chief. Mr. Grinnellthought I had better do so anyway. I insisted that I must see the Chieffirst, and Mr. Grinnell remarked:

“If you do, that will be the end of that matter.”

I went, however, to the Chief’s office, and stated my business. I wasthere told that they would get the man. The Chief said that he would goout to California and thus head him off. I reported back to Mr. Grinnell theresult of my interview, and he remarked:

“Well, that is just what I expected—jealousy, and that is all.”

Schnaubelt thus had a good friend at the City Hall, and he cannot thankthe officers there too much for having saved him the painful necessity ofgoing down to death on the 11th of November, 1887, with the other conspirators.

Balthasar Rau was another man who did not tarry in Chicago. He hadbeen a faithful lieutenant of Spies and had earned a living as solicitor fortheArbeiter-Zeitung. He took a keen interest in all of Spies’ plans, and onSaturday afternoon preceding the day of the riot visited the vicinity ofMcCormick’s factory to secure points about the strike for his friend’s information.He reported that ten thousand striking lumber-shovers had meton that day and had appointed a committee to wait upon the lumber bossesto induce them to inaugurate the eight-hour system in the various yards.Rau had seen the gathering, and, as the committee appointed by it were toreport to another meeting the following Monday, he knew that it wouldbring together just such a throng, if not a larger one than the previousassemblage. He so posted Spies, and in turn was advised by his friend toinsert in theFackel of Sunday, May 2, the notice “Y, come Monday night,[173]”which was the signal for the armed groups to meet that night at No. 54West Lake Street. The bandits did meet, and matured the conspiracywhich was carried out the following night at the Haymarket. On MondayRau went with Spies to McCormick’s factory, aided in inciting the people toa riot, and then accompanied his friend to the strikers’ headquarters on LakeStreet, where they informed the people that ten or twelve of their brotherworkmen had been brutally shot down by the “bloodhounds”—the police—thatafternoon.

BALTHASAR RAU.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

In consequence of his intimacy with Spies, Rau was at once—and theonly one at first—suspected ofbeing the thrower of the fatal bomb.He seemed to realize that he wasunder suspicion, for he speedilyleft the city after the explosion.Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmannlearned that he had fled toOmaha and promptly repaired tothat city. By instructions, JamesBonfield was to secure the necessaryrequisition papers for Rau’sextradition from the State of Nebraskaand was to follow Furthmannto Omaha. The AssistantState’s Attorney found Rau willingto talk, and asked him to write ashe had been dictated, to the textof the signal, “Y, come Mondaynight.” Rau promptly discoveredthat Furthmann knew some of theinside facts in the conspiracy, andtremblingly asked what he coulddo to save his neck from the rope.He was informed that nothing short of “unconditional surrender” wouldhelp him out of his scrape, and that he must not keep back any information.He then unbosomed himself and told everything he knew.

While these things were taking place the leaders of the Anarchist groupin Omaha were collecting money to take Rau away from Mr. Furthmann byhabeas corpus proceedings. Rau had meanwhile been locked up in a cellwhere he could not easily be reached by his friends, and, as he did not likehis surroundings, he was anxious to return to Chicago even without extraditionpapers. It was on a Monday before daylight that he agreed to go,and Mr. Furthmann promptly took him across the river to Council Bluffs,in the State of Iowa, to avoid litigation, as he had learned that the Omaha[174]judge was ready and willing to assist the Anarchists of that section in effectingRau’s release. At this time the extradition papers had not arrived. Ontaking up the trip to Chicago Rau became more communicative than everand entered into details quite interestingly.

Some one in the parlor car which conveyed them to Chicago recognizedMr. Furthmann, and it was whispered around:

“There’s Furthmann with the bomb-thrower!”

A flutter of excitement speedily developed, and soon a demand was madeon Furthmann that unless he handcuffed Rau the passengers would objectto his sitting in the parlor car, and they certainly would not allow Rau tosleep in the same car unless shackles were placed about his limbs. Agreat deal of parleying ensued. Finally Mr. Furthmann consented toappease the now thoroughly frightened passengers. Only one conditionwas imposed by Mr. Furthmann, and that was that the handcuffs andshackles should be furnished, as he had none in his possession. Theimplements were immediately telegraphed for, and were on hand whenCedar Rapids was reached. But the idea of handcuffing and shackling aman who was willingly returning without extradition papers was repulsiveto Mr. Furthmann.

A novel thought flashed through the Assistant State’s Attorney’s mind.He informed Rau of everything that had transpired, and told him that hedid not desire to shackle him in any way. But for the purpose of quietingthe passengers he would rattle the iron bracelets around in good shape ifRau would give up his coat, vest, pantaloons, shirt, drawers, stockings andshoes and hat during the night. This was done, and the passengers, hearingthe rattling of the chains at intervals during the night, rested in thesweet confidence that a violent outburst on the part of a wild Anarchist hadbeen averted.

The prisoner was safely landed in Chicago, and not a handcuff orshackle had been placed about him. He was taken to the Chicago AvenueStation, and there put through an examination by State’s Attorney Grinnell.

In the statement he made to Mr. Grinnell and myself Rau gave his ageas thirty, his occupation as that of a printer, and his residence as No. 418Larrabee Street.

“We had,” he said, “an excursion to Sheffield, Indiana, and there werepresent August Spies, Schwab, Neebe, Engel and Schnaubelt. Those arethe only ones I can now remember. Engel and Schnaubelt were the onesto set dynamite bombs for experiments.”

“Why do you good people use dynamite bombs, and what do you intendto do with them?” asked Mr. Grinnell.

Rau hesitated, but finally replied: “The time we shot off the dynamitebombs at Sheffield, at the time of the explosion there were only a few of us[175]present. They were the parties whose names I have given and a man whocame with Engel. We exploded only two bombs, and they were made ofiron and were round.”

“What is the meaning and for what purpose does that letter ‘Y’ appearin theArbeiter-Zeitung?” asked Mr. Furthmann.

“The last time I saw it was on Sunday, May 2, 1886. The Sunday issueof theArbeiter-Zeitung is called theFackel. Lorenz Hermann was requestedto have the letter ‘Y’ inserted in the paper, and it was printed in the issuementioned. He brought the notice to the office. We did not charge anythingfor notices brought in by the members of the armed section. Andthat letter ‘Y’ was intended to signify that there would be a meeting at No.54 West Lake Street, May 3, for the armed men. I was at Zepf’s Hall ata meeting held Monday, May 3. I had with me a lot of ‘Revenge’ circulars,calling people to arms. I gave the circulars to the boys who werepresent at the meeting. It was after nine o’clock. One meeting had beencalled by the carpenters for that night. August Belz is the man who toldme the meaning of the word. He asked me at Greif’s Hall if I knew themeaning of the word ‘Ruhe,’ and if I knew what effect its publicationwould have. He then told me that they had agreed that the word ‘Ruhe’should apply to a meeting at the Haymarket. If it appeared in theArbeiter-Zeitung,he said, then there would be trouble. The trouble would be fightingthe police, storming buildings and throwing dynamite bombs. When Isaw that word in theArbeiter-Zeitung, I was working in the office of thatpaper. I remarked to August Spies that that would make trouble in thecity, and his answer was that Fischer did it, meaning that Fischer wasresponsible for it. Spies, after I had told him what trouble it would make,got excited and called Schnaubelt. Spies asked him, ‘How is this?’ referringto the word ‘Ruhe.’ Schnaubelt replied, ‘Well, they want to throwdynamite bombs.’ He also said that if the police interfered, then therewould be trouble at the Haymarket. He further said that the peoplestationed on the outskirts of the city, east, west, south and north, should beinformed as to when the riot commenced and when their time had arrivedfor storming the city. When Fischer was asked about this word ‘Ruhe’he was close-mouthed. He would not say anything to us. I heard Spiessay in his office, ‘If that word “Ruhe” is in the paper, there will be trouble,and I don’t want that. That will break up our organization.’ Spies said:‘I will print hand-bills to stop the meeting at the Haymarket May 4.’ Hesaid he would attend to that himself. I said that we had better put up signson the corners to notify the people that there would be no meeting at theHaymarket that night. Spies said that if there was a meeting, then therewould be trouble. Schnaubelt was to go to the North Side that afternoon,May 4, and tell the people that there would be no meeting at the Haymarketthat night. On May 4, in the evening, some one called at the office and[176]wanted Spies to speak at the meeting at Deering Station; but he could notbe found, and consequently we sent Schwab. Afterwards I went over tothe West Side meeting at the Haymarket. I saw Spies standing on a wagon,making a speech to the people present. When he saw me he called me andasked me to go and find Parsons. Spies said, ‘I want help here, and hemust help me out.’ I went to look for Parsons, and I found him. Parsonsand Fielden were together. I told them what Spies had said and I askedthem to go and help him. They did go—I went along. We got therespeedily. I asked Fischer for an explanation as to the publication in ourpaper of the notice calling the people to arms, but he would give me nosatisfaction.”

“Why did you not give me this statement first when I asked you for thisinformation?” asked Mr. Grinnell.

“Because I was afraid it would hurt myself, or it might convict me.That is the reason why I did not tell you at first. I saw dynamite in theArbeiter-Zeitung building. I saw dynamite lying on a shelf in the back roomfrom the office. I know George Engel and Fehling. They printed theAnarchist. It was a small paper. They only published six numbers.”

Edmund Deuss was also sought for with some interest. He had beencity editor of theArbeiter-Zeitung under Spies. The first week after thebomb had been thrown the authorities at police headquarters were informedthat Paul Grottkau and Deuss, both ex-employés of theArbeiter-Zeitung,were then living in Milwaukee. Mr. Furthmann thought some points mightbe gathered from them, and accordingly went to that city. He found themboth. Grottkau, who has since tasted the bitterness of prison life for hispreachments of violence in the “Cream City,” expressed himself as pleasedthat Spies had been placed under arrest and charged with responsibility forthe murder at the Haymarket.

“I knew long ago,” said Grottkau, “that August Spies would thus endhis crazy and ambitious career.”

Grottkau and Spies had not been on very friendly terms since the latterhad succeeded in displacing the former from the editorship of theArbeiter-Zeitung.But, however strong his enmity, Grottkau would not give us anyinformation regarding Spies, or dynamite practices, or anything else thatwould tend to put a rope around Spies’ neck or hurt any of his companions.He referred Mr. Furthmann to Deuss, who was then depending uponGrottkau for a livelihood and who received a dollar now and then for writinga firebrand article for a paper Grottkau was editing in Milwaukee.

Deuss was found in a neighboring saloon without a cent in his pocket.He stood wistfully eyeing the saloon patrons, hoping to fall in with some onewilling to buy him a glass of beer or a cigar. Mr. Furthmann at once openeda conversation about the Chicago Anarchists. Deuss promised to tell everythinghe knew in regard to theArbeiter-Zeitung, the dynamite brought[177]there, the men in the building of that paper and the nefarious things practicedby them, on condition that Mr. Furthmann would first buy him agood cigar, several sandwiches and the necessary beer. The conditionswere complied with, and Deuss rattled away a long story. He proved tobe the first man to inform Mr. Furthmann as to when the dynamite thatwas afterwards found in theArbeiter-Zeitung had been brought there, andwhere it had been placed. A grease-spot caused by dynamite was afterwardsfound exactly where Deuss said the explosive material had beenplaced, which was right next to the desk used by Malkoff, a reporter for thepaper and an exiled Russian Anarchist. Rau at that time, it appears, didnot know the properties of dynamite, for on one occasion a stray match wasthrown upon the dynamite sack in the office and he was nearly frightenedout of his wits.

“Don’t you know what you are doing?” he exclaimed.

“You greenhorn,” was the answer, “Malkoff has handled this stuff foryears and knows by this time, as you ought to know, that dynamite cannotbe exploded by contact with fire in such a form.”

This information, though unimportant on its face, assisted Mr. Furthmanngreatly in making Deuss talk, and served also as a straw showing thatthe man had given up all the information he possessed.

LINGG’S CANDLESTICK.
From a Photograph.

So far Mr. Furthmann had managed to secure many valuable clues, andwe studied at once the best method of followingthem up. In running down the pointers, one dayMr. Furthmann sought Dr. Newman, one of thesurgeons who had rendered heroic service in attendingthe wounded on the night after the explosion.The doctor was asked with reference to the metaland pieces of lead which he had taken from thebodies of some of the men wounded at the Haymarket.He informed Mr. Furthmann that a youngman named Hahn, a shoemaker on the West Side,had come to the hospital wounded by the explosion,and that upon examination a wound had been foundin the fleshy part of his thigh, from which a piece ofiron had been removed. This piece was nothingless than the nut which had been used to assist inholding together the two halves of the composition bomb which had beenexploded at the Haymarket. This discovery was a most important one.It proved at the trial the best piece of evidence used, by the prosecution,as it demonstrated that the bomb exploded at the Haymarket was one ofthe bombs manufactured by Louis Lingg, since fifty bolts and nuts of thesame size and description were subsequently found in Lingg’s possession.

[178]

The metal removed from the person of the wounded officers was placedin the hands of Professors Haines and Delafontaine, expert chemists, foranalysis, and they found that it contained the same quantity of lead, zinc,tin and other ingredients, and the same proportion of impurities as the bombsfound in Lingg’s possession. Even a trace of the copper discovered in thebomb exploded at the Haymarket was shown to have come from the candlestickused by Lingg. A small fragment was missing from the candlestick,and it was clearly shown that it had found its way into that deadly bomb.

During this period I also learned that Lingg had not been the first andonly one to experiment with dynamite in Chicago. I learned that as farback as 1881 there had been some desperate men among the Socialists, butby keeping their secrets to themselves they had managed to keep thegeneral body of the party and the public at large in ignorance of theirclandestine operations. They had even experimented with dynamite, hopingto perfect it so that it could be handled with safety; but somehow theyhad failed to discover means for making its use practicable. They hadadopted various expedients to test its strength when confined in a smallimplement, and in their labors several had received serious injuries. Fouror five men are living to-day who were crippled by the rash and ineffectualexperiments. One Communist was particularly active in studying the propertiesof the explosive and devising a plan to make it serviceable in a combatwith the police. This man had fled from France after the downfall ofthe Paris Commune, and thought himself quite capable of getting dynamitedown to such a fine point that when his new-found brethren in Anarchystarted their revolution they would be more successful than his French associateshad been. He finally succeeded in making an explosive similar todynamite, but which was found very unsafe to handle. After some of theAnarchists had tried it and got hurt, they refrained from further meddling,and dropped both the Frenchman and his explosive. For along time thereafterdynamite was not heard of.

A man living on West Lake Street, however, still entertained hopes, andfinally supplied some of the Anarchists with a dynamite prescription bywhich they could use it with great effect. In imparting his knowledge hetold them to keep the “stuff” hermetically sealed, for if the air reached itan explosion would surely follow. Some found this true, to their sorrow.

Then a man residing on West Twelfth Street stepped to the front andsupplied what he claimed could be successfully used. One Sunday somehalf dozen Anarchists went out to Riverside to test the new compound byputting some of it under a lot of stone near the Desplaines River, but, totheir surprise and mortification, they found that it was so weak that itscarcely made a noise.

Subsequently the Southwest Side group took up the dynamite problemand experimented with the “stuff.” The members of this group, known at[179]the time familiarly as “the Bridgeport group,” were the craziest lot of Anarchistsin the city, and, judging from their talk, were always ready to participatein a riot or a revolution. They were great readers of books onSocialism, Communism, Anarchy and Nihilism, and they had drilled themselvesthoroughly in arms for the coming uprising. But they wanted somethingmore potent and effective than simple guns and revolvers, and, as theypossessed a work on “The Wonders of Chemistry,” they saw no reasonwhy they could not carry out its instructions with reference to dynamite andfind some means for putting them to practical use. They accordingly experimented.They had a friend in a drug-store on State Street, near VanBuren, and from him they obtained their supplies by paying a good roundprice. This store finally became known to all the Socialists in the city, but,as the owner became frightened at the publicity obtained, he declined tofurnish any more material for experiments. The Anarchists, however, hadmet with some small success, and they were not discouraged. They foundanother friend on West Twelfth Street, and this party sold them dynamitecartridges such as are used by miners.

There were in the city at the time the Bridgeport group, the Town ofLake group, the South Side group, the Southwest Side group, the Freiheitgroup, the Northwest Side group, the North Side group, the KarlMarx group, the English group, the Lake View group (near ClybournAvenue), and another group which existed only a short time, all togetherhaving a membership list of about 1,500 men, who hailed with great delightthe report that with some further experiments the dynamite cartridges couldbe made serviceable not only for blowing up buildings, but also for use ina hand-to-hand conflict in a crowd.

The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were not then interestedin this branch of Socialism. They drilled with arms and believed in meetingthe enemy with guns. It was about this time—October, 1883—that thenational convention of Socialists was held at Pittsburg to formulate plans andprinciples, and there was a division of sentiment on the use of dynamite.The radical delegates from Chicago, as stated in a preceding chapter, werenumerous, and insisted on employing the most effective weapon they couldfind to exterminate capitalists. The result of the conflict was that on theirreturn home they made it a point to bring over the members of the Lehrund Wehr Verein, some of whom had opposed them at Pittsburg, to theirideas, and some time thereafter they succeeded in having the superiority ofdynamite over guns almost generally conceded. Not only that, but some ofthe members became enthusiastic in the experiments being made. Onemember had even reached a point beyond his competitors in making roundcast-iron bombs, and succeeded in turning out fifty pieces. A few weretried, with what success is not known, but one night two friends of the manwent to him, told him that they had heard of his having bombs and that his[180]arrest would be made the next day. In fact, they assured him thathe had been spotted for some time by detectives. This frightened the man,and he begged his friends to assist him in carrying the bombs away and thushelp him out of his troubles. The three then went to work, removed thebombs, and, to effectually destroy all evidence, threw them into the lake.

This procedure gave the great man of the Lehr und Wehr Verein achance to breathe a little easier, the air seemed to be more bracing, and hecould look into the eye of a policeman, when he passed one, with moreassurance and confidence. But one of those bombs got astray while beingremoved, just before the others were submerged, and it afterwards cameinto the possession of the police. It has had its picture taken and looksquite innocent on paper.

An engraving of it is herewith presented. This sort of iron bomb wasafterwards adopted as a model, and became quite popular with the bravedynamite experimenters until some one manufactured a smaller one thatcould be carried handily in a coat pocket.

They next adopted the long iron gas-pipe bomb, six inches in length,which could be carried in the inside vest pocket.Every one fell in love with the new invention, especiallyFischer, and he kept a large soap-box full ofthe bombs at his home, carefully concealed under hisbed.

But the Anarchists were bent on still greaterimprovements. They continued their experiments,and the next new invention was the round leadbomb, called by them the “Czar bomb.” This was the kind broughtto August Spies’ office by “the man from Cleveland,” or rather byLouis Lingg. One of these bombs is shown in a full-page engraving presentedelsewhere. They had been designated as the “Czar bomb” untilbombs began to fill my office, and then they were referred to as “theround lead bombs.” The police knew them as Lingg’s bombs.

Some of Fischer’s bombs were scattered among trusted Anarchists inthe Board of Trade procession, and their effectiveness would have beentried on that occasion had it not been for police interference. The characterand explosiveness of the “Lingg bomb” are described in the testimonyof the officers and expert chemists during the trial.

Samuel Fielden was found at his home during the day of May 5th, andplaced under arrest. He accepted the situation calmly, and, without aremonstrance, accompanied the officers to the Central Station. OfficerSlayton, who had him in care, introduced him to the Lieutenant in charge ofthe detective department, and, in view of the conspicuous part the prisonerhad played at the Haymarket, one would suppose that he would have beensubjected to a very rigorous examination as to his movements for several[181]days preceding the evening of May 4. But nothing of the kind occurred.The Lieutenant proceeded to denounce him in English more vigorous thanelegant, and delivered himself of an opinion about the man and the workof the Anarchists at the Haymarket. Fielden stood it all without a murmur,and probably would have said nothing had not the Lieutenant called hima Dutchman. That allusion was the “last straw.” Fielden remonstratedand emphatically declared that he was an Englishman. He was subsequentlyturned over to Superintendent Ebersold, and, while exhibiting hiswound, caused by a shot during the Haymarket riot, he was informed bythat officer that it ought to have gone through his head. The observationwas a pertinent one at the moment,and possibly the felicityof its expression may have satisfiedthe official that with ithis duty had ended in the case.At any rate, Fielden was notcatechized to any material extentby the Chief, and that official, aswell as the head of the detectivedepartment, was no wiser thanbefore the man’s arrest.

SAMUEL FIELDEN.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

The prisoner, who had beenshown to have declared at theHaymarket, “Here come thebloodhounds, the police; you doyour duty and I’ll do mine,”and to have fired a shot in thedirection of the police after dismountingfrom the speakers’wagon, was then passed into acell. His house was searched,but nothing of a criminatingcharacter was discovered. He undoubtedly possessed a great deal of informationrespecting the revolutionary plot. Had it not been for work doneoutside of the Central Station, Fielden would have been speedily released,and possibly some apology might have been offered him for the inconvenienceoccasioned by his arrest and the unintentional reflection cast uponthe English and German nationalities.

Fielden was kept locked up, indicted, and finally convicted on discoveriesmade independently of the Chief’s office or the detective department. Theeducation, demeanor and independence of the man were well calculated todeceive the most expert readers of human nature, and his emphatic assertionsregarding the want of any knowledge of a conspiracy would have[182]made him a free man to-day had his case rested on the efforts of the CentralStation. Fielden was a sort of diamond in the rough. He possessed muchnative ability, a ruggedness of character which commanded admiration, anda force and volubility of speech which swayed the unlettered masses. Hadhe passed through either an academic or collegiate training, there is no tellingwhat eminence he might have achieved in the higher walks of life. Hisrough, uncouth appearance greatly heightened the effect of his utterances,as few looked for eloquence from such a man. He was born in Dodmorden,Lancashire, England, in 1847, and spent a number of his earlieryears in a cotton mill. While thus engaged he became a Sunday-schoolteacher at the age of eighteen, and some time later branched out as anitinerant Methodist exhorter. Some time after (1868) he came to America,settling in New York, and the next year he found his way to Chicago. Hewent to work at Summit, a hamlet a few miles southwest of town, on thefarm of ex-Mayor John Wentworth, but he did not remain there long beforehe migrated to Arkansas and Louisiana to engage in railroad constructionwork. In 1871 he returned to Chicago and engaged in manual labor, principallyas teamster in handling stone. In 1880 he became a member of theLiberal League, and under the training and guidance of George Schillinghe soon became a rabid Socialist. From that the step was only a short oneto unbridled Anarchy, and the pupil finally became a teacher to Schilling inadvanced theories on the state of society they all sought to inaugurate.Fielden finally became a boon companion of Spies and Parsons, and all therugged eloquence he could command was given to the cause. He was amore forcible speaker than either of the two just named, and whenever hepreached force, as he always did after becoming an Anarchist, his languagecommanded wider attention and made a deeper impression. Had it notbeen for his own sincere penitence for his past misdeeds and the interventionof influential friends because of that penitence, he would have died onthe gallows. But he recanted at the last moment of hope for clemency, andthe Governor commuted his sentence to imprisonment for life. He is amarried man with two small children, and the misery he wrought uponthem has been beyond expression. Such is the fruit of Anarchy.

CHAPTER XI.

My Connection with the Anarchist Cases—A Scene at the Central Office—Mr.Hanssen’s Discovery—Politics and Detective Work—Jealousy against InspectorBonfield—Dynamiters on Exhibition—Courtesies to the Prize-fighters—A FriendlyTip—My First Light on the Case—A Promise of Confidence—One Night’s Work—TheChief Agrees to my Taking up the Case—Laying Our Plans—“We HaveFound the Bomb Factory!”—Is it a Trap?—A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite—NoHelp Hoped for from Headquarters—Conference with State’s Attorney Grinnell—Furthmann’sWork—Opening up the Plot—Trouble with the Newspaper Men—UnexpectedAdvantage of Hostile Criticism—Information from Unexpected Quarters—QueerEpisodes of the Hunt—Clues Good, Bad and Indifferent—A Mysterious Ladywith a Veil—A Conference in my Back Yard—The Anarchists Alarmed—A BreezyConference with Ebersold—Threatening Letters—Menaces Sent to the Wives of theMen Working on the Case—How the Ladies Behaved—The Judge and Mrs. Gary—Detectiveson Each Other’s Trail—The Humors of the Case—Amusing Incidents.

I have often been asked how it was that I came to have charge of thedetective work which was done in bringing the Anarchists to justice, andI think that the time has now come for the whole story to be told. I thinkit would be a false delicacy for me, in this book, which I mean to make, asnearly as I can, a fair and truthful record of the Anarchist case, to pass overthe notorious incompetency which prevailed at Police Headquarters at thattime. It cannot be denied that, had the case been left in the hands of themen of the Central Office, the prosecution would have come to naught, andthese red-handed murderers would have gone unwhipped of justice. Thiswas something which every good citizen would have been bound to prevent,and more than others a police officer, for into our hands is intrusted thecare of the lives and property of the community and the preservation of lawand order. I knew as well as my questioners that the case belonged to theCentral Office. There was the Chief; there were the two heads of the detectivedepartment; there was the detective corps, supposed to contain thekeenest and the best officers on the force.

From the first I was satisfied that the men at headquarters neitherappreciated the gravity of the occasion, nor were they able to cope with theconspirators—a set of wily, secret and able men, who had made a specialstudy of the art and mystery of baffling the law and avoiding the police.There was neither order, discipline nor brains at headquarters. Everyofficer did as he liked, and the department was rent and paralyzed with thefeuds and jealousies between the chiefs and the subordinates. This, too,was at a time when the people of Chicago were in a condition of mindalmost bordering upon panic. They were looking to us for protection. Thered flag was flaunted in the streets, demagogues were shouting dynamite ina dozen parts of the city, riotous mobs had already met the police—and the[184]police were in charge of a man who—it is a charity to say no more—hadneither a proper conception of his duties nor the ability to perform them.

For instance, on the evening of May 3 all the captains of the city wereordered to meet at the Chief’s office, and, together with Inspector Bonfield,they responded promptly. While the situation was being discussed, therewas a rap at the door. I was nearest the entrance, and I opened it. Mr.Hanssen, one of the editors of theFreie Presse, was there. He handed in apaper, saying that it was of most serious import—so serious that, as soon ashe had seen it, he had felt it his duty to bring it to police headquarters. Itwas the “Revenge” circular, of which so much is said elsewhere in thisbook, and which afterwards became so notorious. I handed it to ChiefEbersold, who glanced at it and said it was all nonsense. “Why,” said he,“we are prepared for them.” Bonfield looked it over, and thought it serious.I was sure that it meant mischief and murder,but the rest treated it as a farce. Now, whatwas to be expected from men who had no cleareridea of the gravity of the crisis that was uponus than the story of this incident conveys.

DETECTIVE JAMES BONFIELD.
From a Photograph.

On the next evening the crash of dynamitewas for the first time heard on the streets of anAmerican city. The Red Terror was upon us.

What was done?

Every citizen of Chicago demanded justicefor the brave men who had fallen—justice onthe miscreants who had done them to death.Knowing what I did of the manner in which thedetective work was apt to be done, it will not bewondered that I at once made up my mind to dowhat lay in my power to hunt these murderers down. Even had I not soconcluded, the events of that day, the 5th of May, would have fastened thedetermination in my mind. At ten o’clock in the morning I was ordered bytelephone to report at the Central Station at once with two companies—troublewas momentarily expected on the Black Road. When I had disposedmy men at the City Hall, and arranged for the patrol wagons we were tooccupy if a call should come, there was nothing to do but wait in the Chief’soffice till we were summoned. No one ever had a better opportunity ofseeing how the police business of the city was transacted.

It was a time of acute excitement, the day after the Haymarket. TheChief was in a state of alarm that would have been ridiculous if it had notbeen pitiable. Whenever the telephone rang, he would start nervously anddemand, “Is that on the prairie, or the Black Road?” and when assuredthat there was no trouble, his relief was absurdly manifest. Among the[185]detectives the topic was whether they would be called on to work in theAnarchist case and how many they would be expected to arrest.

Another question that bothered them was: What would the old man(Mayor Harrison) say if they went to work arresting Anarchists, and howwould he like it?

The officers who did their duty after such a stupendous crime as theslaughter of the police officers would never have lost anything in the end,even if they should have lost their positions. The question, “How wouldHarrison like it?” as asked by one of the detectives, should, therefore, havecut no figure, and possibly it did not. Probably the officer fell back upon itas an excuse for his own laziness and incompetence. But one thing is certain,and that is that the department didnothing to speak of in the case.

OFFICER HENRY PALMER.
From a Photograph.

I saw some of those red-handed murdererscome out of that office smilingand laughing instead of being made tofeel that they were about to have a ropearound their necks.

In fact, the Central Office was run sothat no one could tell who was officer,waiter or janitor. Everybody had a fullsweep in and out of the office, and if aprisoner happened to be brought in bysome well-meaning officer, everybodywas allowed to hear the investigation.It was a sort of town meeting, and itwas free to all.

At that time Inspector Bonfield hadbeen receiving a great deal of favorablemention in the newspapers, in connectionwith the labor troubles, and this aroused the jealousy of Chief Ebersold.The Chief accordingly concluded to attend to all the business himself,assisted by his pet gang of ignorant detectives, and they made a fine messof it. But forces were at work, in spite of the internal difficulties, whichrescued the case from utter failure.

On the morning of May 5, at an early hour, Inspector Bonfield had ashort interview with State’s Attorney Grinnell; but exactly what transpiredno one but themselves knew. Before noon of that day, however, the resultcould be plainly seen. Officers James Bonfield, Palmer, Slayton and a fewothers had by that time succeeded in arresting August Spies, Chris Spies,Schwab, Fischer and Fielden. Of course, this step only served to createmore jealousy in the Central Station.

After the prisoners had been brought in, some of the newspaper reporters[186]endeavored to obtain interviews with them, but they were not permittedto get anywhere near the Anarchists.

In the meantime, and while the working officers were out hunting formore of the chief conspirators, the lieutenants in command of the detectivedepartment concluded that they would enjoy a little breathing-spell.Accordingly they took a stroll among the fashionable saloons on ClarkStreet. There they met their friends, and while sampling the various decoctionscompounded by the cocktail dispensers, they fell in with a party ofprofessional prize-fighters, heavy-weight and light-weight, and match-makersfor man and beast. They found there was more sport in that party than intaking risks by going out into the suburbs through tough streets and dirtyalleyways looking for Anarchists.

OFFICER (NOW LIEUT.) BAER.

At any rate, after a lot of wine had been consumed and good cigarstested, round after round, one of the pug-facedsluggers made the remark to one of the lieutenantsthat he would like to see the Anarchistswho had been arrested, and the officeraddressed responded: “Of course you cansee them—all you gentlemen can see them.Come right along with us.”

They all fell into line, went over to theCentral Station, were taken down stairs to thelock-up, and there told to go around and lookfor themselves. This was some time afternine o’clock in the evening, and after theparty had satisfied their curiosity, they returnedto the saloon which they had left. The vigilantreporters had noticed this proceeding,and, holding a short conference, they resolved to insist on seeing the prisonersalso. They told the officials that the public had as much right toknow about the parties arrested as a gang of prize-fighters, whether Sullivansor lesser lights in the prize-ring firmament, and the lieutenants at oncerecognized the force of the argument. Between eleven and twelve thatnight one reporter from each paper in the city was allowed to see theAnarchists, and interviews were secured for publication the next morning.

When I understood how the whole affair was being managed during thatday, I came to the conclusion that the case would never be worked up bythat department, and I was more resolved than ever that if the opportunitycame I would not rest until the criminals were brought to justice.

Inspector Bonfield had likewise become disgusted with the nervousactions of the Chief and the heads of the detective department, and hedecided to confine his operations to the West Side. He went over therethat day,—May 5,—and as a result he cleaned out all Lake Street from[187]the river to Halsted Street. He broke up all the Anarchistrendezvous,captured their guns, confiscated their flags, and created general dismayamong the reds. Some sought safety by fleeing to the roofs, others escapedthrough back alleys, and still others got into the dark recesses of basements.When they learned that “Black” Bonfield, as they called him, was on theirtrack, consternation took possession of them all. The Inspector had noeasy task. He looked up all their halls and meeting-places, hunted for“Revenge” circulars at every place he visited, and in every instance hefound plenty of them as evidence of the extensive circulation given thatdocument among Anarchists. He gathered them all together, and in thetrial they proved of great service to the State as showing that all hadnotice to come to the Haymarket meeting with arms and be prepared for adeadly conflict. After that day Inspector Bonfield turned all his attention tothe sick and wounded officers and their families, and, as a consequence, theCentral Station was left without a competent head. But the Central considereditself capable of handling the case, and Bonfield never asked anyquestions. Ebersold and the dual-headed monstrosities in charge of thedetective department struggled along, and, with a great deal of bluster,endeavored to show to the outside world that they were moving along finely.But they accomplished absolutely nothing. Insults in various ways wereheaped upon Bonfield, so that every one about the City Hall noticed them.Even on the 5th of May, the slights cast upon the Inspector were commentedupon by some of the officers in the Central. Some of the officersfriendly to the incompetents would declare that Bonfield did not know hisbusiness and that he was to blame for the killing of the officers, but therewere others who took a different view and regretted that he was not kept continuallyat work on the case. In fact, the only ones about the building,after the incompetent heads took charge, who showed a willingness to workand who tried to do their duty, were Officers James Bonfield, Palmer andSlayton. All the rest looked scared, absent-minded and indifferent.

On the next morning—May 6—I was again at the Central Headquarters.I learned then how deep and wide-spread was the spirit that pervadedthe department. Nothing was done, and nothing was proposed tobe done. I also learned of the treatment accorded Officer Palmer by thelieutenants in charge of the department.

The whole trouble appeared to be that no one cared about doing anything,and that if any one had the temerity to bring information in, he wouldbe kicked out. While such was the stupidity or the lethargy of the headofficials, I was powerless to act. I could not take the case away from mysuperior officer on information rejected and spurned by those in authorityabout police headquarters, and I almost despaired of ever seeing the culpritsbrought to punishment.

An incident occurred, however, which changed the whole course of[188]events. On my way home to supper that evening, about six o’clock—May6—I met a man near my house. He acted as though greatly frightened,but he had some information he wished to impart to me. He was afraid tospeak, as he said it was life or death to him.

“If I speak,” he said, “and these people [the Anarchists] find it out,they will kill me sure. On the other hand, when I think of how manywere killed, it drives me nearly crazy. I can probably help to bring themurderers to justice, and I cannot forgive myself unless I try to assist.”

I told the man that as a good citizen it was his duty to tell everythinghe knew about the affair, and that I should consider everything he saidstrictly confidential. My personal pledge being given to him that I wouldnot get him into trouble by exposing him to the reds, he began his statement.The man did not tell very much, but after I had gathered together allthe little threads carefully, the whole proved of considerable service. Aftersupper I went to a great many places and remained out till four o’clock thenext morning. The following day I instructed some of my people how toget information respecting the throwing of the Haymarket bomb, and I toldthem where they might leave their information if they obtained any. I gotback to the station at 9A.M., and found in my closed letter-box a slip ofpaper containing about five lines of important news. I scanned the paperclosely, and those who stood around told me afterwards that they noticedthat my face brightened up considerably.

I knew then that I had a very light starter in the case, but a good one.I could readily see also that everything had to be handled with the greatestcare, and by preserving the utmost confidence with the informers. I knew,too, that nothing must be told even in the Chief’s office or in the detectivedepartment.

I had previously discovered that there was not a man among the threeheads of the Central that knew how to listen to information, how to putquestions or remember conversation, or, in fact, to have anything in shape,or to keep secrets, and I therefore decided to keep my own counsel.

On the morning of the 7th of May, at nine o’clock, I arrived at the Chief’soffice and asked him if he had any good news. He replied that it was hardto get at the bottom of the affair. I then asked him if he would give methe privilege of working up the case. He looked at me a moment and thensaid, “Yes.”

“Yes, Captain,” he added, after a brief pause, “I will—sure. If youcan do anything, do it. I hope you will do it. I shall be pleased if youcan only do it.”

I then said: “With your permission I will work this case and all thereis in the case. You will hear from me soon, but if you should not hear fromme in three months, do not ask for me. I am going to work night and dayuntil this case is cleared up. Good day.”

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Then I started for the North Side. Arriving at the station, Lieut.Larsen handed me a little note which had been left for me. It was small,but full of information, and was the first fruit of one night’s work. I immediatelyturned over the command of the station and all the details to Lieut.Larsen, and at once called in my old reliable officers, those whom I knew tobe honest and true, strong and vigilant, intelligent and brave. They beganearnestly and were with me through all the investigations up to November11, 1887. They were Michael Whalen, John Stift, Michael Hoffman,Hermann Schuettler, Jacob Loewenstein and Charles Rehm, and theyreported to me promptly at the office, where they received their first instructions.I told them that this must be like all the other cases we had worked,secret and only known among ourselves. All information and reports mustcome to me as soon as possible, and all details must be attended to strictly.I further told them that they must expect a forty-eight hours’ stretch of workfrequently before we got to the end; that they must keep in mind thattheir lives would often be in danger, but they should only kill in dire necessity.Insults or abuses they must not take from any one. I knew that[190]they would get into many of those h—l-holes, where the women were agreat deal worse than the men, and I proposed that the officers should showthat they were not to be trifled with in the discharge of their duties.

The field chosen for work was the vicinity of Clybourn Avenue, SedgwickStreet and North Avenue. The officers were provided with chisels,jimmies and keys and one or two dark lanterns, and after these preliminaryarrangements they mounted a patrol wagon and started for the scene oftheir operations. This detail was in charge of Officer Whalen, and the firstobjective point was Sedgwick Street, near the residence of Seliger. Theybegan searching all the houses, barns and wood-sheds belonging to Anarchists,and created quite a consternation in the locality.

While they were thus engaged, I was temporarily called away from myoffice, and on my return I was soon called up by a telephone message fromthe Larrabee Street Station. Answering the call, I recognized the voiceof Officer Whalen, and some important news was at once communicated.

“We have found the bomb factory,” said Officer Whalen. “It is in therear of No. 442 Sedgwick Street. The house is full of bombs and all kindsof material. My men are all there, and I am almost afraid to touch anyof the stuff. There are some very queer-looking things, besides round leadbombs and very long iron bombs, about the house, and probably some trapmay have been set to blow us all up the moment the articles are disturbed.”

I questioned him as to whether there was any one about the house, and,being answered in the negative, I instructed the officer to handle everythinghimself and exercise great caution. Everything that looked suspicious wasto be packed in a box and sent to the Chicago Avenue Station. I furtherinstructed the officer to hunt up the parties who lived there, place themunder arrest and send them also to the same station.

Whalen then returned to the house, packed up all the “stuff” andhunted for the occupants, who were nowhere to be found. He ascertainedtheir names, however, and learned from the neighbors that the head of thehouse worked in Meyer’s Mill, a sash and door factory on the North Pier.This information was telephoned to me, and I instructed Lieut. Larsen justwhat I desired in the way of securing the man’s arrest. The Lieutenantcalled up the Larrabee Street Station patrol wagon, and, with a numberof officers, he repaired to the mill. He there found his man, WilliamSeliger, and brought him to the Chicago Avenue Station.

Meanwhile Officer Whalen and his men were busy getting their load ofdeadly missiles, and, still unsatisfied, they got some shovels and picks andwent to mining in the back yard of the bomb factory. They found a lot oflead and gas pipes buried in the ground, and after they had collected aboutall the suspicious-looking articles they could find, they brought it all to thestation. This was the first of a series of searches kept up night and dayfor two weeks, and no house or place where an Anarchist or Socialist[191]resided escaped police attention. The houses were examined from topto bottom, and when the officers had finished their labors in this directionthe Chicago Avenue Station was filled with all kinds of arms, someold and some new, nearly every nation on the globe being represented inthe collection.

On the evening of May 7, about eight o’clock, a gentleman called at myhouse, and in a most confidential manner desired to post me about an arrestthat ought to be made.

“You had a fellow taken from Meyer’s Mill,” said he, “but you left aman worse than the one you arrested.” He gave the name of the party andthen silently took his departure.

EDMUND FURTHMANN.

On the next day OfficerWhalen was detailed to bringthe man to the station, but whenthe officers arrived at the millthe bird had flown. This man’sname was Mueller, No. 2. Hehas never returned to the factory,although his tool chest isstill there, and $27 still standsdue to him on the books of theconcern to this date.

With the information so farsecured I became confident thatI had an opening to the case,but, knowing that no aid couldbe had from the Central Headquarters,I refrained, I thinkwisely, from asking for assistance.In Mr. Grinnell and hisstaff, however, I had every confidence,and I went to his office. I told him what discoveries had beenmade, giving him all the details, and said to him that in working up thecase I should frequently need his advice. He promptly said: “Schaack,you can command my services and those of every man in my office at anytime.” I thanked him, and felt greatly strengthened in the task I hadbefore me.

Mr. Furthmann was directed to go with me and assist in the sameway that he had assisted in working up the evidence in the Mulkowskymurder case.

I then felt highly gratified, and stronger and more resolute thanever, because of my new partner in the case. When we were about to go,Mr. Grinnell said, “I will be up to-night and see you.” He called, as[192]promised. We then told him what progress we had made during the day,and he expressed himself as greatly pleased. He urged us to keep everythingas secret as possible and not to take any more people into our confidencethan was absolutely necessary. Having given us this advice, he leftus, but we continued our work until three o’clock the next morning. Wemet again—Furthmann and myself—the next day at nine o’clock, and thatday we worked with great success. The boys brought us in good newsevery hour. Good citizens would leave letters at my house, and these wouldbe immediately sent to me by my wife. Before eight o’clock that night wehad gained an entrance to the conspiracy plot. Mr. Grinnell was sent for,and he called on us at once. He was informed of all the facts and said:

“You boys have done well. You have found the missing link, and youhave it right.”

Mr. Grinnell became enthusiastic over the work accomplished and recognizedthe fact that the right parties were under arrest, and that what hadbeen morally certain before as to a conspiracy had now been made a legalcertainty susceptible of the strongest proof. In reaching this point, a greatdeal of work had been done, and in its performance talent, tact andingenuity of a very high order seemed essential. Mr. Grinnell inspired uswith confidence, however, and was kind enough to say, just before goinghome that night:

“Schaack, I want to say that you are one of the greatest detectives inAmerica.”

When the case had been worked up to the discovery of the leading factsat this time, the reporters for the various papers in Chicago began to gatherat the Chicago Avenue Station, and they plied me with all sorts of questions.They desired all the information I possessed, but their laudable ambitionwas not gratified. Nothing respecting the merits of the case was furnishedthem. This provoked quite a number of the newspaper craft, and theysought to even up things by scoring me and my assistants in the columns oftheir papers. They continued their attacks, evidently expecting that I wouldweaken and tell all I knew, but in this they were mistaken, as their shaftsfell harmless at my feet.

The more the papers blamed us, the better we liked it. It made ourwork much easier, because we received a great deal of good informationfrom persons who would not have told us anything without positive assuranceof secrecy.

This was in fact a potent factor in our success, and the newspaper-readingpublic really lost nothing by it. The latest news respecting theAnarchist conspiracy was always presented by the dailies, and, while theremay have been wanting many of the essential and interesting facts, thepublic demand was measurably satisfied. At any rate, the interests ofjustice could not be permitted to be overshadowed by those of the newspapers,[193]and I held unflinchingly to the course mapped out until the day ofthe trial. The result proved the wisdom of the plan, and the encomiumsbestowed on me by the press on the evidence I finally accumulated morethan offset the former bitter attacks.

THE EAST CHICAGO AVENUE STATION.
From a Photograph.

Had it not been for the caution and secrecy which we made our rule allthrough the investigation, the plot would not have been successfully unraveled.Recognizing this trait in my management of the case, men close tothe Anarchistsgave points theyotherwise wouldnot have dared togive, and therewas scarcely anhour during theinvestigationthat I did notfind some trailsleading up tothe arch-conspirators.I evenreceived privateletters on myway home tomeals. Personswould meet meon the street,hand me lettersand pass righton. Some ofthese letterswere purposelymisleading,while others containedgoodpoints; but byputting onething with another,and working up everything, something tangible was generally produced.In many of the notes a few words would signify a great deal, and the clueswould be run down to the last point. Of course, sometimes the detectivesmade long and weary walks with no results. But whenever the boys met withdisappointments in not getting just what they expected, and even when theywere kept up all night, they never grumbled or expressed dissatisfaction.

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On the morning of May 8, at eight o’clock, we all met for general consultationbehind locked doors in an inner room, and, while thus occupied withthe case, I was notified that a lady desired to see me on important business.I immediately responded, and as I entered the main office I was confrontedby a woman very heavily veiled. She briefly stated her mission and saidthat she desired an interview in private. I took her into another office, and,after the door had been locked, she said:

“You must excuse me. I will not uncover my face. Don’t ask me anythingabout myself, and I will tell you something.”

She was a German lady, well educated, and she spoke in an earnest,truthful manner. Being assured that no questions would be asked toestablish her identity, she then told me where to send and what would befound at the indicated place. Before making her exit she remarked:

“You will have to attend to this matter this very day and before fouro’clock.”

Her information proved highly interesting and valuable, and I thankedher for it. In less than half an hour one of the detectives was set to workon her “pointers,” and before two o’clock he returned to the station with “agood fat bird” and a lot of new evidence. Who the lady was is a mystery.She left the station as mysteriously as she had entered.

In the evening of the same day we met again and put together theresults of each one’s investigations. The work accomplished was surprisingto all. Mr. Grinnell called, and, seeing what had been done, was morethan pleased. At this time we had some of the Anarchists already behindthe bars. That night we worked until two o’clock the next morning, and itwas half an hour later when I directed my steps homeward. As I nearedmy house, I saw the indistinct outlines of a man standing close to a largebill-board about ten feet north of my residence. The figure proved to bea tall man, and, as I came to a halt, the stranger spoke up in German:

“Is this Mr. Schaack?”

“I am,” I replied, “and what are you doing standing there?”

The stranger asked me to wait for a moment, and I complied, hardlyknowing what to make out of the man’s intentions toward me at such anunseemly hour in the morning; but at the same time I kept my eye steadilyupon him for any hostile demonstrations. The strange individual hurriedlyplaced a cloth of some sort over his face, and I began to think some Anarchisthad been commissioned to murder me. Still, the coolness and self-possessionof the man and the seeming absence of the usual blusterincident to the commission of a foul crime reassured me. Noticing allthis, by way of making the man understand that I was prepared for him ifhe had any murderous intentions, I said: “If you make any attack uponme I will kill you dead!”

“Mein Gott, nein. I only want to tell you something,” was the reply.

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I told him that that was all right and asked him into the back yard,when he said he would talk to me. I made the stranger go ahead of me,and when we reached the yard the man gave me a long story.

“I dare not,” said he, “write to you. I dare not come near you duringthe daytime. I don’t want you to know me, but I think you are theright man to talk to. I would not talk to anyone else.”

A BACK-YARD INTERVIEW.

During the whole conversation the man kept his improvised mask on,and made it clear that his motive in so doing was to prevent the possibilityof his being made to appearin court to verify the statementshe desired to communicate.He gave informationmainly bearing on the conspiracymeeting which hadbeen held on the evening ofMay 3, at No. 54 West LakeStreet, and the interviewlasted until about threeo’clock.

When we parted I was nowiser as to his identity thanI had been before, and to thisday I don’t know with whomI talked there in my backyard that early morning.

In the forenoon of the 9thof May my trusted assistantsagain met in the office to comparenotes. At this meeting Itold Mr. Furthmann what aghost I had seen that night,and in our deliberations thatghost aided us a great deal.

As a result the detectivesstarted out with new instructions,and they were ordered to be back at the office at one o’clock in the afternoon.All reported promptly except a few who had struck a good trail andwho kept out until six o’clock. The reports of those present showed goodresults. They started out again at two o’clock with new instructions andwere ordered to report as soon as they had completed their work. Betweenthree and five o’clock that afternoon things became exceedingly lively. TheAnarchists began to move about like hornets disturbed in their nest, andsome jumped around as if charged with electricity. Towards six o’clock the[196]detectives reported back to the office, and an exchange of notes showedthat it had been a day more fruitful of results than the day preceding. Ifound that a strong chain had been wrought connecting all the leadingAnarchists in Chicago with the Haymarket murder, and I knew that nomistakes had been made in the arrest of those who had already beenlocked up.

During the same evening Mr. Grinnell and Mr. George Ingham gaveme a call, and anxiously inquired about the progress made in the case.Mr. Grinnell assured Mr. Furthmann and myself that Mr. Ingham was allright, being with them, and with this statement all the facts were laidbefore them.

When the whole situation had been explained, Mr. Ingham said:

“Mr. Grinnell, now you have a case.”

“George,” replied Mr. Grinnell, “up to the time when Capt. Schaackbegan his work I had no case whatsoever. I would have been laughed outof court, but now I say we have a good, strong case, and it will be inexcellent shape. The boys are making it stronger every day. They havegot things down fine, and they are going to bring out everything there isin it.”

We worked that night until one o’clock, and met again the next morningat eight, vigorous and keen for further developments. At this time wehad our hands full, with an abundance of material on which to work. Duringthe night several letters were dropped in my letter-box, and they allcontained good news. Some of the letters were somewhat obscure, theirimport having to be guessed at from suggestive circumstances, but theynevertheless helped. With fresh instructions the detectives started outfor the day and reported back at one o’clock as per orders. Everythingwas discovered to have worked well. About two o’clock a man was noticedstanding across the street from the station. His actions were somewhatstrange, and one of the officers remarked that the fellow appeared to bewatching the building very closely. I told the officer to keep watch of him,and in the event of his walking away to follow him. The man did notmove, and as he remained there for nearly half an hour I ordered the officerto go across the street and ascertain what the stranger was watching. Theman declined to speak at first, but, after the officer had threatened to lockhim up, he stated that he desired to see me, but did not want to go into thebuilding. He then requested the officer to tell me that he would meet meat the corner of La Salle and Chicago Avenues, and I was so notified.

I started at once to see the man, but as soon as he saw me he startedoff. When he got to the corner he turned north on La Salle Avenue, andI followed. When I got within twenty feet of him he looked around, andthen dropped a letter, pointing his fingers to it as he passed on, withoutstopping. I picked up the letter and went back to the station. This letter[197]contained very important matter and kept us busy for two days. This manwas a stranger to me. I had never seen him before to my knowledge, and Ihave never seen him since.

After this day the office had all it could do and all the information itneeded. After six days and nights of hard and exacting labor, the realtroubles of all engaged in the case began. The newspapers now appreciatedthe work accomplished, and they were not slow to bestow great praise uponall connected with the case. This did not please Mr. Ebersold, the Chief,and on the 11th of May he sent for me to report at once.

A FRIENDLY COMMUNICATION.

The moment I entered the office at the Central Station I saw that therewas “fire in the eye” of theSuperintendent, and theatmosphere was somewhatabove the boiling-point.

“Are you Chief of Policeor am I?” broke in Mr.Ebersold, in a gruff, blusteringmanner, the momentI had set my foot inside ofthe private office.

“You are,” said I, “orat least you are supposedto be. I certainly don’tdesire to be.”

This shot did not contributeanything to thecomfort of the Chief, andhe grew hotter than ever,and desired me to understandthat he was the Chief, and no one else. Mr. Ebersold then proceededto unburden his mind. He said that his friends had told him thatthey had thought he was Chief, but since they had not seen his name publishedin connection with the case, they had reached a different conclusion.He further stated that ministers even, and professors, too, and other people,had come to him and said that “Capt. Schaack was getting too muchnotoriety.” He declared that he wanted me to stop the newspapers writinganything more about me and to let the credit be given to the head of thedepartment.

“I want this thing stopped!” declared the Chief, as he struck the deskvigorously with his fist and glowered savagely at me.

I told him that I had not asked any newspaper to write me up and Iwould not tell any of them to stop, simply because it was not my business.

I had progressed too far to think of allowing all the work already done[198]to be set at naught by the incompetents then at the head of what wasfacetiously called the defective department. I therefore took occasion tosay, just before leaving the Chief’s presence, that, now that I had opened upthe case, I proposed to finish it, even if I did not remain on the force oneday after my work had been fully accomplished. A day or two after thisinterview I met Mr. Grinnell and related the circumstances. The State’sAttorney said:

“Captain, you are doing well; you keep on and work just as you havebeen doing.”

During the afternoon of May 10, the detectives of the Chicago AvenueStation discovered a lot of bombs, guns and revolvers, which they broughtto the station. They also arrested a few Anarchists, who pretended to beas harmless and spotless as little lambs, but who, before they went to sleepthat night in our hotel, discovered that they had a great many black spotson them. The force continued at work till three o’clock the next morning.The following day they met again at eight o’clock in the morning, and severalarrests were made that day.

At about this time the mail was burdened with a great many letters,some very encouraging in the cheering and complimentary sentiments theyconveyed, and others very threatening in their character. The latter classwere full of most dire menaces, suggesting all sorts of torture in the eventthat I did not stop prosecuting the Anarchists, and the whole formed a veryinteresting collection. It was evident that many of them had been writtenby cranks, and that some bore marks of having been inspired by religiousenthusiasts. One wrote that enough men had already been killed withouthunting for innocent men as a sacrifice for the Haymarket murder, andanother wrote urging that the whole lot of the Anarchist brood be hung asfast as they could be arrested. Several drew on their imaginations andvolunteered “pointers” which bore on their face evidences of falsehood.Others would say that their prayers were constantly with the police in theirefforts, and expressed a hope that out of it all might come the extirpationof Anarchy from American soil. These communications poured in uponme in such numbers that I had no time to read them through, and even themost savage and bloodthirsty hardly gave me a moment’s thought.As a matter of fact I was never for a moment alarmed about my own personalsafety. All of the letters I received I filed away, and some day, whenI do not know what else to do to amuse myself, I purpose to run them overagain and enjoy another hearty laugh. Meanwhile Anarchist after Anarchistwas overhauled, and after one clue had been worked out another wasundertaken with the utmost secrecy. The detectives continued persistentlyat work, and for two months they carefully kept their own counsel, neverpermitting themselves to be drawn into conversation by outsiders respectingthe case.

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Their experience was highly exciting at all times, and the various hauntsof the Anarchists were kept in a lively commotion. The social miscreantsnever knew when the investigations would end, and they were in constantdread. Finding that threats upon the lives of State’s Attorney Grinnell,Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, myself, and the officers engaged inthe case, had failed to have the desired effect, they turned their attention towriting letters to our wives. These letters were written in a most vindictiveand fiendish spirit. They threatened not only bodily harm to these ladies,but promised to inflict death by horrible tortures upon their husbands andchildren, if the prosecution was not dropped; and they vowed vengeancealso upon property by the use of explosives that would leave to each houseonly a vestige of its former location. Some of these letters were generalin their character, and others particularized the kind of death in store forall engaged in the case. One said that on some unexpected day we wouldbe blown to atoms by a bomb; another pictured how a husband would bebrought home in a mangled, unrecognizable mass. Still another wouldsuggest that, if a husband proved missing, his remains might be looked forfifty feet under the water, firmly tied to a rock or a piece of iron. Another,again, stated that on the first opportunity the husband would be gagged,bound hand and foot, and placed across some railroad track to horribly contemplatedeath under the wheels of a fast approaching train. Still anotherwould say: “When your husband is brought home be sure and pull thepoisoned dagger out of his body.” One writer penned a tender epistle andclosed by urging the mother to be sure to “kiss your children good-bywhen you leave them out on the street.” One letter was written with redink and stated that “this blood is out of the veins of a determined manthat would die for Anarchy.” One man expressed sorrow for the womanand then concluded: “But we cannot help this. If you have any propertyyou had better have a will made by your liege lord to yourself, because heis going to die so quick that he will not know that he ever was alive.”Another said: “Take a good description of your husband’s clothes. Hewill be missing before long, and probably after some years you will hearthat in some wild forest a lot of clothes have been found tied to some tree,and these clothes will be stuffed with bones.”

Epistolary threats of this kind were sent almost daily to the wives ofthe officers and officials, and, if published, the collection would form avolume in itself. The threats I have given are only a tithe of the whole,but I have given enough to illustrate the general trend of the letters. Wepaid no attention to them, but the women, of more delicate and sensitivedisposition, took them more to heart. The constant receipt of such lettersnaturally made a deep impression on their minds, and some of the ladieshad dark forebodings. But the officers always took a cheerful view, andurged that it was only cowards who resorted to threats. They still continued[200]their work, undaunted by these denunciations and menaces, andfrequently remained out all night in their work in some of the most desperatedistricts of the city, sometimes keeping up forty-eight hours at a stretch.

Mrs. Schaack, a generally strong and courageous woman and deeplyinterested in all my work, did not bear up as well as some of the othersunder the pressure. She had been sick for over eight months, and, when theseletters began to reach her, she had just reached a convalescent state. Havingthus passed through a long siege of illness, her system was in a highlynervous condition, and it was, therefore, quite natural that sometimes sheshould become greatly solicitous for my personal safety whenever a verysavage and gory letter accidentally reached her eye. When the trial finallybegan, I begged her to take the three children and visit for two months aplace six hundred miles away from Chicago, where she could not onlyenjoy a comparative serenity of mind, but build up her shattered constitution,under more favorable circumstances and climatic conditions. Sheacted on my advice. While away, she was in constant receipt of suchletters as were calculated to make her reassured as to my comfort, and sherapidly gained in health and strength.

Mrs. Grinnell bore up remarkably well under the severe strain. Shehad come in for a goodly share of these murder-threatening letters, but,being blessed with good health and strong nerves, she never displayedsigns of weakness.

She was a brave lady. Whenever I saw her with Mr. Grinnell, shewould always say: “Captain, I want you and Mr. Grinnell and all the boysto keep on with your noble work.” She at all times appeared very pleasantand not the least disturbed.

Mrs. Furthmann was not overlooked by the letter-writers, but herhusband arranged matters so that their epistles did not fall into her hands.He would gather them in, and, with what the mail brought him every dayfor his own individual benefit, he had plenty of hair-raising literature.But he paid no attention to the threats and never for a moment relaxedhis efforts on account of them. These letters became so numerous and frequentthat after a time the officers would jestingly allude to them as their“love letters.”

But the Anarchists did not stop with writing letters. One night theyheld a small meeting in the rear room of a saloon on North Avenue, andthere was a great deal of talk and bluster about what they ought to do to“bring the officials to their senses.” One suggested that they should blowup the house of Officer Michael Hoffman, but that officer appears to havehad a friend there. That friend opposed the plan and said:

“Cowards, if you want to do anything, why don’t you meet the manhimself and attack him? Why do you seek to hurt his wife and innocentchildren?”

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This appealed to their sense of humanity, and they at once decided toabandon the scheme. Finally one cut-throat arose, and, in a braggadociostyle, broke out, in a loud, coarse and beer-laden voice:

“Well, we will drop that plan, but you all know where he lives and weall have bombs yet. Any one that does not care for a screeching womanor squealing young ones, let him go and see the shingles fly off theroof.”

On a subsequent night about two o’clock in the morning a carriagedrove up to the officer’s house, and one of the occupants shouted out,“Mike!” The officer drew to the window, and his wife opened it. Atfirst, mistaking her for the officer, they halloaed, “We only want to see youfor a moment.” When the woman asked what was wanted they said, “Wedon’t want to see you. Where is Mike?” Being informed that he wasnot at home, one of the burly fellows said, just as the carriage started away,“A d——d good thing for him that he is not at home.”

This band of intimidators and cowards did not overlook me. On twooccasions they sought to burn my house, but each time they were foiled intheir attempt. They sneaked, true to their nature, into the back yard, andstarted a fire by means of a kerosene-saturated torch or by the use of anexplosive. The fires, however, failed to do any damage.

When the trial of the arch-conspirators began, these same unpunishedred-handed cranks began to give their attention to Judge Gary and hiswife. They fairly overwhelmed them with letters of a most threateningcharacter, and whenever there was any ruling of the court which they regardedas inimical to their friends’ interests, they were particularly vituperative.But throughout the whole trial neither the Judge nor his wifewas at all intimidated. They paid no attention to them, and nearly everyday Mrs. Gary sat by the side of her husband on the bench, giving thestrictest attention to the proceedings. She was there in the forenoon andin the afternoon. When the two went out to lunch together, a detectivewould always follow them, without their request or knowledge, and thesame course would be pursued when they went home at night or camedown in the morning. I had this done as a precautionary measure, asthere was no telling at that time but what some demented Anarchist mightseek vengeance upon the Judge for some fancied wrong to the defendants.Sometimes, after lunch, Mrs. Gary would return in the company of somelady friends, but she would invariably, after an exchange of pleasantrieswith them, rejoin her husband on the bench, where she would remain untilthe adjournment of court. Once in a while the Judge would find amoment’s interval to talk to her, and the devoted appearance of the venerablecouple formed a most pleasing and picturesque background to thecrowded and excited court scene throughout the trial. She was there duringall the arguments, and listened most intently to the reading of the[202]verdict which finally sent the defendants to the gallows. From the beginningof the trial to its end she never displayed a sign of weakness or fear.

While the investigations were in progress, and even during the trial, alot of cranks and desperate men flocked into the city from outside points,and there was no telling what villainous deeds they might perpetrate andthen escape undetected. For this reason I thought it prudent to place awatchman at the house of every one actively engaged in the case, and bothnight and day the lives as well as property of all were closely watched toprevent the execution of any of the numerous threats made against theofficials by the red-handed fiends. The attempt on my own house wasmade before these guards were placed, but after that there was no trouble.The Anarchists, seeing the precautions that had been taken, gave the housesno further attention, and thereafter vented their spleen in denunciatoryletters.

From the very start of the investigations, I engaged the services of privatemen to work under my instructions, and they invariably submittedtheir reports to me at my house. They never called at the house withoutfirst notifying me, and this notification would be by means of a sign at aplace near my residence. I would always look at the spot before enteringthe house, and if I found the sign, I would also find my man in thevicinity.

I would then go up-stairs, fix the rooms so that no one could see whomight enter, and leave a sign at the window. In a few minutes my friendwould appear at the door. Not one of my officers ever knew any of thesemen so employed, but they knew the officers.

Many funny incidents naturally grew out of this situation. It was veryamusing to listen to the officers. One would tell me: “I saw such and sucha fellow, a rank Anarchist, on the street to-day in company with astranger,” or: “I saw a couple of them in such and such a saloon together,and one of them had a stranger with him, who looked like a wild Anarchist.”Then the officers would describe the fellow, and one of them wouldsay:

“I know he is an Anarchist. He and the stranger walked around thejail building, and the next time I meet that stranger I will bring him in. Itwill do no harm to give him a few days’ entertainment in the station. Iwant to introduce him to you. I bet you will keep him, and you can, nodoubt, learn something from him. I think he is a stranger in the city, andhe is here for no good purpose.”

The officer was bound to bring him in, and this placed me in a ratherawkward position. All I could do, however, was to say, “Don’t be toohasty; wait till you find him connected with others.”

This worked well for a while, but after a time some of these men whowere in my secret service were brought in. One morning I arrived at the[203]station and found that they had been locked up in a cell. As they hadreceived at the start rigid instructions not to reveal their identity under anycircumstances, they did not send for me the moment they were arrested,and so they had to remain until the next day, when I promptly releasedthem.

THE NOTORIOUS FLORUS’ HALL.
From a Photograph.

At one time, one of these privates reported to me that he had seen afellow around with some of the worst Anarchists in the city, that every oneregarded him as sound in the Anarchist faith, and that he and the otherswere in Chicago to liberate the Anarchists from the jail. The private furtherstated that the stranger had never been seen except in the company ofold-time revolutionists.That was enough for thedetective to warrant arrest.I told him to makethe fellow’s acquaintanceand draw him out,but be in no haste. Afew days later, the detectivereported that hehad spoken to thestranger and that hewould become well acquaintedwith himshortly.

At this time everyAnarchist resort waswatched very closely.I told the private to ascertainwhere the strangerlived, but he must notpush himself too rapidlyforward; he must makean engagement to meetthe man in the eveningand stay with him as late as possible. Just as soon as they parted,he was to double back on the stranger and follow him. A few nightslater the private reported again and said that they had been togetherone evening for three hours, when they parted on the corner of Madisonand Canal Streets. He told the stranger that he would go back to theSouth Side, and then, by following him after parting, he found that thestranger started north. The man turned on Lake Street west and enteredNo. 71 West Lake Street, one of the worst Anarchist resorts in the city.This place was kept by a man named Florus, a rank “red.” The private[204]waited for his friend to come out, remaining in the vicinity until Florusclosed his saloon; but no one came. The next day the private reportedthe facts to me, and said that the stranger evidently had a room at Florus’house. I told the private to try and get the stranger on the North Side sothat I could have a look at him. He started out to hunt up his friend.

On the evening of that same day, detective No. 2 reported. He saidthat he had a fellow spotted whom he described as one of a gang thathad come from St. Paul. He remarked that the fellow was very sharp, butnot sharp enough for him. He also stated that the stranger appeared tolike him, but that he did not trust him very much.

No. 2 further said: “I have been around with himevery evening. He is very good company, and I am surethat he is an Anarchist. But I can’t get at his motives.”

I then told him to get the man up here on the NorthSide where I would be able to see him.

“All right, but you want to get a good look at him;the fellow changes his clothes often. He is a foxy fellow.”

I said that I would always be at the station from oneto three o’clock, so asto take a look at theman when they passed.

THE “SHADOWED” DETECTIVES.

On the next day Iwas on the look-out,but no one came. Thesecond day I againwatched, and, to mygreat surprise, at twoo’clock I saw two fellows,both in my employ,coming east onChicago Avenue fromWells Street, and onthe same side wherethe station is located. They were engaged in conversation, and neitherlooked aside as they passed. I got up on the steps of the front entranceand remained there as they came by. They had no sooner got past, whenthe fellow on the inside lifted his hand to the right hip, and after a fewsteps further the other fellow put his left hand behind his back and workedhis fingers—thus each man giving the tip on the other. They proceededtowards the Water-works.

When all this was over, I almost fell in a fit laughing at the joke. Itwas extremely ludicrous, but I had to keep it all to myself. The privates[205]kept at work, but I did not tell either the occupation of the other. I hadpromised every man in my employ that I would not give him away, and Ikept my word. One of these detectives had been assigned for duty northof Kinzie Street on the West Side, and the other had been set to work particularlyalong Lake Street. By invitation of some Anarchists on MilwaukeeAvenue, the detective in the district north had left his field andgone with them to the halls of the “reds” on Lake Street, and in this waythe two detectives had made each other’s acquaintance and got mixed up.

I was now in a predicament to straighten matters out and prevent the menfrom wasting time on each other. I finally told each separately that theother was working for Billy Pinkerton, and that he should pay no moreattention to him. This worked satisfactorily. Now and then I received areport stating that my detective had seen that Pinkerton man at such orsuch a place. This will be the first time, however, that either one knowsthe other’s exact identity, and they can now laugh over their mixed-upcondition and see what a fix I was in at that time.

CHAPTER XII.

Tracking the Conspirators—Female Anarchists—A Bevy of Beauties Beauties—PetticoatedUgliness—The Breathless Messenger—A Detective’s Danger—Turningthe Tables—“That Man is a Detective!”—A Close Call—Gaining Revolutionists’Confidence—Vouched for by the Conspirators—Speech-making Extraordinary—TheHiding-place in the Anarchists’ Hall—Betrayed by a Woman—The Assassination ofDetective Brown at Cedar Lake—Saloon-keepers and the Revolution—“Anarchists forRevenue Only”—Another Murder Plot—The Peep-hole Found—Hunting for Detectives—SomeAmusing Ruses of the Revolutionists—A Collector of “Red” Literatureand his Dangerous Bonfire—Ebersold’s Vacation—Threatening the Jury—MeasuresTaken for their Protection—Grinnell’s Danger—A “Bad Man” in Court—The Findat theArbeiter-Zeitung Office—Schnaubelt’s Impudent Letter—Captured Correspondence—TheAnarchist’s Complete Letter-writer.

IN the light of all the facts that have developed, I do not believe that it istoo large a statement, nor too egotistical, to say that, but for the workdone at the Chicago Avenue Station, the Anarchist leaders would soonhave been given their liberty, and Anarchy would have been as rampant asever in Chicago—worse indeed than before; for the conspirators wouldthen have despised as well as hated the law. What the work was, thereader will better understand after he has gone through this and the succeedingchapters.

I did not depend wholly upon police effort, but at once employed anumber of outside men, choosing especially those who were familiar withthe Anarchists and their haunts. The funds for this purpose were suppliedto me by public-spirited citizens who wished the law vindicated and orderpreserved in Chicago. I received reports from the men thus employedfrom the beginning of the case up to November 20, 1887. There are 253 ofthe reports in all, and a most interesting history of Chicago Anarchy do theymake even in themselves.

They always conveyed important information and gave valuable clues.They confined their efforts wholly to Anarchists, and their principal dutywas to ascertain if the reds intended to organize again for another riot oran incendiary attempt upon the city. They were also to learn if stepswere contemplated to effect the rescue of the Anarchists who were lockedup in the County Jail, and whether they were getting up any further murderplots. At each Anarchist meeting I had at least one man present to notethe proceedings and learn what plots they were maturing. Generally beforemidnight I would know all that had transpired at meetings of any importance.From many meetings I learned that the Anarchists were discussingplans to revenge themselves on the police, but in each case, as soon as theywere about to take some definite action, some one would move an adjournmentor suggest the appointment of a committee to work out the plan in[207]some better shape. When the next meeting was held the fellows who haddone the loudest shouting would be absent, and then those who happenedto be on hand would vent their wrath upon the absentees by calling themcowards. In many of the smaller meetings held on Milwaukee Avenue orin that vicinity, a lot of crazy women were usually present, and whenever aproposition arose to kill some one or to blow up the city with dynamite,these “squaws” proved the most bloodthirsty.

THE “RED” SISTERHOOD.

In fact, if any man laidout a plan to perpetrate mischief, they would show themselves muchmore eager to carry it out than the men, and it always seemed a pleasure tothe Anarchists to have them present. They were always invited to the“war dances.” Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. Bonfield and myself wereusually remembered at these gatherings, and they fairly went wild wheneverbloodthirsty sentiments were uttered against us. The reporters andthe so-called capitalistic press also shared in the general denunciations. Atone meeting, held on North Halsted Street, there were thirteen of thesecreatures in petticoats present, the most hideous-looking females that couldpossibly be found. If a reward of money had been offered for an uglier set,no one could have profited upon the collection. Some of them were pock-marked,others freckle-faced and red-haired, and others again held theirsnuff-boxes in their hands while the congress was in session. One female[208]appeared at one of these meetings with her husband’s boots on, and therewas another one about six feet tall. She was a beauty! She was raw-boned,had a turn-up nose, and looked as though she might have carriedthe red flag in Paris during the reign of the Commune.

This meeting continued all right for about two hours. Then a rap cameon the locked door. The guard reported that one of their cause desiredadmittance, giving his name at the same time,—and the new arrival waspermitted to enter. He was a large man with a black beard and large eyes,and very shabbily dressed. He looked as though he had been driving acoal cart for a year without washing or combing. He also had the appearanceof being on the verge of hydrophobia. As soon as he reached theinterior of the hall he blurted out hastily, in a loud voice:

“Ladies and brothers of our cause! Please stop all proceedings—I amout of breath—I will sit down for a few minutes.”

All present looked at the man with a great deal of curiosity and patientlywaited for him to recover his breath. The interval was about five minutes.Then the stranger jumped up and said:

“I am from Jefferson. I ran all the way [a distance of five miles]. Iwas informed that you were holding a meeting here this evening, and thatthere is a spy in your midst.”

At this bit of information every one became highly excited, and thestranger immediately proceeded to inquire if there was anyone they suspected.They all looked at each other, and, becoming satisfied that they were allfriends of Anarchy, waited for the man to give them more precise information.The stranger then continued:

“The man is described to me, and that is all I know.”

He looked around for a moment and finally said, pointing to the manaddressed:

“If I am not damnably mistaken, you are the man!” At the same timehe ordered the guard to lock the door and pull out the key.

“Now,” he resumed, addressing the man to whom he had pointed, whowas none other than a detective in my service, “you will have to give a goodaccount of yourself.”

This placed my man in a rather embarrassing position, but he was equalto the emergency.

“I am an Anarchist,” he spoke up promptly, in a loud, clear and firmtone of voice, “and I have been one for years, and you are simply one ofthose Pinkerton bummers. What business have you here in our meetings,I would like to know. The other day I passed Pinkerton’s office. I wassitting in a car, and I saw you coming down stairs. I suppose you met somefool that gave you a little information so as to get in here. All you want toknow evidently is how many are present here, and, if possible, learn what[209]we are doing. You get out of here in five seconds, or I will shoot you downlike a rat.”

The officer then pulled out of his pocket a large revolver, and, brandishingit in the air, asked:

“Shall I kill that bloodhound?”

TURNING THE TABLES.

The women cried out in a chorus: “Yes, yes; kill him!” The men,however, did not like the proposition. One of them said: “Don’t kill himhere; take him out somewhere else and shoot him.” This seemed to meetwith general approval.

The turn of affairs completely surprised the stranger, and he became sofrightened that he could not speak. No one in the meeting knew him, andhe was powerless to speak in his own defense. The officer held his revolverdirected at the man’s face and kept toying with it in the vicinity of his nose.Finally the fellow stammered out:

“I am all right, and you will find me out so.”

At last the women again broke in, with a demand that the intruder beimmediately ejected, and the men responded promptly by kicking him outof the door. He had no sooner reached the outside than he started on akeen run, in momentary dread of his life, and he kept up his rapid gait untilhe thought he was at a safe distance.

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The officer was then the hero of the moment, but he recognized the factthat he himself was not absolutely safe after this episode. It occurred tohim that possibly the stranger might hunt up some one on MilwaukeeAvenue who could identify him and assure the meeting that he wasa true and reliable Anarchist, and thus turn the tables against theofficer. The moment, therefore, he had regained his seat, he decided toresort to strategy, and said:

“We will have to adjourn at once. This fellow will run to the station-houseand bring the patrol wagon with a lot of officers, and we will all bearrested.”

In less than three minutes the meeting adjourned, and then the officeradvised them all to go home immediately and not to remain a second if theydid not desire to be arrested. The Anarchists did as he suggested, andscattered for home in a hurry.

This detective did not attend any more of the meetings, but was contentin congratulating himself on having come out of that assembly withouta bruise or a scratch.

About January, 1887, one of my privates informed me that there was aplace on Clybourn Avenue where the Anarchists were accustomed to holdprivate meetings. He said that he could not get in as yet, and I told himto pick up some one whom he could work handily. He must first form theman’s acquaintance, and then hang around the saloons in the neighborhoodand read theArbeiter-Zeitung. I gave him one of John Most’s books andmade him wear a red necktie. I advised him also to get about half drunk, singthe Marseillaise and curse the police. By so doing, I told him, it would notbe long before he would find a partner. Several times subsequently thedetective visited the Anarchist resorts, accompanied by a little boy whobelonged to one of his friends, and in less than two weeks he had wormedhimself into the confidence of the gang who frequented Clybourn Avenue.If any one asked him his name he would say:

“I don’t give my name to people I don’t know. I am against law andorder, and that is sufficient. I don’t believe in having good men hung tosatisfy the rich. They will not hang if I can help any.”

For the first couple of weeks, the newly formed friends of this detectivewould not take him to any of their meetings. I advised him not to makeinquiries. As soon as they thought him all right, they would speakthemselves. Within three weeks some one took him to a meeting andvouched for him as being true to their cause. At the first meeting heattended he saw that he was as intelligent as any one of them, and so hedelivered a short speech. That captured them, and they pronounced hima good man. They asked him to call again at their next meeting, and hepromised that he would be on hand. He then reported to me. I told himto find a weak spot around the building, where I could put some one to[211]protect him in case of discovery and danger. A few days after he reportedagain that there was a vacant basement under the house, and that it wasvery low. There was only a common door with an ordinary lock. Ithen promised him that I would put a strong man in there at every meeting,and in case he should be attacked by the gang, he should shout, “Police.”Then, the moment the door was broken in, he was to cry out, “Brother!”so that the man coming to his assistance would know him at once. I alsotold him that at the next meeting he should ascertain the size of the roomand notice whatever furniture might be there and where it was standing.This he did. He made a small diagram.

UNDERGROUND AUDITORS.

I then detailed a man to take aposition in the basement at several meetings, but, running short of men shortlyafterwards, I was obligedto take this man away.But this did not crippleus. On another occasionthe private reportedagain, handed me a platof the room and gave mesome desired information.I sent for Officer Schuettler.He respondedpromptly, and I told himwhat I wanted done. Hesaid that he was readyto carry out my instructions.I told him to goand buy a one-inch auger,and next procure a funnelwith the large end thecircumference of a saucer,and a pipe about four inches long. After an hour’s absence he returned withthe desired articles. I handed him several keys with which to open thedoor, showed him the plat, and told him where to bore a hole. I also toldhim to secure a cork and plug up the hole after he was through. I theninstructed him to get into the place about half an hour before the meetingopened and have his apparatus in working order. I gave Officer Schuettlerthe dates on which meetings were to be held, and then he startedout with good hope in his new undertaking. A few days subsequentlythe officer reported back, and his face was wreathed in smiles.

“You must have had success,” I said.

“Yes, everything worked like a charm.”

He handed me a good report and remarked that it contained the mostimportant part of the business done by the meeting. He suggested that[212]he ought to have some one with him so that he could secure all the details.For the next meeting I sent another officer with him, and this man had adark lantern. Schuettler would listen, and as he whispered the words andsentiments of the speakers, the other officer, with the aid of the light fromhis lantern, would commit them to paper. The next morning I received afull report of all the transactions.

This sort of work was kept up for several months, and during all thistime I was kept pretty well informed of the secret movements of the oldNorth Side groups. At the beginning of all their meetings the speakerswould declare their wish to see Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, all the officers workingon the case and myself hung. They generally closed with a promise tokill all capitalists and blow up all the newspaper buildings.

One private detective, whom I had at work for me for a long time,proved very valuable. He belonged to a union and showed very finejudgment. He would watch only the most radical leaders and ascertaintheir intentions. He was a rabid Anarchist himself, but he did not believein killing people or precipitating riots so long as it would not help theircause. He often used to say to me:

“Captain, I will be true to you. I will help you all I can to preventsome of these fools from committing any more murders.”

He said that some of his people had not sense enough to know whatthey were doing, and that, whenever he met a man of family who talkedabout killing somebody, he would remonstrate with him. For this goodand sensible advice some of the reds called him a coward and a spy. Atone time, on Lake Street, a big, burly brute called him a coward and acreeping thing. My man stepped up to the fellow and said:

“I will make you eat your own words, or you will have to kill me.”

“What do you want me to do?” asked the big ruffian.

“Fight a duel,” retorted the detective. “I will give you twenty minutes’time in which to secure a revolver and get ready. I will pay yourcar-fare, and we will go out to Garfield Park. No one shall go with us, andif you don’t accept my challenge, I will kill you anyhow.”

“Are you in earnest?” asked the other.

“Never more so in my life,” was the reply.

The boasting coward then begged for more time, which was not granted,and, seeing the challenger determined, he winced.

“I believe you are a good man. I am sorry that I have insulted you,and I beg your pardon. Let up on this. If you don’t feel like doing so,for God’s sake do it for my wife and family.”

The young fellow then struck the braggart in the face and walked away.The whimpering coward never raised his hand nor uttered another word.

This man whom I had employed did not like Spies. He termed Spiesa rattle-head, and disapproved of his arguments in theFackel that the 1st[213]of May was the time for the Anarchists to rise. In this view all the moresensible conspirators agreed. They knew that they could not accomplishanything, and therefore they kept away. My man was one of this latterclass. He said everything was working nicely in their favor, but Spieskilled everything. He told me that one night he was in company withSpies, and that Spies said:

“I do not care how little I can accomplish. I want revenge on thepolice. They killed my brother—a d——d policeman killed him at a picnic.He shot him dead, and I will never stop until I have more thandouble revenge.”

This statement of Spies’ about the killing was true. The brother killedwas a young tough, and had been shot by Officer Tamillo.

My man said that from the moment of this interview he had no moreuse for Spies. This detective ceased work for a few months, but he thereafterresumed his secret service, as he found that, in view of the strikes andlaying-off, he could hardly make a living otherwise. I put him to workagain, and he did well, continuing for two months. One day he came to meand wanted $30. I gave it to him, and he started away. He would reportto me daily through the mail, and whenever he had anything of specialimportance to communicate he always knew just where to find me. Imissed his reports for five days, and I failed to learn anything of him duringthat time. On the 2nd of August I was severely injured by being thrownout of my buggy, and I was obliged to keep to the house for two weeks.On the 5th of August I received a communication from the Coroner ofLake County, Indiana, asking me if I had a man named Charles Brownworking for me as a detective. The letter was as follows:

Three days after, I learned that this was the same man I had employed,and I placed Officer Schuettler on the case to unravel, if possible, the mysterysurrounding his death. The officer in a few days reported that it wasexceedingly difficult to obtain a clue, as no one seemed disposed to give[214]any information as to foul play; but enough was learned in a general way towarrant the conclusion that underhanded methods had been used to accomplishthe man’s death.

I recalled certain incidents in connection with the man’s work as adetective, and, placing them by the side of the seemingly accidental drowning,I became convinced that a deliberatecrime had been committed.

BETRAYED BY BEAUTY.

One day this private asked me if Iwould allow him to tell a young ladywhat he was working at. I told him thathe must do nothing of the kind; that ifhe did so I would have no further use for him. He then begged me topermit him to use my name as his friend, and I told him I had no objectionto that. But I found out later that he had said more to the young ladythan I had consented to, and I believe his indiscretion in that respect iswhat cost him his life.

From the moment that the girl ascertained his secret occupation he was adoomed man. She let other Anarchists into the secret, and they at once setabout devising means for ending his life.

The information I received later was that it had been decided upon thatthe young woman should inveigle him to Cedar Lake, and then, when hewas in her power, to do away with him. The two left the city together, andwere followed by the others in the conspiracy to the place where his body wasfound. Before taking the trip on the water, she was seen talking with somemysterious-looking individuals, and they then and there decided upon thedetails of the plan. She was to get him to row out into deep water, and,when they had got fairly started, her friends were to follow in another rowboat[215]at a convenient distance. When they reached the middle of the lakeshe was to keep a close watch on the other boat, and as they neared herboat she was to suddenly throw herself on one side and tip the boat over sothat both occupants would be thrown into the water. Her friends were then tobe close at hand, pick her up and save her from drowning. The programmewas carried out so far as related to the capsizing of the boat, but the mendid not get near enough in time to save her. She went down with her companionand was drowned with him.

There is no doubt as to the truth of this plot. It was in entire keepingwith Anarchistic methods; and parties who were at the lake at the time statethat they saw the young lady get up in the boat, and that while thus standingshe swung it over, precipitating herself and her lover into the water.I had men engaged on the case for some time, but the investigation alwaysended in the same way—an undoubted conclusion that the detective’s lifewas taken by reason of a plot, but no evidence to establish the guilt of theconspirators. From the information I received, I am satisfied that thewhole matter was carefully planned and carried out by the woman.

From May 7, 1886, to November 20, 1887, I had a great deal of work,there were so many things to look after, but after matters had becomesystematized and the force had been brought down to good working order,the burdens of the office became much easier than most people would suppose.

In the first place, I had one hundred and sixty rank Anarchists to lookafter; but as soon as these became known to my men, it was an easy matterfor the officers to report where they had seen them and with whom theyassociated. Then I had ten small halls to watch where the Anarchistsmet night and day. There were also seventeen saloons where these peoplewere accustomed to congregate. Three of these latter had small halls connectedwith them. Twelve of the other saloons had rear rooms where thereds would sit at times and hold small meetings. After we had all theirhaunts located, and knowing the kind of men who frequented them, thework of keeping track of them was not so hard. Some of these Anarchistswould enter boldly into these places, while others would almost crawl ontheir stomachs to get into the resorts without being seen. Others againwould disguise themselves so that their identity could not become knownto detectives.

The officers made no attempt to close these places, and possibly thereader may ask why such notorious and dangerous resorts were permittedto continue unmolested.

My reason for not closing them was that the Anarchists were bound tomeet in some place. We knew their resorts thoroughly, and I had plentyof my men among them, who worked ostensibly for the cause of Anarchy,but who continually furnished me pointers. Again, we knew just where[216]they would meet and could always have our men present. If I had shutthem out from these places, they would have been driven into privatehouses, broken up into smaller factions, and our work would have beenmade much broader and harder in keeping track of them and their doings.So long as I had the machine, so to speak, in my own hands, and knew allthat had been done and said, we let them alone. And the results justifiedour course.

Among the saloon-keepers there was one who seemed to have a specialliking for me. This man, who had a place on Lake Street, on taking hisfirst drink in the morning would invariably drink to my health, saying: “Ihope that that d——d Luxemburger, Schaack, will be killed before I go tobed to-night;” and when he was about to close his doggery for the day, hewould take two drinks and say: “I hope I will find Schaack hanging to alamp-post in the morning when I get up.”

When the saloon-keepers were particularly loaded with beer, theyshouted louder than any one else for Anarchy, and the louder and morevehemently they shouted the more “solid” did they become with theirAnarchist customers. At every meeting held at these places, collectionswere taken up, and the saloon-keepers could always be counted upon tocontribute liberally.

The worst of these ignorant fools never did realize why the saloon-keepersshouted so lustily for Anarchy until they came home to find theirwives and little ones crying for bread. Then, perhaps, it faintly dawnedupon their minds that the saloon-keepers were after their nickels. Theseliquor-sellers were Anarchists for revenue only, and they sought in every wayto keep on the right side of the rank and file of the party. They alwayslooked to it, the first thing in the morning, that plenty of Anarchist literatureand a dozen or so copies of theArbeiter-Zeitung were duly on the tablesof their places, and in some saloons beer-bloated bums, who could manageto read fairly, were engaged to read aloud such articles as were particularlycalculated to stir up the passions of the benighted patrons. Robberand hypocrite are terms too weak to apply to these saloon-keepers. Someof them had “walking delegates” by their side, and if an Anarchistseemed to them to be “going wrong” by seeking work, the delegate andassistant robber would tell him to go back to his headquarters andwait, assuring him that they would have all things right in a fewdays.

And this is the way these poor fools and their families were kept incontinual misery. Many of the dupes have had their eyes opened andhave quit frequenting these places and the underground caves. What isthe result? Their families are better looked after, and the difference intheir comfort is very apparent. They used to call the Chicago AvenueStation “Schaack’s Bastile,” but let me say that those saloon-keepers with[217]their low and contemptible resorts were the real bastile-keepers. Hundredsand hundreds of men, heads and fathers of families, have been kept insqualid want by spending their very last cent in these holes, and theirdependents have been left without food, proper clothing or fuel. I believe inunions for proper objects, but even these should not be continued for thebenefit of such saloon-keepers.

All these men were great heroes so long as they could hope to enrichthemselves, but when the chief conspirators were locked up in jail, andliberal contributions were demanded for the defense, their enthusiasm inthe holy cause of Anarchy was considerably cooled.

While Chicago is regarded as the head center of Anarchy in America,people of other cities and States should not imagine that the vicious redsare all in this city. There are plenty of them scattered throughout thecountry, and this fact was made quite manifest at the time the Anarchistswere being arrested. Friends of the imprisoned men came to Chicago fromall over the United States, and financial assistance poured in on all sides.Those who came here were open in their declarations of sympathy andnever attempted to conceal their actions.

When these same men were at their homes they did not dare to openlysay a word in favor of Anarchy, because they were few in numbers; butshould there be enough to make a formidable showing, they will throw offtheir mask and assume a defiant, menacing attitude.

These arrivals, just as soon as they became known, were kept underespionage, and every movement they made was looked after, lest they mightcommit some desperate deed. Of course there were a great many whomthe police did not discover, and it is a wonder that, during the excitementincident to the arrest of so many Anarchists and the searches made ofAnarchistic houses, some diabolical act was not perpetrated. Possiblythey discovered that the omnipresent police were so thoroughly on theinside of their conspiracy that detection was inevitable. It is certain thatthey knew that I had become thoroughly posted as to the inside workingsof Anarchy, and the sound fear which I was able to inspire by a bold andaggressive policy no doubt acted as a restraint upon any violent outburstof passion and revenge.

It was constant vigilance alone that averted trouble, and no Anarchistof a specially vicious disposition was permitted to feel that his movementswere overlooked or unwatched. For this purpose I had Anarchists amongAnarchists to inform on Anarchists, and all the meetings were thus keptunder strict surveillance. Even private houses were watched. On oneoccasion I desired to secure certain information. One of the private detectiveswas accordingly detailed to watch the rear of a certain building froman alley. He was there for two days without being observed by any one,but on the third day he was noticed by a police officer. The officer askedhim what he was doing in that locality, and the private responded:

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“I am waiting for a friend of mine who is working in this barn, and Iexpect him around soon.”

THALIA HALL.
From a Photograph.

The officer placed no reliance on the statement, and so he hustled himout of the alley. The detective walked on a short distance, and, as soon asthe officer was out of sight, retraced his steps and returned to the place,this time finding a different point for his observations. He had scarcelythought himself secure from further interruptions, when the back gateof the next yard opened, and in walked the same officer. Both were alikesurprised. But thistime there were noquestions asked andno explanations demanded.The officerpromptly seized thedetective by the collarand marched him tothe Chicago AvenueStation. The detectivekept his identityto himself, and ofcourse found himselfspeedily assigned toa cell over night. Onthe next morning, asI sauntered throughthe lock-up, I discoveredmy friend indurance vile, and,promptly looking upthe record, found thathe had been bookedfor disorderly conduct.

I then returned and told him that, when brought into court, he shouldnot say anything to the judge, but play the part of a fool and simpleton.His case came up; he was fined $5 and sent back to the lock-up. I wentto him later, handed him the money, and in half an hour he paid his fineand left. The detective went back to his post, but the officer was not puton that beat again. My man worked for about two weeks and finishedhis job.

Of course, the detectives in the case had varied experiences. On anotheroccasion it was desirable to know what was being done at some secretmeetings held at Thalia Hall, No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. This was after[219]the trial of the Anarchists had begun. I assigned a few detectives in thatdirection, and shortly afterwards the proceedings might as well have beenopen so far as the police were concerned.

My boys had a great deal of fun. They managed to discover a way bywhich they secured an entrance under the stage, and at the first meetingthey attended they amused themselves by cutting a hole through that portionof the stage facing the audience. When they had done this, they couldsee all present and hear everything that was said. Many a night they heldto that port-hole and enjoyed the circus on the outside. They heard manya speech of a threatening character against Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr.Bonfield and myself, and sometimes they had to listen to some rampantspeaker who would depict the pleasure all Anarchists would enjoy at seeingthe funerals of these officials passing through the streets. Of course, thosewho were the most bitter had the least courage, and so long as the auditorsonly listened to speeches, my boys were perfectly satisfied that no immediatedanger was to be apprehended.

I finally learned that some of the Anarchists had become suspicious,and therefore ordered Officer Schuettler and the others to remain away, asthey would otherwise be discovered. And they would have been. Oneday the Anarchists made a careful search of the building, and they found thehole through which the boys had peeped. They then decided on a plan. Itwas that during the next meeting, which they felt certain some of my boyswould attend, a great commotion should be made in the hall. This wouldsurely bring one of the detectives with his eye very near the hole. Thenone of the Anarchists should stealthily creep up on the side, suddenlyplunge a sharp iron through the hole, and kill the man within.

One officer, who proved of great assistance to me, was Charles Nordrum.He became engaged in the case shortly after the Haymarket riot, and aftera time became a regular attaché of the detective department. He wasborn in Norway on the 9th of November, 1858, and had lived in Chicagosince 1868. He joined the police force in November, 1884, and, possessinga great deal of tact and shrewdness, his services were soon enlisted in thework of hunting up the red conspirators. He worked at times with OfficerSchuettler, but reported to Ebersold. Both were known to my officers, butthey did not know of my private workers. Nordrum was especially detailedto look after some meetings at Thalia Hall, at the Emma Street Hall, inthe rear room of Zepf’s saloon, in the rear room of Greif’s saloon, at No.600 Blue Island Avenue, and at the Northwestern Hall, and he did notoverlook meetings held in the cellars of some of the more prominent Anarchistson the Northwest Side and of others who were in sympathy with theAnarchists. He wormed himself into the good graces of quite a number ofthe reds, and was always kindly received by them. After a time the policestopped the holding of meetings in some of the halls, and then the Anarchist[220]sympathizers harbored the reds in their cellars, furnishing candles forillumination and nail-kegs for seats. On the 5th of July, 1887, Nordrumwas exposed at No. 599 Milwaukee Avenue, and he was at once surroundedby an infuriated mob. The Anarchists with whom he had associatedattempted to kill him, but the officer, after a desperate fight, succeeded inreaching the door before any serious violence had been done him. This, ofcourse, destroyed his further usefulness among them, but out of his knowledgeof the men and their affairs two arrests were effected. He and OfficerSchuettler brought in Emil Wende and Frederick Kost, members of theTerra Cotta Union. These men had been selected to buy each member oftheir group a 42-caliber revolver and one box of cartridges, and the weaponsso secured were to have been used on the police on the day of the execution.The weapons had been purchased, and as soon as the principals hadbeen placed under arrest, a descent was made upon the supply. All therevolvers were captured and brought to the Central Station.

UNDERGROUND CONSPIRATORS.

Noticing how successfully they had been circumvented in all their movements,the Anarchists naturally came to the conclusion that detectives wereworking in their ranks either in the interest of myself or of Billy Pinkerton,and they resolved to discover, if possible, the men so engaged. One[221]day a very intelligent fellow called at my office and wanted to know if Idesired any more men to work for me among the Anarchists. He statedthat he was well acquainted with all the reds, and, if I would pay him well,he would render good service.

I called him into my private office, and I closely questioned him. Ilearned that he knew a great many of them, and I told him that I wantedone good man. He then considered himself engaged, and said to me:

“Now you had better tell me all the men that are working for youand show them all to me so we can work together.”

I told him that if he could find out any one of my men I would payhim $20 a week, and then he might consider himself engaged. He wentaway, but he never came back to claim the $20.

OFFICER NORDRUM.

This ruse having failed, the Anarchists devised another. One day earlyin August, 1886, they sent one of my countrymen, a Luxemburger, to me.This fellow began to play his cards very nicely,and sought to carve a very pretty little pathinto my confidence, but he had not proceededvery far before my suspicions were aroused,and he got nothing to satisfy either himselfor those who sent him. While our conversationwas going on one of the officers came in,and, noticing the fellow, called me into anotherroom. The officer then stated that he had seenthe man hanging around West Lake Street,had seen him drunk frequently, and had oncefound him in tears, saying that he had comefrom Paris, had seen the downfall of theCommune there, and that now that Anarchywas suppressed in Chicago all hope for libertywas gone, and he would be ready to die at hisown hands after he should have first killed somebody. I returned tothe office.

“See here, old fellow,” said I, “I have spies amongst the Anarchists,but I do not want spies among my own command.”

The man was then asked if he could do any work, and when he saidthat he had not done any work in a long time, I remarked that I had a jobfor him. He became interested and wanted to know what kind of a job it was.

“It is under Superintendent Felton at the House of Correction, and hewill assign you to work that will keep the dogs from biting you for sixmonths. You are a vagrant, and I will bring you into court to-morrowmorning and have you fined $100. That will be six months.”

The man begged piteously to be spared that punishment, and I pliedhim with questions. He stated that, inasmuch as he was of the same[222]nationality as myself, the Anarchists thought he could readily get into mysecrets, and they had forced him to come. I told him that my officers knewhim and had him spotted, and that unless he left the city by the next day Iwould have him arrested and sent to the work-house. He left the station,and I have never seen him since. Since then I have received a letter fromMichigan, saying that if the writer had me there I would never see Chicagoagain, as he would find work for me for awhile, and I am confident that itcame from my old friend.

During the progress of the investigations some curious characters wereencountered. Some sought me, as I have already noted, but in mostinstances I had to hunt them. One eccentric genius was especially noticeable.He had started out with the intention of reading himself into theAnarchist faith, and for this purpose be became a constant reader of theArbeiter-Zeitung and its Sunday edition, theFackel. For some time hewavered in his opinion, but the more he read the more he became convincedthat there was something in Anarchy. At last he became so deeply imbuedthat he almost regarded it a sacrilege to destroy the copies he had purchasedfor his enlightenment. He carefully stowed the papers away in thecloset in his room, and when he returned from work he would open thedoor and examine his collection much as a miser inspects his hoard.

May 4 finally came, and with it the event he had looked forward to solongingly. But the outcome did not suit him. He noticed that the policewere getting uncomfortably close to his locality, but he did not feel anyspecial concern until one evening a patrol wagon pulled up in front ofNo. 105 Wells Street, near his own domicile. He saw the officersapproaching in the direction of the entrance, and, jumping from his chairnear the window, shouted to his landlady:

“For heaven’s sake!—the police are coming to search the house—whatwill I do? If they come into my room and find my papers, I will be arrestedand locked up as an Anarchist. Let me burn my papers in your stove.”

The landlady would not permit it, as she feared arrest as an accomplice.The young man almost fell on his knees in pleading with her for permission.Finding his appeals useless, he hastened to his room, lit a fire in a sheet-ironstove there, and began to burn his whole collection. His haste was sogreat that he crammed too many papers in at once, and the stove becameoverheated. The wall paper began to burn, and the Anarchist had to givehis attention to moving the bed and furniture away from the walls. He didnot dare to give an alarm of fire, and yet he saw that the whole room wouldbe in flames in a few moments. He seized a pitcher of water, emptied itscontents on the wall, opened the door and called for the landlady to cometo his assistance. She responded, and when she saw the situation, shecried out, “Fire, fire!” He endeavored to make her desist from her cries[223]and urged her to bring him water. Water was brought and soused all overthe stove and the walls.

By this time the house was full of smoke, and they opened the window.An officer in the wagon noticed the smoke, and shouted to some of his companionsthat there was a fire next door up-stairs. The young man overheardthis and hastened to tell the officer that it was only smoke and thatno assistance was required.

The landlady now ran away to escape possible arrest, and the young manwas left alone. He again assured the officer below that the smoke had allcleared away, and he slammed down the window.

THE SCARED AMATEUR ANARCHIST.

After thus escapingpolice investigation,theyouthful Anarchistfelt happy, and hehad reasons to be,as he would certainlyhave been arrested,in view ofhis actions, had theofficers ever enteredhis room.Others had beenarrested under lesssuspicious circumstances,and it tooksome of them a longtime to satisfactorilyexplain their position.The youngman has since becomeconnectedwith a newspaper.He may deny this in his paper, but I will never “give him away.”

While pursuing the investigations, and never losing hope of finding Parsons,I was one day informed by Officer Henry Fechter that a man who knewthe foxy Anarchist had seen the fugitive at Geneva, Wis., and his arrestmight be easily effected. The officer was a detail at the time at the NorthwesternRailroad depot, and his informant was a reliable gentleman. Iinstructed the officer to report his information to Chief Ebersold, as I washelpless in the matter, having no authority to send an officer outside of thecity limits. That was the last I ever heard of it. The informationwas evidently pigeonholed, and Parsons continued to bask in rural sunshine[224]and enjoy himself until the day he came into court of his own free will.This was not the only instance of supine neglect in the Chief’s office andthe detective department. I have already spoken of the case of Schnaubelt,the bomb-thrower, but there is still another striking illustration. Itwas shortly after the selection of a jury to try the Anarchists. The Bonfieldbrothers and myself were obliged to be in court nearly all the time, and theAnarchists on the outside, observing this, began to concoct plots for takingrevenge on the city. In this emergency the Chief decided to go to California,and, in order that he might have cheerful company, he invited Lieut. JosephKipley, of the so-called detective department, and Capt. William Buckley,of the First Precinct.

When Mr. Grinnell heard of this contemplated trip, at a time when, forthe sake of public appearance at least, the Chief ought to have remained athome, he firmly remonstrated and reminded the official of his duty. ButEbersold shook his head.

“I have got my tickets,” said he; “what will I do with them?”

“Throw them into the lake,” replied Mr. Grinnell.

But the Chief was obstinate, and he and his party left for the PacificCoast. The force was then left in command of Inspector John Bonfield,who thus had double duty imposed upon him.

The moment the work of impaneling the jury had begun, the outsideAnarchists began to exert themselves to put some of their own men intothe jury-box. When they found that the State was too vigilant, however,they next set about to secure such witnesses as could be counted upon toswear their friends out of jail. Take the evidence of the strongest witnessesput on the stand by the defense, and the critical, unbiased examiner willreadily discover that many of them were simply perjurers.

But the labors of the reds were in vain, and when they began to realizethat the jury did not seem impressed with the character of their evidence,the outside barbarians grew desperate and resolved on a new line of tactics.

One day I received a note from one of my men warning me to protectthe jury. The Anarchists, he said, were working out a scheme to injuresome of the jurors, and if they could succeed in that, they were confidentthe case would have to be begun anew. If the case ever came upagain, no man would care to risk his life in a trial of the conspirators,and their brothers would go free. If, however, the State should secure afull set of jurors, they would give them a dose of dynamite, and that wouldcertainly end the case. Then they could keep on with Anarchy and makethe capitalists cower before them. This plan, I was informed, had met theentire approval of the gang.

I conferred with Mr. Grinnell, and as a result we doubled the watch toprotect the jury. We made it a point also to know when the jurors wentout for a walk or a drive, and, without their knowledge, trustworthy men[225]were always with them or near them until their return. The hotel in whichthey were quartered was only about two hundred feet from the CriminalCourt building, but whenever they came to the court in the morning, orwent to their meals during recess, or left the court building after each day’sadjournment, twelve detectives along the line kept vigilant watch of allsuspicious characters. Besides the detectives there were fifteen officers inuniform, and during the last three days of the trial we even redoubled ourvigilance. There were twenty-five officers on the street, twenty-five morein the court-room, and twenty-five men about the building. All these menwere in uniform, so that the “cranks” could see them, and it proved to be avery good precaution. During the night, detectives and regular patrolmenwere watching inside and outside at the jurors’ hotel.

WATCHING A SUSPECT.

On the last day of the arguments, when Mr. Grinnell was closing for theState, something very suspicious was noticed in the court-room. A manwith a very mysterious air had been seen around the building for eightdays preceding, and it was recalled that he came at varying hours of theday. On each occasion he held a few moments’ private talk with some ofthose Anarchists who had displayed interest in the proceedings, after which[226]he always disappeared. The parties he generally talked with were Belz,who assisted in conducting the defense, Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes.He was about five feet ten inches tall, about forty years of age, weighedabout 180 pounds, had a round face, short, stubby, sandy beard and mustache,a nose built on the feminine plan, large, gray, piercing eyes, andwithal he was not a very prepossessing man.

During the last hour, when Mr. Grinnell was making his plea to thejury, this man entered the court-room and took a seat in the front, right inthe midst of the Anarchists’ families. This brought him within seven oreight feet behind the State’s Attorney. He crossed his arms over hisstomach, and leaned pretty well forward, keeping his hands concealed underhis coat. I was surprised at the fellow’s impudence, because the court-roomat the time was so still that a whisper could have been distinctlyheard all over the room. I sat at a table, with Mr. Walker to the left andMr. Ingham to the right, and I called the attention of these two gentlemento the mysterious man and his queer attitude. They watched his nervousactions, and became alarmed lest he might be there for some vicious object.The man had indeed a desperate look, but it was thought best not to interruptthe proceedings just then. Under the strict orders of Judge Gary,everybody was obliged to be seated in the court-room, and when the seatswere full no more were admitted. This was another good precaution at sucha trial. The police officials had thus a clear view of the whole room.

At times, whenever there happened to be some severe allusions to thedefendants by Mr. Grinnell, the stranger would twist himself arounduneasily, all the time, however, maintaining his peculiar attitude. Mr.Ingham remarked that he was afraid the stranger might suddenly jump onMr. Grinnell and stab him in the back. Mr. Walker expressed a similaropinion. I said that he should get no chance to do that, as I would killhim before he could take one step toward Mr. Grinnell, and at the sametime I got my trusty 38-caliber Colt’s revolver in position where I couldproduce it the instant it was needed. We all agreed that this would bethe right course to take. At one time the man looked sharply at me, andI gave him a savage look right into his eyes. From that time I kept himbusy looking at me.

As soon as Mr. Grinnell had concluded the man jumped up, drew nearto Belz and spoke to him. Then he turned to a woman and handed her apaper. Meanwhile I had already called a detective to watch him, and assoon as the stranger reached the corridor he was searched. Nothing dangerouswas found about his person, but it was impossible to learn wherehe lived or what was his name. He would give no account of himself, andhe was taken down stairs and kept there until all the detectives had takena good look at him. He was then told to go and never show himself aroundthe building again.

[227]

On the next morning a revolver was found in the building, and the opinionamong those posted on the affair was that it must have belonged to themysterious visitor. He had evidently come with a desperate determinationto shoot some one, even at the sacrifice of his own life, but, seeing how slimwere his chances for getting near his victim after the close watch kept uponhim, he abandoned his intention and dropped his revolver to destroy anyevidence against himself.

Possibly he may have been simply engaged in playing a “bluff” on hisAnarchist friends, his intention being to make them believe that he hadnerve enough to go right into a court-room and shoot down an official, andafterwards to excuse his failure by referring to his friends for proof that hewas so closely watched that he had no opportunity to get near his victim.

Mr. Grinnell was shortly afterwards informed of the incident, and heremarked that possibly a “crank” might have been found by the Anarchiststo make an assault that they themselves had not the courage to undertake.

As I have already indicated, a great many documents and letters, publicand private, fell into the hands of the police during the searches made,and from the collection I give a few for the purpose of showing what kindof a dynamite office was being run by Parsons and Spies.

The following was found by Detective James Bonfield on Parsons’ deskin theAlarm office, May 5, 1886:

Parsons had nothing to do with either handling or selling dynamite, ifhis own statements are to be accepted. Still he and Spies and their crowdseem to have had a great many inquiries for the “good stuff” Parsonsused to refer to in his speeches, and which he urged his followers to carryin their vest pockets during the day and keep under their pillows atnight. Another evidence of their guilt was found on the same day byDetective Bonfield in theArbeiter-Zeitung office, on Spies’ desk:

10 lbs. No. 1, 1¼, $3.50; 100 T T caps, $1.00; 100 feet double T fuse, 75 cts.—$5.25.
Paid—Ætna Powder Company, I. F.

In justice to the company it should be explained that they had noknowledge of the purposes for which the material was to be used.

I have already referred to the great courtesy shown Schnaubelt at theCentral Station—how, when he was brought by Officer Palmer for the third[228]time before Lieut. Shea and the Chief, he was promptly ordered released,and how he finally and hastily concluded to leave the city in order to savethe detective department any further trouble on his account. It subsequentlytranspired that the direction he took was for the great and boundlessWest; but in all his wanderings he always seems to have kindlyremembered his friends in Chicago for permitting him to take so extendeda journey. He even wrote back to some of them, and one letter, which,was put in the possession of Officer Palmer, is especially worthy of publicity.It reads as follows:

The following, received by Parsons and Spies, are self-explanatory:

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CHAPTER XIII.

The Difficulties of Detection—Moving on the Enemy—A Hebrew Anarchist—Oppenheimer’sStory—Dancing over Dynamite—Twenty-Five Dollars’ Worthof Practical Socialism—A Woman’s Work—How Mrs. Seliger Saved the North Side—AWell-merited Tribute—Seliger Saved by his Wife—The Shadow of the Hangman’sRope—A Hunt for a Witness—Shadowing a Hack—The Commune Celebration—FixingLingg’s Guilt—Preparing the Infernal Machines—A Boy Conspirator—Lingg’sYouthful Friend—Anarchy in the Blood—How John Thielen was Taken into Camp—HisCurious Confession—Other Arrests.

THE preceding pages will have given to the reader facts enough to showthe difficulty of the task assumed, as well as the manner in which wewent about the work. One of the greatest of the obstacles to be overcomearose from the character and habits of thought of the Anarchists themselves.They heartily hated all law, and despised its constituted representatives.The conspiracy was well disciplined in itself, and it had beenspecially organized with a view to guarding its secrets from the outsideworld and protecting its members from the consequences of their crimes.Thus I soon found that it would require peculiar address, patience, secretivenessand diligent work to lay bare the great plot to the world.

I can find no better place than this to testify to the help given methroughout the case by Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, whose workwas a most important feature of the result finally brought before theCriminal Court.

The protection of society is an interest so momentous that it would be afalse modesty in me to refuse, for fear that I should be charged with egotism,to analyze the processes by which the conviction of the confederatesin the Haymarket murder conspiracy was bought about, and accordingly Iwill now say, once for all, that I believe that careful, systematic detectiveinquiry, conducted with some brains and a good deal of grit, can unravelany plot which the enemies of law and order and our American institutionsare apt to hatch. It will require tact. It will require intelligence. It mayrequire the hardest and most persistent work that men may do—but aboutthe result there can be no doubt. Our government and our methods arestrong enough for the protection of the people and the maintenance of lawand order, no matter how dangerous may seem the forces arrayed against it.

The various steps taken may be gathered best from the memorandamade upon the arrest of each Anarchist who had been conspicuous in hisorder and who was supposed to know the secret workings of the “armedsections;” and, in reading the particulars, the general conclusion willbecome irresistible that the men who posed as the bloodthirsty bandits ofChicago became arrant, cringing cowards when they found themselves[231]within the clutches of the law. In the galaxy of trembling “cranks” therewere a few exceptions, notably George Engel and Louis Lingg, but thedemeanor of the common herd under arrest proved that their vauntedbravery had been simply so much talk “full of sound and fury.”

JULIUS OPPENHEIMER’S “DOUBLE.”
From a Photograph.

One of the first arrests which I made was that of Julius Oppenheimer,alias Julius Frey. This man was a peculiar genius and was possessed byan unbounded admiration for Anarchists and all their methods. He hadcome to America five years before and had been brought up an Anarchist.He was a Hebrew of a verypronounced type, twenty-fiveyears of age, a butcherby occupation, but anAnarchist in and out ofseason. Whenever he succeededin securing employmenthe was sure speedilyto lose it by his persistentteaching of Anarchy, andin some places people evenwent so far as to drive himout of town. If fortunateenough to get work in anadjoining town, he wouldtell his fellow workmen ofhis prior experience andcurse what he termed hispersecution for conscience’ssake. Whenever his Anarchistbeliefs had been expounded,he was promptlydismissed, and in one townhe was politely informedthat unless he got out inshort order he was liableto find himself hanging to a tree. This sort of thing embittered him stillmore against society, and finally he abandoned all attempts to find work.He resolved himself into a tramp, and, in traveling from place to place,he sought to convert every other tramp he met to his revolutionary ideas.

He soon learned that Chicago was regarded all over the country as thehome of Socialism, its stronghold and citadel, and he made haste to reachit so that he too could become an agitator, with nothing to do and plenty toeat and drink. He had been in the city only a few days when he learnedof the Socialistic haunt at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and there he soon[232]made the acquaintance of Lingg and other, lesser lights, whose principalaim seemed to be to loaf around the saloons, guzzle beer and talk dynamite.This pleased Oppenheimer. He had traveled many weary days, but atlast he had found what he had so long sought. He was received cautiouslyat first, but finally with open arms. One night he attended a meeting at thenumber given above and heard Engel speak about killing all the police inChicago. Oppenheimer was delighted, and on the adjournment of themeeting he grew very enthusiastic, threatening to visit dire punishment onboth the police and the rich. He stepped out on the sidewalk, and, justthen encountering a policeman, he ejaculated:

“You old loafer, you won’t live much longer!”

The words had hardly been uttered when Oppenheimer found himselfprostrate in the gutter. The policeman passed on, and not one of Oppenheimer’scomrades dared to come to the Anarchist’s assistance or proffersympathy. This was a treatment he had not expected, but he smotheredhis wrath and continued to attend all the meetings of the “revolutionarygroups.” He grew stronger every day in the good graces of his comrades,and at one of their meetings he was asked, along with others, to secure someof the “good stuff” and bombs. He responded and secured a substantialoutfit. When the 4th of May came he happened for some reason to besome eighteen miles out of the city, but the moment he heard of the explosionhe hastened back at once and hunted up his old friends to help themdestroy the town.

On the evening of May 7 he was encountered by Officer Loewenstein at58 Clybourn Avenue, in Neff’s Hall, and taken to the Larrabee StreetStation. He was put into a cell and kept locked up for about a week.Gradually it began to dawn upon his mind that he was in trouble, that possiblythe police had secured evidence against him, and so at last he sentfor me.

“I see,” he said, “that it is foolish to fight against law and order, butyou must excuse me for my actions. I read so much of that Most trashand other books that I was really crazy. I lost my reason and did notknow what I was doing. Now I will tell all I know, but I will not testifyagainst any of these people.”

He was given no special assurances, but he unbosomed himself fullyand became extremely useful in giving needed information. One day hesaid that if I would take him out in a carriage he would show where hehad a lot of dynamite bombs planted, and added:

“Before going after the stuff, I will show you some of the worst Anarchistsin the city, but in doing so I will tell you candidly my life is in danger.If these men see me they will shoot me on the spot.”

He was assured that he would be fixed in such a disguise that no onewould recognize him, and, consenting to go under such conditions,[233]Oppenheimer was rigged out like a veritable darkey. Officers Schuettlerand Loewenstein were detailed to accompany him, and together theyvisited Sullivan, Connor, Hoyne, Mohawk and Hurlbut Streets, wheremany Anarchists then lived, and where Oppenheimer pointed out thehouses of many notable conspirators.

Unfortunately, in one of the localities visited, colored people were veryscarce, and it did not take the boys long to discover the sham, when theyat once began shouting, “Here is a lost, crazy nigger,” and they followedhim, throwing bricks and stones. At other times the officers were obligedto hustle away with their “Hebrew negro,” as they called him, as soon aspossible. They got back to the station about eleven o’clock that evening,and, entering my office, Oppenheimer was permitted to view his ebonycountenance in a mirror. He was startled by his make-up and declaredthat it was most artistically done.

“Mein Gott, if I was asleep,” he exclaimed, “and wake up, and lookedin the glass, I’d think I was a real nigger.”

On the next day he was taken by the officers, in a carriage, to LakeView, about three miles from the city limits, to locate the bombs. It wasa rainy day, and it was no easy matter for Oppenheimer to determine theright spot, although he kept a sharp look-out. He had planted themduring the night, and that added to the difficulty. Finally he directed thedriver to a grove used as picnic grounds, and they soon reached the spot.It now rained hard, and lightning and thunder filled the air with light andnoise. Oppenheimer hesitated about alighting from the carriage.

“It is dangerous,” he said, “to go near the place. The bombs I haveplanted here are all loaded with dynamite, and charged with poisoned iron,and this heavy thunder may explode them and kill us all.”

Officer Schuettler said that he himself was familiar with the propertiesof dynamite, and assured him that there would not be the slightest danger.Oppenheimer then became somewhat braver. He jumped out and beckonedto his companions to follow. They proceeded to the dancing-platform,in the middle of the grove, and Oppenheimer, having removed some shortboards, making an opening large enough for the admission of a man’s body,asked Loewenstein to take hold of his legs, and, when he shouted, to pullhim out, adding that when he had been there before he had had a hardtime getting out. Oppenheimer then went in. On giving the signal, hewas pulled out, with one bomb in each hand. He was thus lowered andpulled out until he had produced thirteen bombs. They were of the heavygas-pipe make, loaded with dynamite and rusty nails, with cap attachments,and ready for use in four seconds. To show that he had exercised greatcare to preserve the “stuff” properly, he asked to be lowered again, andthis time he brought to the surface an oil-cloth table-cover, which, he explained,he had used for wrapping up the bombs so that “they would not[234]spoil on him.” He also fished out of the place two large navy revolversfully loaded. Having finished, Oppenheimer gave a sigh of relief and remarked:

“Now I feel relieved. As long as I had these things I always felt thatI must do some damage with them. I had them once in the city (May 5),and my mind was made up to throw some in the North Side Post-office. Ialso had determined to go to theFreie Presse office and blow up that d——dMichaelis, the editor of the paper. And then I was going to kill myself.”

At about this time Oppenheimer possessed two large 44-caliber navyrevolvers and seemed withal a desperate fellow. When the parties returnedto the station he asked me to keep him there until all trouble was over, andfor three months he became quite a character about the establishment.The defense in the Anarchist trial made several attempts to secure hisrelease, but Oppenheimer declined to go. He was taken out frequently forregular exercise by one of the officers, but he always went in disguise.

He proved such a valuable aid to the State that State’s Attorney Grinnellordered his release, but as he was nervous lest some one should shoothim on regaining his full liberty, he begged me to send him to New YorkCity. He was accordingly furnished with money and clothing and sent away.While he was at the station he gained twenty-seven pounds and declared hehad never been so well taken care of in all his life. He bade all the officerswho were working up the Anarchist cases good-by and was given safeescort to the depot by Officer Stift. Some time after his arrival in NewYork he was discovered by an Anarchist, who telegraphed to Capt. Blackthat he was there if wanted, but the Captain did not seem to specially carefor him.

The information he furnished the State was substantially as follows:

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WILLIAM SELIGER.
From a Photograph.

MRS. WILLIAM SELIGER.
From a Photograph.

————

The next arrest was that of William Seliger. When the police hadlearned that Seliger’s residence had been used as a bomb factory, wewanted him. He was a man about forty-five years of age, a carpenter by occupation,a good mechanic, very quiet and sober, but one of the most rabidof Anarchists. He had filled various positions in the “groups,” andalways manifested a deep interest in their meetings. He was popular withhis comrades and trusted with all their secrets. He lived at No. 442 SedgwickStreet, in a rear building up-stairs. This was a two-story framedwelling, and a great resort for Socialists and Anarchists. Officer Whalenhad searched the house, finding it a regular dynamite magazine, and, locatinghis man, telephoned to me that Seliger was working at Meyer’s mill onthe North Pier. Officer Stift and Lieut. Larsen were at once detailed, incharge of a patrol wagon, to effect the arrest, and soon the man was producedat the station—May 7. When I confronted him he stubbornlyrefused, according to the instructions in Most’s book, to answer questions,but when he discovered the evidence I had against him, he brokedown and said:

“Captain, I will tell you all, but for Heaven’s sake do not arrest mypoor wife. I am to blame for all you found in my house, because I keptthat man Lingg in my house against her will—the poor woman! Hangme, but do not trouble her, for she is innocent, and God is her witness.”

Seliger then unbosomed himself, telling of all his connection with theAnarchists since his location in Chicago, and giving valuable informationon all the “groups,” their leaders, their places of meeting, their purposes,their mode of operations, the character of the speeches made at meetings,and the manufacture of bombs at his house, giving the names of all callingor taking part in their manufacture. He gave the most important pointsthe State had to work on, and every detail he furnished was fully corroboratedby other parties subsequently arrested. He was in the confidence ofLingg, and was also aparticeps criminis in the manufacture of the bombs,and gave, therefore, no hearsay statements. What was found in hishouse and the character of his information are fully shown in his testimony,given in a later chapter, as well as that of the officers during thememorable trial.

After telling what he knew, Seliger was released, on the 28th of May,with instructions to report every day at the Chicago Avenue Station.

Mrs. Seliger was also arrested. She was a small woman about 38 yearsof age. She was found at No. 32 Sigel Street on the morning of May 10.She readily consented to accompany Officer Schuettler to the station. Mrs.Seliger showed plainly that she had not been in sympathy with her husbandin his revolutionary ideas, and proved a prompt and willing witness, demonstrating[238]before she got through that she had done incalculable service to thepeople of the city.

It was in her house that Lingg made his bombs, and when I questionedher she gave me a great deal of information concerning the man and hismethods. All the statements she made and her testimony in court did notvary in the slightest details, even under the most rigid cross-examination.She was found to be a very industrious woman, a neat housekeeper, and shewas highly esteemed by all her neighbors. She related how she had livedin misery ever since her husband began to take an active part in the Anarchistmeetings, and she stated that after Lingg came to live in the houseshe had not seen a pleasant hour. She had often remonstrated with herhusband and pleaded with him not to attend the meetings, or read any ofthe Anarchist papers, but to remain at home with her.

Seliger was so completely carried away by the doctrines of Johann Most,Spies and the others that he refused to listen to his wife. The moment hegot into trouble, however, he became very penitent and readily accepted heradvice in everything.

Mrs. Seliger’s experience on the 4th day of May, when she witnessedthe preparation of the bombs, she described as terrible. There she wasforced to remain all day, she said, seeing eight men working on the murderousweapons, some making one kind of bombs, some another, othersfitting them and loading them with dynamite, and others again putting onthe caps and fuse. Throughout the whole operation she was obliged tolisten to their bloodthirsty conversation, how they would blow up the policestations, patrol wagons and fire-engine houses, kill all the militia, hurlbombs into private residences, and murder every one who opposed them.

Mrs. Seliger viewed affairs differently and told the conspirators thatthere were more chains than mad dogs. Another thing they overlooked, shesaid, was their own families, and should they carry all their threats into executiontheir families would be made to suffer to the end of their days in miseryand want. Remonstrances, however, were useless.

They worked until dark, and then they separated to meet in the eveningat No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. Her husband and Lingg ate supper, and thenthe two put a lot of the bombs into a satchel and started for the designatedplace. Lingg carried the satchel down stairs and was followed by Seliger.

This was a trying moment, but Mrs. Seliger proved equal to the emergency.Just as Seliger reached the third step, she grasped his arm, threwher arms about his neck, and, like a loving, devoted wife, asked him for God’ssake not to become a murderer.

“If you ever loved me and ever listened to me when I spoke,” shewhispered fervently into his ear, “I want you to listen to me now. I don’task you to stay at home, but I want you to go with that villain and see thathe does not hurt any one. Restrain him from carrying out his murderousideas. If you do this, I will creep on my knees after you and will be yourslave all my life.”

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A NOBLE WOMAN’S INFLUENCE.A Kiss that Prevented Bloodshed.

[240]

These tender words touched a sympathetic chord in the heart of Seliger,and he promised to do as she had requested, while she sealed the promisewith a loving kiss. As subsequent events and his testimony in court proved,he faithfully carried out that promise, and by that injunction of his wife andthat fervid kiss of a true woman, hundreds of lives and millions of propertywere saved.

From the time they left the house until their return, Seliger never left fora moment the side of Lingg. During the evening Lingg was continuallyprompted by his own treacherous heart to throw bombs, now at a passingpatrol wagon, then at some residence or into a police station, and invariablySeliger had some handy reason to proffer why such an attempt would be inopportuneat the moment. Lingg finally became suspicious and upbraidedSeliger for being a coward. The night passed, and the only harm Linggdid was indirectly in the explosion of one of his bombs at the Haymarket,to the prospective happening of which he frequently alluded duringthe evening.

It is my deliberate opinion that, had it not been for this intervention ofMrs. Seliger, hundreds of people would have been killed, and probably one-halfof the North Side destroyed, that eventful night.

After giving considerable information to the police Mrs. Seliger was released,but kept under strict surveillance.

Seliger faithfully carried out his instructions to report at the stationdaily for two weeks, and then he suddenly disappeared. Officer Schuettlerwas detailed to visit his home to ascertain the cause, and was there informedthat Seliger had mysteriously left.

“Why,” inquired Mrs. Seliger, “don’t you know where he is; did younot arrest him again?”

On being answered in the negative, she stated that it had been her intentionto call on me that afternoon with a view to finding out somethingabout her husband.

It looked like a case of concealment, and Mrs. Seliger was thereforetaken to the Larrabee Street Station. She immediately desired to see me,and, when I called, she informed me that three days before her husbandhad said: “I am going away. Don’t ask me any questions. You willhear from me later,” and then bade her good-by.

She was under the impression that since leaving her he had been at theChicago Avenue Station. I thought it a ruse and subjected her to a severeexamination. I asked her who had been to see them and whether they hadnot received money from certain lawyers or others. But Mrs. Seliger couldtell no different story from that she had already given, and she finally volunteeredthe guess that possibly her husband had been frightened away.

[241]

“If you will only allow me to go,” she earnestly pleaded, “I will neithereat, drink nor sleep until I find him.”

I was now satisfied that she was in earnest, and, having confidence inher, I ordered her release. But from that moment she was watched nightand day, more closely than ever. It was found that she visited many housesin various parts of the city, and when these places were immediately afterwardscalled upon by the detectives it was ascertained that she had invariablyinquired for her husband and urged those who knew him to tell him to comehome if they should happen to meet him; that she was weary of life, and ifhe remained away much longer she would not be responsible for any act ofhers on her own life.

After several days’ ineffective search, Mrs. Seliger received a letter fromher husband asking her to call and see him. She hastened at once, with athrobbing heart and a light tread, to my office. I asked her if she wouldwork under my instructions, and she promptly consented to do everythingin her power to help the police. I had come to the conclusion that it wouldbe no easy matter to find the slippery Seliger, but that, if he was not discoveredthat day, we might at least get on his track.

Mrs. Seliger was accordingly told to wait in the office a few minutes.Two men were sent for, men whom the woman would not know. I instructedthem to slip through a side door and get a good view of her while unobserved.A carriage was then ordered, and the driver directed to take the woman towhatever place she might desire, and remain with her even all day and allnight, if required. Mrs. Seliger stepped into the carriage, and the horseswere soon in a sharp trot. But the conveyance was not alone. No soonerhad it started than the two men I have spoken of jumped into a buggy andfollowed the carriage south, keeping it in good view all the time.

The first stop made was at a place on West Thirteenth Street. ThereMrs. Seliger had to identify herself first, and thence she was directed to aplace some four blocks away. Arriving there, she was sent on to SixteenthStreet, and again sent to Twelfth Street, near the limits. She was here subjectedto a great many questions, and after she had fully proven her identityshe was taken to the next house and led into a dark bed-room, whereshe found her husband. She remained there about three hours, and then,under direction of her husband’s friends, was told to drive to several otherplaces in order to throw any detectives that might be watching off the scent.She did so, but the two men had kept a close watch and were not to bebaffled.

When the carriage had started for home, one of the officers returned tothe place where she had tarried so long. He represented to the occupantsthat he was working for Salomon & Zeisler, attorneys for the imprisonedconspirators, to whom Seliger had written a letter, and that in accordancewith the request they had decided to protect him and his friends.

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“Seliger,” said the officer, “is here, and I want to talk with him.”

The occupants admitted that he had been there and had had a talk withhis wife, but that he was at the time on his way home with her.

Mr. and Mrs. Seliger called at the station the next afternoon (June 8).Both entered smiling, but it was quite apparent that Seliger was verynervous.

“Captain,” said Mrs. Seliger, “we are both here.”

“Yes, madam,” I replied; “I am glad you are both here—on your ownaccount.”

“Captain,” again spoke Mrs. Seliger, “I want my husband to testify incourt against that villain Lingg. He ruined my home. He is the cause ofthe slaughter of all these people. He is the cause of the sufferings of thewomen and children whose husbands and fathers attended the Anarchistmeetings. Now, Captain, you see I have been faithful to my promises. Ihave done as I agreed. You have my husband; he is in your power. Youcan do with him as you please, but for God’s sake spare his life.”

Mrs. Seliger had scarcely finished her appeal when she swooned away.She had for days been wrought up with intense excitement and hauntedwith terrible forebodings. The climax was reached when she had executedher commission, and, trying as had been the situation for nights and days,she had courageously borne up in order that she might atone the wrongsher husband had committed despite her most earnest entreaties, and to helpin some way to extricate him, who had so cruelly wronged her, from themeshes into which he had madly and ignorantly rushed. Her keen judgmentand innate sense of right had swept aside every consideration of theapparent security his concealment might have given him, and her wholesoul was centered in his delivery to the authorities that he might not eventuallybe found and sent to an ignominious death on the gallows. That washer hope, and, much as she longed for his safety, she had bent her wholeenergies to seeing him brought out of concealment and placed where theremight at least be a chance for his life. The struggle had been intense, andit culminated when she so pathetically asked that her husband’s life mightbe spared. Her emotions then were at their highest tension, and as sherecognized the fact that he was now at the complete mercy of the law,from which he had sought to escape, she could bear up no longer.

A physician was immediately sent for, and after applying restoratives itwas found she was quite a sick woman. A carriage was summoned, and shewas sent home.

Seliger was detained at the station until after the trial of the conspirators.Mrs. Seliger was a frequent caller after that trying day, and remainedwith him much of the time, cheering him and seeking in every way tolighten his burden, like a true, devoted and loving wife. In a subsequentconversation the circumstances in connection with her visit to her husband[243]at his place of concealment were learned. It appears that at first he emphaticallydeclined to accompany her, and then gave his reasons. One day,while on his way to report at the station, he was met, he said, by a stranger,and threatened that if he ever went near the station again, or sent word verballyor by note or letter to me, both he and his wife would be murdered incold blood. The threat made a marked impression on his mind. Hereturned home, but made no mention of it to Mrs. Seliger. He knew, hesaid, that the threat was meant, and, thinking to save his wife, he concludedto act on the warning and place himself in concealment without herknowledge. He left, as already stated, and decided to keep under cover toawait results.

He called first at the house of a widow named Bertha Neubarth, No.1109 Nelson Street, Lake View. This was a small cottage, with a basementused as a tailor-shop, and, thinking it a secure place, he remainedthere a few days. Then he went to the house of a friend, named GustavBelz, who lived near McCormick’s factory, and remained there severaldays. His next move was to a house on West Twelfth Street, near thecity limits, and there he remained until discovered by his wife. The letterhe had sent to her was mailed by a trusted friend named Malinwitz, andthe purpose he had in sending it was to ascertain if matters had changedany and if I was angry over his sudden departure. On meeting his wife,the first question he asked was as to whether the police had been watchingtheir house, and, on being answered in the affirmative, and informed thatshe had even been locked up again, he asked for particulars and the causefor her release.

“Capt. Schaack,” she said, “let me out in order to bring you back.”

“I often felt sorry,” answered the husband, “for going away, but I willnever go back.”

His wife insisted that he must go back, and said:

“I told the Captain that I would come and see you. The Captain saidthat he would give you six hours to return, and that if you did not report tohis office within that time, he would surely find you and prosecute you formurder. Your chances for hanging, he said, were very good, and you needlook for no mercy at his hands. He also said that he had your pictureready, to send out for your arrest on sight, and that it would be useless foryou to hide or run away. I saw the picture myself, and the Captain intendsto publish a large reward for your arrest.”

“I believe all you say,” said Seliger, struggling with his feelings, “butwhat would you prefer, seeing me shot or killed by assassins, or hungby law?”

“All these cowards making threats,” replied the wife, “will be arrested.The station-houses on the North Side are now full of the murderers. Iknow the Captain will take care of us, and, if you are arrested, you will[244]have no one to help you or do anything for you; then you are sure to hang.You had better come with me to Captain Schaack.”

He consented, and she sent word that they would be at the station thenext day. Seliger gave himself up, and Mrs. Seliger redeemed her promise.The sacrifice, in view of the uncertainties of the time, seemed great, buthad it not been for the honesty and persistency of that true woman, Seligerto-day would lie in an unhonored grave. Both proved strong witnesses atthe trial, and shortly after his release they left the city. Reports fromthem show that he has been cured of Johann Most’s crazy notions. Henow denounces Anarchy both in America and Germany, in which lattercountry he and his wife were born. He has applied himself to legitimatepursuits as a law-abiding citizen, and is prospering.

Seliger, during his interview with me, recounted his connection with theAnarchists as follows:

Seliger then gave a number of names of members who belonged to thegroups he was most familiar with, as follows:

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The next arrest was that ofJohn Thielen. Thielen was a man about37 year of age, born near the city of Coblentz, Germany, a carpenter by occupation,and a rabid “red,” living in Chicago at No. 509 North HalstedStreet. He had been an Anarchist in the old country, and there had dividedhis time between talking up the social revolution and running a smallgrocery store, until business had got so dull that he was obliged to sell out.He then fell back upon his trade for a living. Much as it went against hisgrain to labor, he had no alternative except to starve. It occurred to himthat the stronger a Socialist he became the less hard work he would have todo, and he accordingly availed himself of every opportunity to talk on hispet hobby. At last the officials of Emperor William got after him, and,packing up a few things, he emigrated to America, reaching Chicago aboutfive years before his arrest. He had been here only a short time when helearned that there were a number of men in the city who talked to workingmenabout the shortest way to get rich withoutwork, how to have a good time playing cards,drinking beer, attending picnics and balls, wearinggood clothes, and smoking good cigars. Thisstruck Thielen’s fancy, and he concluded thatat last he had found the place he had longedfor during many years. He decided to identifyhimself with these men, and accordingly madehaste to attend all their meetings. It was notlong before he proved himself as good an Anarchistas the rest of the leaders. His wife alsohad become imbued with his doctrines, and hadgrown indeed more positive than her husband.

JOHN THIELEN.
From a Photograph.

They had a son, 15 years of age, a tall, slimfellow. Nothing would satisfy the mother excepthis induction into the order. After the stripling had become a member,she was still unsatisfied; he must join the Sharpshooters. This the boydid, and thus he fell in with the most rabid of the Anarchists—into thevery crowd that gathered in secret session at 63 Emma Street on Sunday,May 2, at ten o’clock in the morning, to hear Engel unfold his murderousplan.

The youth was a close listener and an ardent admirer of the leaders.He also attended the Haymarket meeting, and went there for a purpose.It appears that the order had established, in furtherance of this conspiracy,a line of runners, composed of all the young men who were swift and lightof foot, the object being to furnish means of rapid communication betweena “commander” and his men. For instance, in the execution of Engel’splan, a number of Anarchists had gone to Wicker Park, some to HumboldtPark, and others to Garfield Park, on the evening of May 4. Their instructions[249]were to stand ready to obey orders, and, on receipt of a signal, toadvance into the city and shoot down all who opposed them. The “commander”attended the Haymarket meeting, accompanied by young Thielen,and it was his intention, the moment the proper signal was given, todespatch the boy on his mission. The boy was then to start on a keen runto a certain place, where he was to meet another runner; the second was totake the message to a third, and so on until the men posted at the parkswere reached.

Fortunately, however, young Thielen missed his “commander” when thebomb fell and the shooting commenced at the Haymarket. The boy thenlost his courage, like his superior, and applied his speed to getting homeas fast as possible.

Young Thielen had been selected because of his supposed coolness. Hehad been a great favorite of Lingg’s, and had been in that worthy’s room onthat very afternoon up to 7:30 in the evening. He had even helped to loaddynamite bombs there. When the work had been completed, Lingg haddistributed a lot of the dynamite left over to his friends present. Threeboxes had been given to Thielen and the boy, and the “stuff” was subsequentlyfound buried under their house, together with fire-arms and ammunition.

When trouble finally surrounded the Thielen household, the wife andmother showed true grit. On being shown the evidence of their complicityin a conspiracy, she neither flinched nor quivered.

“Our whole family are Anarchists,” she defiantly remarked, “and whatof it? Try your best, you can’t scare me!”

The son was ordered by the officers to come with them to the station, andas they left the house Mrs. Thielen said to him:

“I want you to brace up and be firm, as you have been taught by yourcomrades. This is for a good cause. Bear it all like a man.”

The boy was taken to the Larrabee Street Station and put under cross-fire.He was decidedly firm at first, but after he had become involved in anumber of false statements and shown that the police knew a good dealabout him, he looked at every officer in the station and asked:

“If I tell all I know and tell the truth, what will you do with me?”

He was informed that such a course would be the best for him and thatit might afford him a chance to get out of his troubles. This satisfied theyouth, and he gave a long and strong statement, which others subsequentlycorroborated. He then explained that he had been misled into reading allsorts of nonsense on Anarchy. He had eagerly studied all books on thequestion, and, being encouraged by his parents, had taken a deep interestin all the meetings. He worked whenever he could find employment, butat all times his mind was centered in the success of the cause.

He was detained at the station only a few days, and then released on a[250]promise to hold himself subject to the orders of the State and testify whencalled on. But the State did not need his evidence, and soon thereafter Isecured him employment in a factory. He is still at work and is now provinghimself an exemplary youth.

The father proved a rather elusive individual after the police begansearching for him. But at the time of Mrs. Seliger’s arrest he venturedtoo near the Chicago Avenue Station. It was on the morning of May 12that a man was noticed in the company of two women. The man remainedon the outside at a good distance, but the women entered the court-room ofthe station and sat there for some time, watching the prisoners broughtbefore the magistrate. The women asked no questions of any one in theroom, and it was soon discovered that they had no business there. OfficerLoewenstein approached them and asked if they had come to see Mrs.Seliger. One replied that they did not know her.

“But,” interposed the other, with some hesitancy, “is she here?”

“I can’t tell,” remarked the officer. “I was going to make someinquiries, but as you do not know her, it will save me the trouble.”

“Say, young man,” said one of the women, who was getting interestedas well as curious, “what is your business here?”

“Well, madam, I am known here as a ‘straw-bailer.’ I go bail for allpeople who pay me well, and I am all O. K. with the police. If you wantanything done for Mrs. Seliger, you must be very careful here. Don’t letthe police know your object. As you are Germans, I will not charge youanything for my trouble, if I can do anything for you.”

“Well, we will talk to you later,” they said. “Can we remain here forawhile?”

“Oh, yes; I will take care of you so that no one will disturb you,” repliedthe officer, in a patronizing tone of voice. “By the way, when I came tothe station this morning, I saw you standing at the corner talking to a gentlemanwith black whiskers, and he is now standing across the street. If heis a friend of yours, I will call him in here.”

“Oh, yes,” responded the women, “he is our friend and a friend of Mr.and Mrs. Seliger. He is a good man.”

“What is his name? I will call him in at once.”

“His name is John Thielen. He lives at No. 509 North Halsted Streetand is all right.”

Officer Stift meantime had kept his eye on the individual across thestreet, with instructions not to arrest him so long as he hovered about thestation, but, in the event of his going away any distance, to take him incharge. The man at no time went far from his post; he was too anxiousto hear from the women. The moment Officer Loewenstein had securedthe information about his identity, he posted across the street, and, hailingthe man, said:

[251]

“John, I think you have been ‘ransacking’ around here long enough.Come with me; the boys want to see you.”

“Who are the boys?” inquired Thielen.

“Capt. Schaack,” answered the officer.

“I don’t want to see him or have anything to do with him.” Thielenwas surprised as well as indignant.

“Well,” said the officer, “he would like to make your acquaintance.”

“You tell him that he don’t know me and I don’t know him; so whatthe d——d does he want? Good-day, I am going home.”

“You must come in first and give an account of yourself.”

“I am a good man; I am not afraid.”

He went to the station rather reluctantly, still with an air of innocenceand bravery. The moment he stepped inside the office, I said to him:

“John, you are an Anarchist. You are one of the rioters. You were atthe Haymarket meeting. You knew about the bombs. You are underarrest.”

“I am no Anarchist,” responded John, rather warmly. “I am acarpenter.”

“Yes,” said I, “you are both, and you live at 509 North Halsted Street.I have no time now to talk to you. Whenever you want to see me sendword by the turnkey.”

On the second day, John sent word that he wanted to see me. He wastaken up into the office, and there he asked what benefit it would be to himif he told all he knew. He was informed that we would expect him to tellonly the truth and not lie about any one or shield any one who was guiltyof wrong-doing. If he did all this honestly and conscientiously the Statewould, no doubt, reward him for his information. Thielen assented to theproposition, but he told very little at this interview. He was brought upagain the next day, and from the questions put he soon discovered thatsome one had been telling the truth about him.

“Now I will tell you all I know,” he said, “and let it fall where itbelongs. What I say I will swear to. I see every one is trying to get out.First I will tell you what I did myself, and then what the others did.”

He accordingly made a long statement, but as substantially the samefacts were brought out in the trial by other witnesses, he was never calledon to testify. Since then Thielen has abandoned Anarchy and is a betterman.

The statement Thielen made runs as follows, and it will be noticed byreference to the trial proceedings that, had he been a witness, he wouldhave fully corroborated the testimony given by Seliger and his wife. Onbeing shown, at the station, some round lead bombs, he said:

The above confession was given on the 14th of May. On the next dayThielen was brought face to face with Lingg—with what results the nextchapter will show. On the 16th of May Thielen supplemented his firststatement with additional particulars. He said:

[255]

The foregoing was read to Thielen and its correctness acknowledgedbefore Mr. Furthmann, the officers and myself, and his signature is affixedto the margin of each sheet of the paper on which it is written. Thielen’sstepson, William Schubert, confirmed the statement of his father with referenceto the dynamite bombs and the cigar-boxes filled with dynamite, andadded:

“I went under the house and dug a hole in the ground, and father andmyself put those things in the hole and then covered them up.”

About the time of Thielen’s arrest Officers Hoffman and Schuettler ranacrossFranz Lorenz on North Avenue near Sedgwick Street, in the verystronghold of Anarchy, and as the man seemed to be suffering from anover-dose of Anarchy and liquor, they took him to the station. This wason the 10th of May. He was a German, 48 years of age, and lived with aman named Jaeger, at No. 31 Burling Street. He did not seem to beknown much in Socialist circles, and no one seemed specially interested inhim. He was locked up at the Larrabee Street Station, and for four dayshe was as stupid as an owl. He would eat and drink very little, butmanaged to sleep every day. On the sixth day he was taken to the ChicagoAvenue Station and remained there two days longer before he recovered hisnormal condition. When brought into the office, he told me that he hadbeen drinking very hard, and, being asked for the reason, he said that hehad attended many Anarchist meetings, had heard all the speeches and hadlearned that soon they would all have plenty of money. Whenever suchassurances were given, it always, he said, made him feel so good that hewould go and get one more drink. Between speeches and drinks, he said, hehad come near dying. He assured me that if he was released he would goright to work and give Anarchy and all meetings a wide berth. On beingquestioned as to his acquaintances, he said he knew “all the boys”—theleading Anarchists—and had admired them warmly.

“I heard Lingg speak,” said he, “and he is a good one. I tell you heis a radical.”

“I suppose,” said I, “you took two drinks on his speech?”

“Yes, I took more than that,” replied Lorenz. “The last time I heardLingg speak in Zepf’s Hall, I went and got drunk. On May 4, I heard allthe boys speak on the wagon at the Haymarket, but I did not stay thereuntil it was over. I went into a saloon a block away from there and gotdrunk in no time, and when I woke up the next morning I was in bed inone of the cheap lodging-houses.”

Not knowing anything definite, he was released by the State’s Attorney,and he has not since been heard from. He has probably retired to someother city to renew his drunks at Anarchist headquarters on the free beerusually provided.

CHAPTER XIV.

Completing the Case—Looking for Lingg—The Bomb-maker’s Birth—Washe of Royal Blood?—A Romantic Family History—Lingg and his Mother—CapturedCorrespondence—A Desperate and Dangerous Character—Lingg Disappears—AFaint Trail Found—Looking for Express Wagon 1999—The Number that Costthe Fugitive his Life—A Desperado at Bay—Schuettler’s Death Grapple—Lingg inthe Shackles—His Statement at the Station—The Transfer to the Jail—Lingg’s Lovefor Children—The Identity of his Sweetheart—An Interview with Hubner—HisConfession—The Meeting at Neff’s Place

WITH the information already obtained we had managed to secure apretty clear insight into the diabolical plots of the “revolutionarygroups.” It was apparent that Chicago had been regarded by Anarchistseverywhere as the head center of Socialism in America, and that it had beendecided that here should be the first test of strength in the establishment ofthe new social order. Any reasoning, sentient being ought to have seen theutter folly of such an undertaking in the very midst of millions of liberty-loving,law-abiding citizens, but these Anarchists, hypnotized as they wereby the plausible sophisms and the inflammatory writings of unscrupulousmen bent on notoriety, could view it in no other light than as a grand stridetowards their goal. As boys are led astray by yellow-covered literature,these poor fools were crazed by Anarchistic vaporings. Day or night,sleeping or waking, the beauties of the new social order to be inauguratedby the revolution were continually before their minds.

It was clear that such people were capable of desperate deeds, and thatit was not only necessary to bring to justice the instigators of the massacre,but to show their deluded followers the inevitable result of carrying outideas repugnant to our free institutions and inconsistent with common senseand right.

With so many facts before us, we redoubled our efforts to capture everydangerous Anarchist leader in the city, and the next one to fall into the toilswas no less a personage than the bomb-maker, Louis Lingg.

This notorious Anarchist came to Chicago when about twenty-one years ofage. He had learned the carpenter’s trade in Germany, and when not engagedin spreading Anarchy’s doctrines, he pursued that calling to liquidate hisboard bills and personal expenses. He was a tall, lithe, well-built, handsomefellow, and, while not of a nervous disposition, his nature was soactive and aggressive that he never appeared at rest. Sleeping or waking,Anarchy and the most effective methods of establishing it were uppermostin his thoughts. By reason of his very restlessness it was not difficult totrace him in Socialistic circles when on his tours of agitation, and it wasnoticeable, too, that he never remained at any one point for any regular[257]length of time. His make-up was a queer combination of nerve, energyand push. His mind seemed always weighted with some great burden.Perhaps there was a reason for this not alone in his radical beliefs, but inhis blood and birth.

LOUIS LINGG, THE BOMB-MAKER.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

Louis Lingg was born in Schwetzingen, Germany, on the 9th day ofSeptember, 1864, and, while his childhood was spent pleasantly enough, acloud gradually gathered which overshadowed his life and embittered himagainst society. His mother, at the age of eighteen or twenty, had workedas a servant, and, possessing a very handsome face, a shapely figure andattractive manners, had caught the eye of a Hessian soldier in the dragoons.This man was young, dashing and handsome, and mutual admiration soonripened into undue intimacy.One day the soldier left townon short notice—whetherbecause of military ordersor through his own inclinationis not known. It is certain,however, that she neverheard of him from that day,and that a son was born toher out of wedlock. Thatson was Louis Lingg. Thename of that dragoon hasnever been made public, butit is believed with reasonthat Lingg was born of royalblood.

Several years after herescapade the mother weddeda lumber-worker namedLink. Louis was then fouryears old. When youngLingg had arrived at the age of twelve, his foster-father, while engaged inhis occupation of floating logs down the river Main, contracted heart disease,through over-exposure, and died. The widow was left in poor circumstances,and she was obliged to do washing and ironing in order to supportherself and family, a daughter named Elise having been born since hermarriage.

Louis, in the course of years, grew strong, robust and muscular. Hehad received a fair education, and, desiring to relieve his mother’s burdensas much as possible, he learned the carpenter’s trade under the tutelage ofa man named Louis Wuermell in Mannheim. He remained there untilMay 13, 1879, and then, quitting his apprenticeship, proceeded to Kehl, on[258]the Rhine. There he found employment with a man named Schmidt untilthe fall of 1882. He next went to Freiburg, in the Grand Duchy of Baden,where he worked for several contractors. At this place he began to changehis employment frequently, and his mother, learning of it, wrote several letters,in which she advised him against such a course and admonished himto become a good man, to save his money and keep out of bad company, sothat he might become useful to himself and to society and make her proudof him. But the son did not heed this motherly advice. He fell in withfree-thinkers who were set against religion in particular and against societyin general, and soon began reading and absorbing Socialistic literature. Itwas not long before he became an avowed Socialist, attending Socialisticmeetings and eagerly listening to all the speeches.

LINGG’S TRUNK.
From a Photograph.

Finally young Lingg grew weary of Baden and wandered to the republicof Switzerland. Here hespent the fall of 1883 at Luzerne,working at his tradewith a man named Rickley,but his roving nature soonbrought him to Zurich.

It was there that he metthe famous Anarchist Reinsdorf,and for this man hespeedily formed a warm attachment.While in ZurichLingg also affiliated with aGerman Socialistic societycalled “Eintracht,” andthrew his whole soul into thecause. After a time he turned up at Aarau, but here he was unableto find employment and had to write home for assistance. The motherloved her son dearly, despite his wanderings, and he did not appeal toher in vain. She wrote him enclosing a small sum of money to help himbridge over his idleness, and at the same time informed him that she hadagain married (August 6, 1884), her second husband’s name being ChristianGaddum. This man had been a neighbor of the family at Mannheimfor years. In writing to her son, Mrs. Link indicated that the marriagewas not prompted by love or admiration, but came about on accountof her feeble health and her desire to secure support for herself and herdaughter. Louis’ mother had frequently expressed a wish that he visithome, but, as the boy had now reached the age for military service underthe German Government, he concluded to remain away, and in castingabout for a permanent location he decided to emigrate to America. Hepresented the matter to his mother. At first she opposed it, but finally[259]gave her consent. With what money he secured from his mother and fromhis friends, he proceeded to Havre, France, in June, 1885, and boarded asteamer for the United States.

After the wayward boy had left home, he and his mother correspondedregularly. She always expressed deep solicitude for his welfare, and whenhe was in financial distress she would write him: “Dear Louis, I willshare with you as long as I have a bite in the house.” All her lettersbreathed encouragement; she sent money frequently, although at times inneed herself, and concluded invariably by giving good counsel and urgingLouis to write her soon and often. When Lingg had arrived in the UnitedStates the fond mother wrote him that she would soon be able to send himmoney enough to come home on a visit.

That Lingg had great love and affection for his mother is evidenced bythe fact that he had carefully preserved all her letters from the time of hisleaving home until he died a suicide’s death. From these letters it appearsalso that Lingg had several lady admirers at home.

COILS OF FUSE.
Found in the secret bottom of Lingg’s Trunk.
From a Photograph.

There were many expressions, such as “kindest regards” or “heartiestrespects,” conveyed to him by his mother on behalf of this or that ladyfriend. Another fact made apparent by the letters was that there was somegreat burden on his mind. It would seem that he had plied his mother withmany questions respecting his birth. That seemed a dark spot in his life.He wanted a solution as well as satisfaction. This worried the mother,but she always managed to give him some consolation, saying she “wouldguard against everything” and have “all things set right.” In one of herletters occurs the following:

As regards your birth, it grieves me that you mention it. While you did not know itbefore, I will now say that you were born in Schwetzingen on the 9th day of September,1864, at your grandfather’s house, and baptized. Where your father is I don’t know. My[260]father did not want me to marry him because he did not desire me to follow him into Hessia, andas he had no real estate he could not marry me in Schwetzingen according to our laws. Heleft and went, I do not know where. If you want a certificate of birth you can get it atSchwetzingen any time. If you make a proper presentation everything will be all right, butdon’t hold on six months.

The original of the above, which is in German and which was found inLingg’s trunk, had no signature. Another letter regarding his paternityreads as follows, showing that Lingg’s mind had been sorely distressed overthe matter:

The certificate sent him reads as follows:

CERTIFICATE OF BIRTH.

To the letter of Mrs. Link, given above, no signature appears, butthat is not strange. What seems more singular is that, whenever her letterswere signed, they closed with simply “Your Mother.” Another thingappears from the above, and that is that at home Louis’ name was Link.Other documents, some of them legal, also found in his trunk, show that hisname was formerly written Link. His name must have been changedshortly before leaving Europe or just after reaching the United States.

It would seem that, with such a certificate, Lingg would have beenmeasurably happy, but the fact of his illegitimacy, despite court records,rankled in his blood. The thought of it haunted him continually, and nodoubt it helped to make him in religion a free-thinker, in theory a free-lover,and in practice an implacable enemy of existing society. His mother’s[261]letters showed that she wished him to be a good man, and it was nofault of her early training that he subsequently became an Anarchist. Shestill lives at the old place, and when Lieut. Baus, of the Chicago policeforce, was on a visit to Mannheim, some time ago, he called on her andfound her very pleasant and affable in her manner, with a strong, robustconstitution, and still a good-looking woman.

No sooner had Lingg reached Chicago than he looked up the haunts ofSocialists and Anarchists. He made their acquaintance, learned thestrength of the order in the city as well as in the United States, and washighly gratified. At that time the organization was not only strong innumbers, but it fairly “smelt to heaven” in its rankness of doctrine.

Lingg was not required to look around very hard for the haunts of Anarchy,for a blind man could plainly see, feel and smell the disease inthe air. Lingg arrived here only eight or nine months before theeventful 4th of May, but in that short time he succeeded inmaking himself the most popular man in Anarchist circles. Noone had created such afurore since 1872, when Socialism hadits inception in the city.

COMPOSITION BOMB.
Found in Lingg’s room, ready for use.

The first organization to which Lingg attached himself wasthe International Carpenters’ Union No. 1.Every member of this society was a rabid Anarchist.All of them had supplied themselveswith arms, and a majority of them drilled inmilitary tactics. Lingg had not been connectedwith the organization long before he became arecognized leader and made speeches that enthusedthem all. While young in years, theyrecognized in him a worthy leader, and thefact that he had sat at the very feet ofReinsdorf as a pupil elevated him in theirestimation. This distinction, added to hispersonal magnetism, made him the subjectfor praise and comment, which pleased his vanity and spurred his ambition.

Men longer in the service and more familiar with the local and generalphases of Anarchy at times reluctantly yielded to him where points ofpolicy were at stake. No committee was regarded as complete withouthim, and this brought him in contact with August Spies and Albert Parsons.He was often at the office of theArbeiter-Zeitung, which was theheadquarters of the governing body, with reports and suggestions, and byhis admirable tact soon won their esteem and good graces. He there alsomade the acquaintance of Fielden, Fischer, Schnaubelt, Rau, Neebe,Schwab, and of some of the more noted women in the Anarchist movement.[262]He was frequently complimented for his work and became quite a favoritewith the ladies.

When Lingg first became actively identified with the party of assassinationand annihilation here, he was cautious and secretive. He knewthat secrecy in the old country was not only essential to success, but absolutelyrequisite for self-preservation. He supposed that the same sort oftactics prevailed here, but when he saw how bold, aggressive and openwere the utterances of the Anarchists in Chicago and elsewhere, he came tobelieve that the government and the municipal administration existedsimply through their sufferance. At first, whenever Lingg was doubtful onany point, he would seek knowledge and inspiration from Spies, and it wasthrough Spies that he gained his information of the movementin the United States. They became firm friends, andLingg implicitly believed everything Spies told him, andlooked, as he informed the police officers, upon every linepublished in theArbeiter-Zeitung as absolutely true and correct.While not able to read English, he regarded all papersprinted in that language, as well as in the German, not of theSocialistic faith, as published for the benefit of capitalistsand millionaires. They were all, in his estimation, stupendousfrauds, and existed simply because they printedsuch lies as pleased the rich and those in power. Being aman of sincere convictions andearnest zeal, Lingg won theconfidence of his confrères andalways knew just what wasgoing to be done and how itwas to be accomplished. Hewas a faithful ally and wasinvariably counted upon totake a leading part in all themovements of the reds. Howhe was regarded by his fellowsin this respect is shown in the fact that to him was intrusted the taskof organizing the people of the Southwest Side and directing their plansagainst the McCormick factory.

CAST-IRON AND LARGE GAS-PIPE BOMBS.
From Photographs.

The long bomb in center weighs five lbs., and was thrownat a patrol wagon on Blue Island Avenue, but failed to explode.The round bombs were lined on the inside with a coating ofcement saturated with a deadly poison.

His communications, which I have given in a prior chapter, to theBohemians and others in that locality, show that he was bent on riot anddestruction, and in that mad and frenzied movement he had the heartycoöperation of the colleagues who had with him concocted it at the officeof theArbeiter-Zeitung. They alone knew of it, and worked out the detailsat a meeting held near the factory on the 3d of May. Lingg, being braver[263]and more daring than the other leaders, was the chosen instrument toinspire the men to an attack upon the works, and he subsequently claimedthat he had been clubbed by the police during the affray.

During the turbulent and momentous days preceding May 4, Lingg’scomrades saddled upon him a great responsibility, but he never flinched.On the contrary, he proved the mettle of his make-up, not only volunteeringto carry out certain ends he himself outlined, but cheerfully assumingevery task imposed upon him and always willing to take all responsibilityfor the consequences. He was found on the North Side activelyengaged in calling Anarchists to arms, on the Southwest Side endeavoringto form a compact body of fighters in view of the near approach ofMay 1; he was busy at Seliger’s house constructing bombs, and atmeetings giving instructions how to make infernal machines. His workwas never finished, and never neglected. At one time he taught hisfollowers how to handle thebombs so that they wouldnot explode in their hands,and showed the time anddistance for throwing themissiles with deadly effect;at another he drilled thosewho were to do the throwing,instructing them howto surround themselves withfriends so that detection byan enemy would be impossible.

GAS-PIPE BOMBS.
Found in Lingg’s Room. From a Photograph.

All these things kepthim busy, but his wholesoul was in the work. Hewas not alone a bomb-maker; he also constituted himself an agent to sellarms. He sold a great many large revolvers and rifles. This is shownby a note found in his trunk, addressed to Abraham Hermann. It reads asfollows:

At this time Hermann was the general agent in this city for buying andselling arms to the Anarchists. Engel had been an agent at one time, butthe men claimed that he had fleeced them, and he was dropped.

Lingg thus proved himself a very useful man to the order. He couldmake an effective speech; he was a good organizer; he could make bombswith dynamite whose power had been enhanced manifold through his skill;[264]he would carry hand-bills, and he would do anything to help along the cause.In truth, he was the shiftiest as well as the most dangerous Anarchist inall Chicago.

Gas-Pipe Bombs, Without Fuse.
Found in Lingg’s Room.

Having been a pupil of Reinsdorf, Lingg was an opponent of all peaceableagitation. He believed in organizing armed forces and conqueringeverything by main force. He had no love at all for those who talkedpeaceable agitation; he called them fools and cranks. Of this class werethe old-time Socialists, and he looked upon them with haughty disdain.He found better material to work on for helping him in the revolution heproposed, and, although he molded many an Anarchist out of the softer clayof humanity, still he was not satisfied, but complained continually thatthey did not move fast enough, did not take hold with celerity and failed todevelop such heroic qualities as he wished to see. The restless spiritwithin him, his implacable hatred of society, tinged with the bitterness ofhis doubtful birth, and his strong impulses manifested themselves in all hisacts and utterances. An illustration of thesetraits is the impatience he exhibited over thefailure of trusted men to come early to the houseof Seliger to secure bombs on the evening ofMay 4, and his departure with the bombs toNeff’s Hall to have them speedily distributed.Another example is found in the bitter reproacheshe heaped on those who had failed to carry outtheir part after the inauguration of the Haymarketriot. His hopes, his ambitions, had beenset on the successful consummation of that plot.It was to have overthrown all government andall law, which he declared were good enough forold women to prevent them from quarreling, but needless for men of intelligenceand independence.

For four weeks prior to the 4th of May he was out of work, but he wasby no means idle. He worked early and late attending meetings and makingbombs, so that, the moment the signal for the general revolution wasgiven, every member of the armed sections might be supplied with thedestructive agent. He wanted the whole city blown up, every capitalistwiped off the face of the earth; and he and his trusted comrades, Sundayafter Sunday, in anticipation of the uprising, practiced in the suburbs withrifles and 44-caliber revolvers. Lingg became the most expert of them alland was looked upon by his associates as a crack shot.

Lingg’s money and time were freely given to the purchase of arms andto the manufacture of dynamite bombs. His room at Seliger’s became averitable arsenal, and, the more deadly “stuff” he brought into the house,the more pleased he became, and the more bitter grew the enmity of Mrs.[265]Seliger toward him. How careful and elaborate were his preparations forthe coming day is not only shown by the deadly implements found in hisroom, but is evidenced in the statements of his trusted lieutenants. Thesestatements—made to me by men anxious to save themselves, prostratesuppliants for mercy, whose every material revelation was corroborativeof the others, although given independently and under different circumstancesand without knowledge of what others had said—unmistakablypointed to a most gigantic conspiracy. Read any of these statements, andno doubt can exist that, had it not been for the hand of Providence on thenight of May 4, thousands of people would have been killed and vast districtsof the city laid waste. Lingg expected it as certainly as he believedin his own existence at the time, and his intimate comrades bent all theirenergy in the direction of carrying out the villainous plot.

UNFINISHED GAS-PIPE BOMBS.
Found in Lingg’s Dinner-Box. From a Photograph.

But “the best laid plans of mice and men gang aft agley,” and theHaymarket riot proved a most bitter disappointment. Lingg was fairlybeside himself with chagrinand mortification. The oneconsuming desire of his lifehad utterly and signallyfailed of realization. Heclearly foresaw dire troublein consequence of the attempt,and his mind wasbewildered with perplexitiesas to his future movements.On the night of May4, about 11:30 o’clock, when the full truth of the failure of the riot hadflashed upon him, he stood in front of No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, not knowingexactly whither to turn for refuge from possible arrest, and, while in thisdilemma, he broached the subject to Seliger, finally asking to be permittedto remain at the house over night until next morning, when he promised hewould move away. He was without a cent in his pocket, having squanderedall his money in the manufacture of bombs, confident of plenty whenhe and his fellows had secured control of the city. Seliger, knowing hiscondition, finally consented.

The next morning came, but Lingg manifested no disposition to carryout his promise.

“I would move from here now,” said he, very adroitly, “but if I do so itwould create suspicion.”

Seliger saw the force of the argument, and, being implicated also in themanufacture of bombs, shrewdly concluded to let him remain until mattersquieted down. Lingg accordingly remained until the 7th of May. On thisdate officers began to appear in the vicinity, looking into the haunts and[266]resorts of Anarchists. This startled Lingg, and, lest they might pouncedown upon his room, he decided to speedily vacate the premises. He didmove, but with such haste that he left his implements of destruction andnearly all his personal effects behind him. When the house was finallysearched the “bird had flown.”

I sent out eight good detectives, and kept them working night and daylooking for the bomb-maker, but no one could furnish a clue. It waslearned that Lingg had a sweetheart, and her movements were closelywatched. The houses of his known friends were also watched, and all hisacquaintances shadowed. Anarchists who had hopes of saving their ownnecks if he could be found were pressed into the service, and decoy letterswere sent out. Money was even held out as an inducement to divulge hishiding-place, but all to no purpose.

These expedients were kept up until the 13th of May, when I sent forMrs. Seliger to ascertain where Lingg had last been employed and securethe addresses of all his friends. Nearly all the places she mentioned hadbeen visited, but she spoke of one place that seemed to me to hold outsome promise of a successful result. Mrs. Seliger stated that there was aplace near the river, where there was a bridge that she had heard spokenof, and that Lingg had said to her husband that he would call on a friendof his near that place, on Canal Street. This place I at once recognizedas being only a few blocks from the shop where Lingg had worked. Mrs.Seliger further stated that her husband had told her that this shop was onlya few blocks from a Catholic church. All this I regarded as a good clue,and Officers Loewenstein and Schuettler were promptly detailed to follow itup—first going, however, to a planing-mill on Twelfth and South ClarkStreets to ascertain if Lingg had ever worked there.

The officers carried out these instructions, and a few hours later theyreturned to the office, their faces wreathed in smiles. They informed methat they had secured a clue, that only a few days before Lingg had sentthere for his tool chest, and that they had learned of a man who had noticedthe number of the express wagon that had carted it away. But this man,they said, they would be unable to see until the next day.

Bright and early the next morning the officers started out with newinstructions and visited the house of the person who had so singularly takennote of the express number. They found him, and he gave them all theinformation he possessed. About eleven o’clock the officers found the residenceof the expressman, whose name was Charles Keperson and whosewagon was numbered 1,999. He lived at No. 1095 Robey Street. Theofficers rapped on the door, and a little girl about ten years of age answered.On being asked after her father she informed them that he was not at home.They inquired if her father had not brought in a trunk. She replied thather father had brought no trunk into their house, but he had hauled a tool[267]chest from down town, which he had taken to a house on an adjoiningstreet. She pointed out a little cottage at No. 80 Ambrose Street, and onbeing asked if she had seen her father take it there she answered:

“Oh, yes, it was a gray-colored box, and I heard my father say itbelonged to Louis Lingg.”

LINGG’S REVOLVER.
Cocked as found when wrested from
Lingg’s hands after the struggle with Officer Schuettler.
From a Photograph.

The officers went over to the cottage and learned that a family namedKlein lived there. Schuettler knocked on the door, and Mrs. Klein responded.He asked if Louis was at home. She replied that he was not and that hehad gone out with some gentlemen about nine o’clock. She inquired whathe desired to see Louis for, and Schuettler told her that he owed Louis $3and had come to pay him. He further informed her that they were goodfriends, both carpenters, and belonged to the same union. She inquiredafter his name, and Schuettler responded that it was “Franz Lorenz.”Lorenz was a well known Anarchist, and it was thought the name wouldprove effective in winning the woman’s confidence. She said that herfather lived only a short distance from the house, and she would step overand ask him if he knew where Louis had gone. This conversation hadtaken place in a rearroom of the house. Thewoman excused herself,and ostensibly startedfor the house of herfather. She passed intothe front room and slammedthe outer door.Loewenstein stepped out of the back room to see if she had really gone,but he saw no Mrs. Klein. At the same time he noticed Lingg’s cheststanding on the rear porch, covered with a piece of carpet. Loewensteinreturned, and he had hardly joined Schuettler when Mrs. Klein stepped in.She said she had seen her father, but that he did not know where Louishad gone. The officers were suspicious, of course, but they said nothing,simply withdrawing with the assurance that they would call again and seeLingg some other time.

After leaving, the officers walked for two blocks and talked over the mysteriousactions of Mrs. Klein. They concluded to go back and search thehouse. They secured entrance from the rear, and, while Loewensteinguarded the front door, Schuettler entered the rear room. There he founda man smoothly shaven. Lingg had been described as having chin whiskers.Schuettler stepped up to the man, however, and asked his name.In an instant Lingg—for it was none other—whipped out a 44-caliberrevolver, which he had had concealed in front inside his trousers, and, withthe glare of a tiger held at bay, he turned on the officer. Schuettler saw themovement, and, quick as a flash, sprang on Lingg and seized the weapon.[268]They clinched, and while the one was struggling to save himself and securehis prisoner, the other was bent upon killing the officer and effecting his ownescape. Both were strong, muscular and active, and the cottage shookfrom foundation to rafters as the bodies of the contestants swayed in theequal contest. Lingg quivered with rage and aroused himself to his utmostto vanquish the foe. He realized that the result meant life or death. Atone moment his revolver was pressed close to the officer’s breast, and witha superhuman effort the Anarchist tried to send a bullet on its fatal mission.But Schuettler had a firm grasp of the cylinder and wrenched the weaponaside. In another second, while the mastery was still undecided, Lingg, bya quick movement of his hand, brought the revolver square into the officer’sface. At that moment, however, Schuettler managed to get Lingg’s thumbbetween his teeth. The Anarchist made a sudden dash to release his thumband succeeded in breaking loose.

All this took place in less time than it takes to tell it. The momentLingg was foot-loose, Schuettler found time to shout for his companion,who had stood on the outside in front of the house, all unconscious of theshort but desperate struggle within. Loewenstein did not stop a momentto determine what was wanted, but sprang into the room. He entered justat the moment when Schuettler had bounded after Lingg on his release andfound him holding Lingg tightly by the throat with one hand and therevolver with the other. Loewenstein saw the situation at a glance, and,raising his loaded cane, brought it down on the Anarchist’s head. Thisstunned Lingg, and he was overpowered. The revolver was wrenched fromhis hand and placed on a table, and the officers adjusted the handcuffs.These had no sooner been placed in position than Lingg made a suddendash for his revolver. But the detectives were too quick for him.

Lingg’s teeth gnashed with rage, and his eyes fairly bulged from theirsockets with savage scorn. The arch-Anarchist looked the picture of desperation.He had been vanquished, however, and he saw that furtherresistance was useless.

Mrs. Klein had meanwhile been an excited spectator, but before shecould collect her thoughts and decide what course to take under the circumstances,Lingg was in the power of the law. Seeing this, she hurried out.It was not long before the whole neighborhood heard of what had happened,and, as the officers started to take their prisoner to the Hinman Street Station,a true-hearted Irish-American came up, accosted them and said:

“My dear boys, your lives are in danger here. Nearly every one wholives about here is an Anarchist. Wait for a minute, and I will give youprotection.”

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A DESPERATE STRUGGLE.Louis Lingg’s Arrest.

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He disappeared, but meanwhile the street had become crowded with anexcited populace. He soon returned with a double-barreled shot-gun, readyfor action in case of emergency. No sooner had he placed himself at thedisposal of the officers than a loyal Bohemian-American came runningacross the street, and said:

“Officers, I will also protect you against this mob.”

He had in his hand a large navy revolver, and he showed that he wasready to assist the officers, even at the cost of his own life.

Schuettler and Loewenstein, under this volunteer escort, marched Linggto the Hinman Street Station, reaching there about twelve o’clock. SergeantEnwright was in charge of the station that day, and, lest any attemptat rescue might be made, he called in all his officers and gave theminstructions as to what should be done to protect the station. He alsoordered out the patrol wagon, and detailed five officers to accompanySchuettler and Loewenstein to the Klein residence to investigate the premises.They made a thorough search, but could discover nothing except alot of cartridges. They also investigated the houses at Nos. 64, 66, 68 and70 on the same street, all occupied by Anarchists, but they found nothing.The presence of the police, however, speedily cleared the street, and all thelow-browed, shaggy-haired followers of the red flag hunted their holes.Schuettler and Loewenstein then sent for the Chicago Avenue patrol wagonand transferred Lingg to new quarters at that station. On the way Lingg continuallyground his teeth, and, looking savagely at Schuettler and turningslightly towards Loewenstein, hissed out:

“If I had only got half a chance at that fellow, he would be a dead mannow.”

The officers of the Hinman Street Station did not relax their vigilanceover Ambrose Street, and one day some molds made of clay were found inthe alley in the rear of the Klein residence, proving that Lingg had notabandoned hope, but was getting ready to prepare a new supply of bombsfor a future attack.

When Lingg had been ushered into the office of the East Chicago AvenueStation, the shackles were removed from his wrists, and he was given achair. He became quiet in his new surroundings, and grudgingly answereda few simple questions. His thumb giving him considerable pain, someliniment was procured from a neighboring drug store, and the wound dressed.He was then assigned to an apartment below, and left to his own thoughts.

In the afternoon he was brought up to the office.

“What is your name?” I asked him.

“Lingg,” curtly replied the prisoner.

“Ah, yes; but how do you spell it?”

“L-i-n-gg,” came the spelling.

“Yes; but give us your full name.”

“It is Louis or Ludwig Lingg. I am twenty-one years and eightmonths old.”

He was asked a great many questions. Some he refused to answer, and[271]others he answered promptly and with pleasure, especially when theytouched on killing capitalists and capitalistic editors, as he called them. Hehad no use, he said, for these people, and thought that if they could betaken away suddenly the world would be satisfied and happy. He remarkedthat he did not blame the police very much, because they were workingmenthemselves, but there was one officer, he said, that he perfectly despised.It was John Bonfield. If he could have blown him to atoms, he thought,he might become reconciled to a great many things as they then existed.He finally gave to me and to Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, in thepresence of Officers Stift, Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman, abrief account of himself and his movements, but he said that he wouldrather die than give information against any one. He did not denywhat others had stated about him, but further he would not go. He wasinformed by Mr. Furthmann how strict the law was against conspiracies,but the only answer he vouchsafed was that the laws would not remain inforce much longer; that the working people would make laws to suit themselves,and they would not allow any higher power to dictate to them. Forhis own part, he could work and was willing to work, he said, but he wantedhis share of the profits. He thought the police had made fools of themselvesin the movement the Anarchists had inaugurated. If they had onlyknown enough, he said, to have held back, the capitalists would have beenforced to submit; but now the police had spoiled their own chances for gainfor years to come. They would be sorry for it, he added. If the Anarchistshad won in Chicago, he further stated, all the other large cities would havefallen into line, and wretchedness and poverty would have been banishedforever.

IRON BOLT FOUND IN LINGG’S TRUNK.From a Photograph.

Designed, according to Lingg’s own statement, to connect the halves of a composition bomb weighingtwelve pounds. “The Haymarket bomb,” said he, “killed six. The one which I was going to make withthat bolt would kill six dozen.” Four such bolts were found.

After Lingg had been taken away from the Ambrose Street house, Gustavand Kate Klein became anxious about their friend. They traced himto the Chicago Avenue Station and called there later in the day, afterhis arrest. When they reached the office I questioned them, although theywere not under arrest, and they answered without hesitancy. They statedthat Lingg had come to their house on the 7th of May, and had remainedindoors nearly all the time up to his arrest that day—May 14. He hadonly been out twice to secure books from some neighbors, and he had feltmeasurably safe in the locality. This section, it was found, as already[272]stated, was a hotbed of Anarchy, and as the neighbors knew the man, theywere anxious to protect him. It had even been whispered in the localitythat he was the one who had thrown the bomb at the Haymarket, but,knowing that he was a man not to be trifled with, and out of sympathy forthe cause, none would betray him. He could not have selected a betterplace for concealment. Mr. Klein had known him for some time and hadnoticed a great change in him since the Haymarket bloodshed.

“He was always cheerful,” he said, “up to that time, but since then heacted very strangely. He would not converse with any one, but alwayssought to be alone. Whenever any one came near the house he wasuneasy.”

“I noticed that too,” interposed Mrs. Klein. “He always used to fooland play with me before the Haymarket event, and was good company,but since then he was a changed man altogether.”

Mrs. Klein described the scene of Lingg’s arrest, and told how at firstshe had regarded it simply as fun between two friends, and how frightened shehad become when she discovered that it was a serious affair. She alsodescribed the terrible look which came over Lingg’s face when he found himselfpowerless to fire the revolver.

I subsequently thought it best to bring Lingg face to face with one ofhis former comrades, who had furnished information about him, and thiswas accordingly done. The moment he was brought into the presence ofthe informer his face assumed a terrible scowl, but he remained obstinatelysilent.

One day Lingg was again brought into the office, and I questioned himas to the real strength of the Anarchists in the city and country.

He smiled and said:

“Don’t you know that yet? This I cannot answer, but I will tell youthat you only know the noisy fellows. The real Anarchists in this city orcountry you do not know yet, because they are not ready to take hold, butyou will be taken by surprise unless you die soon. I only hope that I willlive long enough to see this hidden power show its strength.”

During the time Lingg remained at the station his hand was regularlyattended to, he was treated very kindly, had plenty to eat, and was made ascomfortable as possible. All these attentions somewhat mollified his bitternessagainst us.

Some time after the other interviews, I visited him and asked him if heentertained any hostility towards the police. He replied that during theMcCormick factory riot he had been clubbed by an officer, but he did notcare so much for that. He could forget it all, but he did not like Bonfield.If it had not been for Bonfield, he said, the street-car men, in their strikein the summer of 1885, would have had things all their own way, and thatwould have changed everything all over the city in a business way.

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“If I could only kill Bonfield,” he vehemently declared, “I would beready to die within five minutes afterwards.”

Lingg was a singular Anarchist. In every act and word he showed nocare for himself, but he always expressed sympathy for men who had familiesand who were in trouble. He showed that he was a man with a will,and that if he set his mind to the accomplishment of an end he would bendall his energies to attain it.

There was another peculiarity about Lingg which distinguished himfrom the rest of his associates. Although he drank beer, he never drank toexcess, and he frowned upon the use of bad or indecent language. Hewas an admirer of the fair sex, and they reciprocated his admiration, hismanly form, handsome face and pleasing manners captivating all.

On the 27th of May, Lingg and Engel were taken in a patrol wagon tothe Harrison Street Station, where the “art gallery” of the Police Departmentwas kept, to have their photographs taken. On the way, Loewensteinremarked to Lingg:

“Louis, you want to look your prettiest, so that you will make a goodpicture.”

“What difference does it make whether a dead man’s picture looks goodor bad,” was the reply, uttered in a most serious manner and in a strongtone of voice.

From the gallery the Anarchists were driven to the County Jail, andthat was the last time they ever saw the streets of Chicago or breathed theair outside of prison walls.

From the day Lingg entered the jail he became surly and ugly to all theofficers, but he implicitly obeyed all prison rules. He held himself alooffrom everybody except his fellow Anarchists, and would have nothing to sayto any one except his friends or his sweetheart.

Lingg was very fond of children, and when those of Neebe, Schwab orothers called at the jail he would play with them and seemed to extractmuch amusement from their little pranks and antics.

Mrs. Klein often visited him and always brought a baby, in which Linggseemed to take a special interest. Lingg and Mrs. Klein conversed freelytogether, and he seemed to enjoy her visits greatly. Whenever she calledshe brought him fruit of the season and choice edibles with which to varyhis prison fare.

Lingg and his associates proved quite a drawing card, and Anarchistsfrom all parts of the country called at the jail. But while his fellowsappeared pleased to hold receptions, so to speak, Lingg did not desire thecompany of strangers. He gave his time only to the few ladies who calledon him and to his nearest friends. He disliked being gaped at by curiosity-seekers,and when he had no good friend to keep him company he traveledthe corridors of the jail beyond the reach of public gaze. He also whiled[274]time away by cutting pretty little carvings out of cigar-boxes with his jack-knife,and in this he displayed considerable ingenuity. Tiring of thisdiversion, he would pick up a book or a paper; but, however monotonousprison life at times became, he never thrust himself before the visitors’ cageto pose before the idle throng. Many callers came to sympathize withLingg as well as to admire his handsome physique, and, as he would notallow his hair to be cut after his incarceration, his flowing, curly locks addedto his picturesque appearance.

LINGG’S SWEETHEART.
From a Photograph.

But there was one visitor he always welcomed. It was his sweetheart,whose acquaintance he had made before his arrest, and who became a regularcaller. She invariably wore a pleasant smile, breathed soft, lovingwords into his ears through the wirescreen that separated the visitors’ cagefrom the jail corridor, and contributedmuch toward keeping him cheerful.This girl had lived at one time witha family on West Lake Street, in theheart of an Anarchist camp, but, forsome reason, while her lover was at theChicago Avenue Station she never paidhim a visit. The second day after hehad been locked up at the County Jailshe promptly made her appearance,however, and became a regular visitor.She simply passed with the jail officialsat first as “Lingg’s girl,” but one daysome one called her Ida Miller, andthereafter she was recognized underthat name. She was generally accompaniedby young Miss Engel, thedaughter of Anarchist Engel, and during the last four months of her lover’sincarceration she could be seen every afternoon entering the jail. She wasalways readily admitted until the day the bombs were found in Lingg’s cell.After that neither she nor Mr. and Mrs. Klein were admitted. While it hasnever been satisfactorily proven who it was that introduced the bombs intothe jail, it is likely that they were smuggled into Lingg’s hands by his sweetheart.She enjoyed Lingg’s fullest confidence, and regarded his every wish.

It is not known whether Miller is the real name of the girl, but itis supposed to be Elise Friedel. She is a German, and was twenty-twoyears of age at the time, her birthplace being Mannheim, which was alsoLingg’s native town. She was robust in appearance, with fair complexion,and dark hair. She had quite a penchant for beer, and could sit in a crowdof her Anarchist friends and drink “schnitts” with the proficiency of a veteran.[275]She always entertained hope of executive clemency, but when Linggdied at his own hands she somewhat surprisingly failed to evince great sorrow.Perhaps the consciousness of having aided him in escaping the gallowshad prepared her for the worst.

Lingg’s terrible death did not perceptibly change her demeanor. Shewas seen at several dances shortly afterwards, and seemed to enjoy herselfas much as anybody. She even danced with detectives, unconscious oftheir calling, and, in jesting with them, her laugh was as hearty and ringingas though she were bent on capturing a new beau.

During all the long, weary days Lingg remained in jail his demeanor wasthe same as during the trial—cool, collected and unconcerned. No specialtrouble apparently burdened his mind. His constant companions—wheneverthey were permitted to be together—were Engel and Fischer. Theyappeared to believe that their fellow prisoners and co-conspirators wouldturn on them to save their own lives.

The statement Lingg made, on the 14th of May, omitting the part pertainingto his occupation, age and residence, was as follows:

CAN OF ENGLISH DYNAMITE AND LADLE.
Used by Lingg in Casting Bombs. From a Photograph.

At this interview there were present, besides myself, Furthmann, Stift,Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman. On the 17th of May, Linggagain remarked to Officer Schuettler that he regretted that he had not hada chance to kill him.

On the 24th of May Lingg and Hubner were brought together, andAssistant State’s Attorney Furthmann asked the latter if he knew thebomb-maker.

“Oh, yes, I was at his room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, helping himto make dynamite bombs, and what I stated in my affidavit is true.”

Lingg scowled furiously, and emphatically denied the statement. All[277]he could be made to say in explanation of the affair, however, was that he“had been a Socialist all his life and ever since he could think.”

Ernst Hubner was arrested by Officers Schuettler and Whalen onthe morning of May 18, at six o’clock, while he was on his way to hiswork. He is a German by birth and a carpenter by trade, and workedfor a man by the name of Schombel, on the corner of Clybourn Avenue andLarrabee Street. He was about forty years of age, married, wore veryshabby clothes, and lived, at the time of his arrest, at No. 11 MohawkStreet, in three small and dirty rooms. His house was searched, and theofficers found one breech-loading rifle, one large 44-caliber Remingtonrevolver and half a pailful of ammunition for both guns. While theywere searching the house, Mrs. Hubner, a sickly, delicate woman, said toOfficer Schuettler:

“My dear man, if my husband had gone more to his shop and to workinstead of running to meetings, you would not find my house in this shape.I am all broken up. I am sick, and now he is arrested. I suppose this isthe last of our family.”

The search still going on, Mrs. Hubner crossed the room to a closet,saying to Schuettler:

“Here, officers, take this devil’s print out of my house. This is whatmy husband prayed with night and day, and what got him into trouble. Ifyou don’t want to take it, I will throw it into the stove. I don’t want anymore families made miserable by it.”

The officer opened the bundle, and the first thing he saw was a pictureof the burly face of John Most. This led to the exchange of a few pleasantriesbetween the officers.

“I have got him,” shouted Schuettler.

When Officer Whalen got a glimpse of the portrait, which was printedon the cover of a pamphlet, and not knowing what the title on the coverhad reference to, as it was printed in German, or whom the picture represented,he facetiously remarked:

“I see the face of a Scotch terrier.”

“You fool,” replied Schuettler, with a twinkle in his eye, “that isJohann Most.”

“Well,” retorted Whalen, “if that is the great Anarchist, he ought tohave two more legs. He’d make a fine ratter.”

In the bundle were found a number of Communistic, Socialistic andAnarchistic documents, and a complete collection of hand-bills of allthe meetings that had been held for years past. Hubner had been anactive worker at all times. He would post bills, carry hand-bills and doany kind of work for the “good of the cause.” No meetings were everheld too far from his home. He was well known in all the “groups” andto all the leaders. He attended all the picnics and parades. Nothing[278]delighted him more than to carry the big banner belonging to the InternationalCarpenters’ Union No. 1. How he strutted and flaunted that banneras he passed churches, police stations and the residences of the wealthy.Next to Most’s book, that banner was his principal source of inspiration.He would even neglect his meals for the sake of bearing aloft that crimsonstandard. Whether this was the cause of his emaciated look at the timeof his arrest is problematical, but certain it is his appearance, whenbrought before me, indicated want and starvation, and his voice was weakand husky.

“From what I can hear about you,” I said, “it appears that you areone of the ‘boys.’”

“Oh, well,” drawled Hubner, “you may hear a great deal.”

“Yes,” I replied, “I hear so much it keeps me busy thinking.”

“Have you been thinking any of me?” queried Hubner.

“I have, and I think you are the worst I have heard of yet.”

“Ah, but you have got others far more dangerous than I am.”

“If you want to give credit to any one else, name the parties.”

Hubner finally stated that only on the evening previous, at a meeting ofthe Carpenters’ Union, a member had said that their attorneys, Messrs.Salomon & Zeisler, held that there was no law to convict any one, and thatthey would secure the release of the “boys” as fast as the police lockedthem up. They advised all to “keep their mouths shut,” and that, in theevent of an arrest, the police could not hold them longer than two days.

“Do you want to try that and see how it works?” I asked.

“That’s what I want,” responded Hubner, bent on an experiment.

“Well, I guarantee you,” said I smilingly, “that you will remain herewith us as long as we like your company. When we get tired of you wewill send you to the big jail. Officer, take this man and tell the lockup-keeperthat he will probably stay with us a week.”

Hubner was escorted down stairs, given a good cell and allowed to metaphoricallywrap “that banner” around him as he lay down to dream ofAnarchy. Things got monotonous, however. The very next day he sentword that he desired to see me. He was brought up and made a longstatement. He assured me that every word was true, that he would faceany of those mentioned and defy them to contradict his assertions. Hetold the day and date of almost every transaction. He said he wouldswear to everything he had stated.

“I don’t believe in a God,” he added, “but when I swear, I understandthat if I should tell a lie or an untruth I can be punished for it. I am disgustedwith the way things are now. There are no more brave men.”

After a few days he was released by order of the State’s Attorney.Before leaving, he promised that he would testify in court in accordancewith his statement, and afterwards, for a time, he was on hand wheneversent for.

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The parties arrested were required to report regularly. At the commencementof the trial, they were all kept in a large room in the station,where ten officers guarded them night and day. They were taken out forexercise every evening, but were not allowed to talk to any one. Theirwives had the privilege of seeing them, but an officer was always present tohear what was said.

Hubner after a time showed signs of weakening. He had been seen bythe attorneys for the defense and changed his mind. He also began talkingto others, urging them not to testify. He finally said he would nottake the stand, and, as he was not wanted to testify, he was again released.After the trial he went back to his comrades, attended some of theirmeetings and talked for the cause. When the time approached for theexecution, he suddenly left the city, and subsequently sent for his family.He has returned to Chicago, however, and is working on Division andClark Streets, in a little carpenter-shop.

The following is his statement, to the correctness of which he wouldhave testified had he not been a poltroon and a simpleton. It fully bearsout the truth of the witnesses who appeared for the State during the trialas to the conspiracy and the parties thereto:

Such was the confession the brave Hubner first made to the police. Onthe 18th of May he made a second statement, as follows, adding a fewfurther details as to the conspiracy:

“On Tuesday, May 4, about 4P.M., I went to the house of WilliamSeliger, at 442 Sedgwick Street, and there I found William Seliger andLouis Lingg. I had been in Seliger’s house the day before, and I tookalong with me when I left three bombs—that is, three empty shells. Linggalso gave me the dynamite with which to fill them. Not knowing how, I[280]was afraid to fill them, and I brought them back to Lingg to fill them forme. When I got there, Seliger and Lingg were working, filling bombs orshells with dynamite. I went to work and helped them and got the bombsready for use. They had some of them filled when I got there, but in allthey filled and finished twenty round lead or metal bombs and about fifteenor eighteen long ones—that is, I mean to say, made of gas-pipe, about sixinches or more long. I saw there a lot more of dynamite and fuse. As Iwent away from there—Seliger’s house—that evening, I took along withme four long bombs, but before I left we had all the bombs finished, readyfor use. I saw about six men at 5P.M. in Seliger’s house, and when anyone came Lingg always went to the door and waited upon them. Thatevening, May 4, at eight o’clock, I went to Neff’s Hall, 58 ClybournAvenue, and when I had been there only a few minutes I saw Lingg,Seliger and a little stout man, who carried a heavy satchel with a gray clothcover. They came in together in Neff’s Hall and placed the satchel in alittle hallway leading to a ‘gents’ closet.’ I was sent to Neff’s Hall to seeand report if there were many of our armed men in the hall who were waitingfor bombs. As I had not been there long enough to find out and reportback, Lingg and Seliger got tired of waiting at 442 Sedgwick Street andbrought the satchel filled with bombs to Neff’s Hall themselves. WhenLingg saw me he came up to me and found fault with me for not reportingback sooner. He said there might have been lots of people there whofailed to get bombs or shells. After that I went to supper, since Linggwas in the hall to look after things himself. The men I saw there wereHageman and Hermann. On Monday night, May 3, I was at Greif’s Hall,54 West Lake Street, up to ten o’clock, and afterwards I also went into thesaloon. There were about forty men sitting and standing around the bar-room.Someone called out that the so-called armed sections should godown into the basement, as there would be a meeting for them. Then fortyof us went down, and we decided to hold a meeting there. This was aboutnine o’clock in the evening. Gottfried Waller was chosen president.George Engel was one of the speakers and originator of the plan then andthere given to us to shoot and kill people and destroy property. He toldus what to do and began in this way. He asked us if we knew about hisplan. The majority said ‘no.’ Then he began to tell us that his plan wasto call a meeting for the next evening at the Haymarket, and there drawout as many police as possible, so that the outside parts of the city wouldnot be strongly protected by the police. The signal for action would begiven, and they should set fire to buildings in several places and in all partsof the city. One building at Wicker Park was mentioned, and as soon asthey saw it on fire, then they should attack the police stations, throw dynamitebombs into the stations, kill the police officers and destroy the stations.In case a patrol wagon came, they should throw a bomb among the policemen,and if that did not stop them, then they should kill the horses attachedto the wagons with their revolvers or guns. After that they should destroyall the property they could. The circular that called for revenge and toarms I saw at the Monday night meeting in the basement, 54 West LakeStreet, where Engel spoke and gave us the plan of revolution. The lyingof Engel about the killing of six of our brothers at McCormick’s factorystarted me so that I was ready to do anything desperate. The speech ofEngel in the basement that evening worked on me so that I went to Seliger’shouse on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, and helped to finish the bombs,[281]as I stated before. George Engel told those that had no arms to stay athome away from the Haymarket meeting, and that men who had arms butno courage should also stay at home. In that meeting there were presentAdolph Fischer, Gottfried Waller, George Engel, Breitenfeld, Schnaubelt,John Thielen, Abraham Hermann, Herman Hageman, the two Lehmans andHubner. Waller told us to go ahead and do our work, that he would bewith us. The meeting lasted from nine o’clock to eleven.

MUNTZENBERG PEDDLING BOMBS AND BOOKS.

Fischer and others agreed to have the circular printed calling the meeting at the Haymarketfor Tuesday night, May 4. After all the plans had been explainedto us Fischer said ‘That is the one’—meaning the murderous plan—‘that weadopted in our group meeting.’ Every division group were to make theirown arrangements. The North Side armed men should meet Tuesdayevening, May 4, at the foot of Webster Avenue and Lincoln Park, at theSchiller monument. I went there. I could not find enough of our peoplethere, as the night was dark and those present were scattered. I got tiredof waiting for others. The four bombs I had with me that night I took tothe North Avenue Pier and threw them into the lake. Then I went homeand went to bed. This was about ten o’clock. I did not hear anything ofthe shooting or the explosion of the bomb or the killing of the policemen atthe Haymarket until the next morning when I got up. I went home soearly on that evening because I had a headache from the smell of the dynamite[282]used in filling the bombs. We filled thirty-five in all. The word‘Ruhe’ was intended as the signal word. If it should appear in theArbeiter-Zeitung May 4, in the ‘Briefkasten,’ then that would be a notificationto be ready for the revolution. We were to watch also for the fire andshooting signals as well as the appearance of that word in the paper. Wewere then all to get ready. I only know of Lingg as a manufacturer ofbombs. The plan was presented to the men to go and blow up the ChicagoAvenue Station. Also many others were to blow up the Larrabee StreetStation and the Webster Avenue Station. The work I did on the bombswas drilling holes in them. This statement I make of my own free will andaccord in the presence of the officers named, and it is true and correct.And I furthermore will say that I will not take any bribe to change mystatement or make denials; neither will I leave the city or the State as longas this case is pending in court, unless I have the consent of Capt. Schaack;that I always will be ready to give testimony for the people, whenever I amcalled on in this case, and that I will never make a second statement, thatis to say, to a notary public or a justice of the peace, in writing or verbally;that I will only make a statement under oath for the grand jury of the CriminalCourt, or Capt. M. J. Schaack.”

Here follow the signature, etc., and the notarial acknowledgment.

On the 24th of May, Hubner, among other things, stated that he knewHerman Muntzenberg.

“I met him,” he said, “as I was carrying around hand-bills for themeeting called May 4 at the Haymarket. Muntzenberg went with me toSeliger’s house that afternoon. We saw Lingg and Seliger making thedynamite bombs, and we helped them to make them. Muntzenberg and Ispent about three hours in Seliger’s house that afternoon. Muntzenbergwas there when it was stated that the dynamite bombs should be carrieddown to Neff’s Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, that night. Muntzenberg and I,by order of Lingg, went down to Neff’s Hall to see how things looked thereand report back to him. That is why Muntzenberg went to meet Linggand Seliger to help them to carry the bombs to Neff’s place.”

Since the trial I have learned that Hubner knew a great deal more thanhe divulged in his confession, and that he was one of the parties chosen toaid in blowing up the Webster Avenue Station.

CHAPTER XV.

Engel in the Toils—His Character and Rough Eloquence—Facing hisAccusers—Waller’s Confession—The Work of the Lehr und Wehr Verein—ADangerous Organization—The Romance of Conspiracy—Organization of the ArmedSections—Plans and Purposes—Rifles Bought in St. Louis—The Picnics at Sheffield—ADynamite Drill—The Attack on McCormick’s—A Frightened Anarchist—Lehmanin the Calaboose—Information from many Quarters—The Cost of Revolvers—LorenzHermann’s Story—Some Expert Lying.

ENOUGH was at this time known to make George Engel a mark forspeedy police attention. It had been established beyond a doubt thathe was one of the central figures in the conspiracy, and it was not long beforea warrant was secured charging him with murder. I detailed OfficersStift and Whalen to serve the document, and they found him at his home,No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue. He was a man about fifty years old, stoutlybuilt, round-shouldered, weighing about 170 pounds, and about five feeteight inches in height. He was married and had a daughter about sixteenyears of age. He was by trade a painter, but he and his wife conducted a toy-storeat the place where they lived. In addition to toys, they sold cigarsand tobacco. The building he lived in was a two-story frame, and his supportcame principally from his business. He always claimed to be a verygood friend of policemen, many of whom he said he knew, and they all, heclaimed, liked him. He was very radical in his ideas, however, and at alltimes took an active interest in Anarchist meetings. In fact, he was one ofthe most rabid of them all. He was a successful organizer and a hard, persistentworker for the cause. He was one of the most positive, determinedspeakers in the German language in Chicago. He could hold a house allnight, and his auditors were always charmed with his ingenious argument,his powerful invective and his captivating sophistry. He was well read onall topics bearing upon Anarchy, had a wonderful memory, and he couldalways promptly give a plausible “reason for the faith that was in him.”His speeches were always plain, and, although he talked rapidly, he spokewith a directness and force that took complete possession of the illiterate andunthinking rabble. He could work up his auditors to the point of desperation,and with a word he could have sent them out to pillage and murder.It was his brain alone that evolved the gigantic plan of murdering hundredsof people and laying waste thousands of dollars’ worth of property in Chicago,and the fact that he found so many willing to execute his purposefully proved his power and influence over his Anarchist followers. Like allrabid Anarchists, he had no use for clergymen or the church, Sisters of Charityor anything else that had a tinge of religion in it. He called themall hypocrites and frauds. He was a great admirer of Louise Michel, the[284]French Anarchist, because of her fearlessness and courage, and he neverfailed to bestow words of praise on Most, whose work he fairly worshiped.The organs of the Anarchists in Chicago he did not think radical enough,and so he ventured to publish a paper of his own called theAnarchist,which, however, did not survive long. He was known as an honest man inall his dealings with his fellow-men, earnest in his convictions, but withal amost dangerous leader and most unrelenting in his hatred of existingsociety, and thoroughly unscrupulous in the methods to be used to bringabout a change.

GEORGE ENGEL.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

Engel was always cool and collected, rarely exhibiting signs of excitement.This fact was brought out moststrikingly when the officers found himat his home, on the 18th of May, atfive o’clock, and informed him thatthey had a warrant for his arrest onthe charge of murder. He was paintingin his house at the time, and, turningto the officers with a smile on hisface, he nonchalantly remarked:

“Well, this is very strange.”

The officers then told him that Idesired to see him immediately, andhe responded that if that was the casehe supposed he must go with them.

When he arrived at the station hewas informed again of the nature ofthe charge against him, and the floor,so to speak, was accorded him for anyexplanations he might desire to make.

“I am the most innocent man inthe world,” he began, in a slow, deliberatevoice. “I could not hurt a child or see any one hurt.”

Engel was then subjected to some close questioning, and all he couldbe made to say was this:

“On Monday, May 3, I was working for a friend of mine named Koch.I was doing some painting for him that evening between the hours of eightand nine o’clock. I then went to a meeting at Greif’s Hall, 54 West LakeStreet. The meeting was held in the basement. I don’t know Mr. Waller.I do not belong to the Northwest Side group. I don’t belong to any armedmen. I don’t know of any plan or conspiracy. I did not give any plan atthat meeting. I was there at the meeting only a little while. I did notspeak there, nor had I anything to say to any one. I did not, and was notauthorized by any one to give a plan.”

[285]

He thus flatly contradicted every charge and seemed determined to puta bold front upon the situation. Confronted by the facts, he never winced,but kept up a bold exterior. He was then locked up at the station. Subsequentlyhis wife called and met him in my office.

“Papa, see what trouble you have got yourself into,” she sadlyremarked.

“Mamma,” he responded, “I cannot help it. What is in me mustcome out.”

“Why,” I interposed, “don’t you stop that nonsense?”

MISS MARY ENGEL.
From a Photograph.

“I know,” replied Engel, “I have promised my wife so many times thatI would stop it. But I cannot do it.I cannot help it that I am possessed ofsome eloquence and enthusiasm. Itis a curse to some people to be possessedof this knowledge. I cannothelp it that I am gifted in that way. Iam not the first man that has beenlocked up for this cause, but I will bearit like a man. Louise Michel is a greatwoman. She has been locked up andsuffered for principle. I am willing todo the same.”

When Engel was asked where hehad been on Tuesday evening, May 4,he responded: “At home all night,lying on a lounge.”

Two days after Engel’s arrest Isecured a statement—in addition tothat of Hubner—from Gottfried Waller,implicating the nervy Anarchistin the conspiracy in connection with“the plan.”

I therefore thought it best to have Engel face his accuser, Waller, and,on the evening of May 24, at 9:30 o’clock, the two men were brought togetherin my office. Mr. Furthmann, who was present, with the officers, askedEngel, the moment he was brought in, if he knew the party before him.Engel, without the slightest hesitancy or tremor, answered in the negative.He was next asked if he had not attended the meeting at No. 54 WestLake Street, and Engel stated that he had come in late during the proceedings.

Waller then reiterated his charge, that Engel was not only a speaker onthat occasion, but the man who had submitted a plan for murder and destruction.

[286]

“In fact,” said Waller, “you were the only man who urged a revolutionand spoke about your plan.”

When questioned as to what he had to say to this, Engel retorted that“it was not true,” as he had not been authorized by any one to propose aplan. Inasmuch as the accusation of Waller failed to make any perceptibleimpression on Engel’s mind, I decided to see how the presence of anotheraccuser would affect his deportment and answers. Accordingly Ernst Hubnerwas asked if he would face Engel, and, an answer being given firmly inthe affirmative, Engel was again brought back into the office. There werepresent at this, as well as at the former interview, Furthmann, Whalen,Stift, Schuettler, Hoffman, Loewenstein and Rehm. The moment Engelwas brought up by an officer, Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann askedHubner if he was acquainted with Engel. Hubner replied, “Yes, I knowhim.”

Addressing Engel, I said:

“This is Ernst Hubner. He says that he knows you, and he also hasmade a statement against you.”

Engel replied that he did not know the man, whereupon Hubner reiteratedhis acquaintanceship, and added:

“Your name is Engel, and you keep a toy-store on Milwaukee Avenue.You made speeches at 58 Clybourn Avenue. I saw and heard you severaltimes. I saw you in a meeting May 3, 9P.M., at 54 West Lake Street.”

“Engel,” I interrupted, “listen, and I will read you what Hubner saidabout you.”

Engel assented, and the statement of Hubner, as already given, wasread.

“It is false,” replied Engel; “but if that good man says I did say so,then you can believe him. I do not care.”

“Where did you see Engel last?” inquired Furthmann of Hubner.

“I saw him at the meeting held at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street,where I heard him speak about the revenge circular and his plan, which hesaid had been adopted by the Northwest Side group. He spoke of theplan as I have heretofore explained in my affidavit to the officers.”

“You still say that that affidavit is true in every respect?”

“I do,” emphatically replied Hubner.

“It is not so, and it is not true,” stoutly replied Engel.

“Well,” said I, “there are other people, and we will have more, whowill prove that you did make a revolutionary speech and submitted a plancalling on your people to get ready with their arms and do violence. Ifother witnesses are produced, will you still have the same answer togive?”

“It would not be true; it is not so,” reiterated Engel.

“But,” I added, “suppose I produce twenty more men who will accuse[287]you the same as Waller and Hubner have accused you, what then would youhave to say?”

“My answer,” responded Engel, “would be that I have never spoken ascharged against me. It is not true.”

Engel had evidently made up his mind to deny everything, and, knowinghis character for stubbornness, I made no further efforts to secure a statementfrom him. A man who could originate such a cold-blooded scheme ashe had proposed—and part of it was actually carried out in bloodshed—wasevidently not the kind to yield, and I allowed him to ruminate over his predicamentin a cell below until the 27th of May, when he was sent to theCounty Jail. As will subsequently appear, he never showed signs of weaknessduring his incarceration from the time he was taken from his housethat night until he dropped from thegallows, dying the hardest of them all.A half dozen such men at a criticaltime could upset a whole city, and itwas fortunate for Chicago that therewere not more like him during thetroublous days of 1886.

GOTTFRIED WALLER.
From a Photograph.

Some two days before Engel wasbrought in,Gottfried Waller wasarrested by Officer Whalen. It appearedthat he had been selling revolversto workingmen, and after beingtaken to the station, on the 14th ofMay, he was released on bail. Hisimportance then as a conspicuousfigure in the Monday night meeting,when the murderous “plan” wasadopted, was not clearly apparent,but he was kept under surveillanceand his antecedents carefully inquiredinto. Thielen, in his confession on the very day Waller was arrested,referred to him as having presided at that meeting, and, in describinga man who called at Lingg’s room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, saidhe “believed he worked at Brunswick & Balke’s factory.” Hubner, in hisaffidavit on the 18th of May, stated that Waller had presided on the occasionreferred to, and had even urged them to go ahead and do their work, and hewould be with them—meaning their work of destruction. On these andother facts a warrant was secured for his arrest for murder, and on the 20thof May he was again taken into custody by Officers Whalen and Stift. Hewas a Swiss by birth, a cabinet-maker by occupation, and worked at theBrunswick, Balke & Collender billiard factory. His age at the time of his[288]arrest was thirty-six years, and he was a married man with one child. Atthe time of his first arrest he was living at No. 590 Milwaukee Avenue, andat his second arrest he was found at No. 105 North Wells Street. He hadbeen only three years in America, and had scarcely settled in Chicago beforehe began attending the Anarchist meetings. He always frequented thegatherings where Swiss people assembled, and on a search being made oftheir meeting-place, 105 North Wells Street, on the 7th of May, the policefound twelve guns. It had been the headquarters for the most dangerouselement in the order, and on Waller’s visiting the place after the trial of theAnarchists a serious attempt was made on his life. He was called a spy,and was pursued until he found safety under the shadow of the ChicagoAvenue Station. Several parties were afterwards arrested for this assault.They subsequently threw a piece of iron through the window of the housewhere Waller was stopping, but this was the last futile exhibition of theirrage.

In view of his testimony, which appears further on in the review of thetrial, Waller was given an unconditional release, and he has since conductedhimself as a peaceable citizen.

After his confession bearing directly on the principal parties in the conspiracy,Waller wrote out his experience with the Lehr und Wehr Vereinin particular and his connection with Anarchy in general. His story is asfollows:

[289]

UNDERGROUND RIFLE PRACTICE.
A Meeting of the Lehr und Wehr Verein.

[290]

NUMBERED PLATES.
From Lehr und Wehr Verein Rifles.
From a Photograph.

“LIBERTY HALL,”
No. 63 Emma Street, where the Conspiracy “Plan”
was first proposed byEngel. From a Photograph.

Waller gives the details of the plan just as he gave it in court, andcontinues:

Waller then details the business that was there transacted, the storybeing identical with that he gave on the witness-stand, and alludes to hisvisit to Engel’s house on his way to the Haymarket meeting on the eveningof May 4. He had been previously asked by A. Krueger, Kraemer,and two others, who called at his own house while he was eating hissupper, to go with them to Wicker Park, as they wanted to be at their postin response to the signal “Ruhe,” but he declined to go with them. Wallercontinues:

“I went to Engel’s. He was not at home, and we waited in a roombehind the store. There were two others there, one a member of the[297]Northwest Side group, and the other I did not know. The first one wentaway to get some pepper, as he said, and returned again in a few minutes....He said he was only waiting for the pills, meaning the bombs.I waited about five minutes, and during the time a young girl about ten ortwelve years old put in an appearance, carrying a heavy parcel, which shehanded to the man who had gone out for the pepper and who was waitingfor ‘pills.’ I took the man to be her father. He disappeared behind ascreen, and I walked out.”

Waller next gives the circumstances in connection with the Haymarketmeeting precisely as he gave them in court, and reverts back to the meetingof Monday night at No. 54 Lake Street, referring to a speech madeon that occasion by Clermont. That man, Waller says, spoke substantiallyas follows: “I expect to see about 20,000 or 25,000 people at the Haymarket.The speeches should be very threatening and fierce so that thepolice will be compelled to disperse the meeting. Then, when the policebecome engaged, we can carry out our purpose.” Before this meeting cameto order, Greif, the proprietor of the place, was around lighting the lamps,and while doing so he remarked, says Waller: “This is just the place foryou conspirators.”

Among those expecting to do deeds of violence on the night of the Haymarket,at Wicker Park, was “Big” Krueger, and Waller mentions the factthat he met him the next day at noon.

“Krueger showed me a revolver,” says Waller, “and I told him that hehad better leave it at home. He replied that he would not do it, as heintended to kill every one who came across his path, and he left. A fewhours after he shot at a policeman and lost his life.”

Officer Madden was the officer thus assailed, and he immediately turnedaround and shot the Anarchist down in his tracks.

In concluding his statement Waller refers to his arrest and says:

“On the way to the station I made up my mind not to say a word.Arriving there, Capt. Schaack got to talking to me and put several questionsto me in the presence of several detectives. I noticed that telling lieswould not do me any good, and the friendly and courteous treatment of theCaptain made such an impression on my mind that I told, by and by, everythingwith a throbbing heart. I promised to repeat my statements beforecourt, and I did so.”

Otto Lehman was well known to the police by reputation through frequentmention of his name by fellow Anarchists, but he managed for sometime to keep himself out of the way of a personal acquaintanceship withthe force. He never did cherish admiration for policemen, and his dislikegrew even more intense after he had learned that he was wanted. Thesight of a blue-coat would drive him fairly wild, and the only way he couldassuage his wrath was to take to his heels and run until his surchargedfeelings had oozed out at the ends of his toes. He was a brave, defiantman in the presence of his comrades, and with his military bearing he[298]seemed the very personification of courage. He had a great penchant forlager beer, and, while emptying glass after glass, he talked Anarchy to thegreat delight of his hearers. He was an enthusiastic attendant at all meetingsof the fraternity, and always wanted the speakers to make their haranguesstrong and incendiary. If one of them failed to threaten capitalistswith dynamite and guns, he lost interest in the proceedings. In that casehe would tilt his chair back and take a nap. The moment some one raspedthe air with stinging words against capitalists and the police, Lehmanwould be on his feet and applaud vociferously. He would then adjourn toa saloon, fill himself up with lager and go home to dream of happy dayswhen everybody was to be rich without labor. Some nights he would jumpup in bed half asleep,—this is the story of his fellow roomers,—and shout:

OTTO LEHMAN.
From a Photograph.

“Down with them; shoot them! Don’t give them any quarter! The world nowis ours.”

His bed-companion, aroused by thedemonstration, would take him by thecollar and pull him down, after which hewould sleep quite contentedly. This sortof exhibition was repeated after everymeeting at which some new infernalmachine had been spoken of, or some newtorture for capitalists suggested. Suchspeeches made him strong in the faith, andso enthusiastic was he always that hemanaged to become quite a favorite withhis fellows. In return for their admiration,he would spend his last cent in buyingbeer. His boarding-house was at No. 189 Hudson Avenue.

Although this is only a two-story building, there were living in it at thetime no less than eight families. That there were no more is no fault ofthe house. And such families! Every one of them, from the youngestwho could talk, to the oldest who could bear arms, was a turbulent Anarchist.Lehman was always happy in such surroundings. Had he only hadhis wife and children there, his joy would have been as nearly complete aspossible until all capitalists had been exterminated. Unfortunately hisfamily were in Germany. He had left them there three years before. Atthat time he would have been pleased to bring them along with him had itnot been for his haste to get out of Emperor William’s dominions to escapethe law of the land.

In his new surroundings in America Lehman only waited for the daywhen millionaires would either “bite the dust” or capitulate by handingover their wealth to the Anarchists. He never for a moment doubted that[299]that day was almost at hand. Even after the Haymarket riot he had hope,but it vanished completely the moment he was within the grasp of the law.Of course, he did everything to save himself for another revolution bykeeping away from the “hated police.” Had it not been for his standingin Germany he would have returned there and waited until the excitementin Chicago had died out, and his comrades had fixed up another plan. Hewould have even gone to Canada, but he had never heard of it as a refugefor Anarchists. For a time he succeeded remarkably well in dodging us, aswe had only a meager description of his appearance; but on the 20th ofMay he was seen by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman on the North Side.They did not know him at the time. Lehman, however, apèears to havebeen suspicious of their movements, as there had recently been manyinquiries for him in the locality. The moment Hoffman caught a glimpseof the slippery Anarchist, he remarked to his comrade:

“I’ll bet that is one of the cut-throats. We’ll take him in on generalprinciples, and we can soon find out where he belongs.”

The officers gradually approached him, but Lehman, suspecting theirintentions, at once started on the run. He had run only half a block whenhe was captured, put in irons and taken to the station. On his arrival, Iasked him his name.

“I’ll tell you my name, and that is all,” replied Lehman, in a surlymood and with an air of bravado. “I am not ashamed of my name, nomatter if I am poor. I am as good a man as Grant. Now, don’t trouble meany more. I am closed, and you cannot open me with a crow-bar. Lookat me and tell the newspapers you have seen me. I am ready to be lockedup.”

“Otto,” said I, “you have a brother named August, and he has a son bythe name of Paul. That boy is a very good runner, and at the Haymarket,May 4, he was going to run and carry the news to outside men. The boydid run, but not with news for the waiting men. He kept running until hegot out of town, and I know where he is. You will have him with you in afew days. So good-by, Otto; I will see you about the first of June. Officers,lock him up.”

Otto was accordingly escorted down stairs. He had no sooner beenplaced in a cell than the officers learned the location of his boarding-houseat the number given. They at once repaired to the place and gave it a thoroughoverhauling. They learned that immediately after the Haymarket,and especially since officers had been frequently noticed in the locality,many of the occupants had disappeared in a great hurry, some even forgettingthe clean linen that hung in their back yards, and others neglecting tosquare their board bills.

The officers searched the premises and found several loaded dynamitebombs, some showing conclusively that they had come from Lingg’s factory.[300]It was subsequently learned that Lingg had furnished them to Lehman—oneon the evening of May 4, at 58 Clybourn Avenue, and another shortlyafter, on the same street, near Larrabee. The bombs were all ready foruse, and contained Lingg’s extra strong explosive, almost doubly as powerfulas the ordinary commercial dynamite.

Two days after his arrest, about eleven o’clock, Lehman was not in avery happy frame of mind. His dreams had not been pleasant, and the possibilityof hanging haunted him continually. He told the janitor that hewanted to see the Captain. I sent back word that I could not see him untilthe next day. Again in the afternoon he sent the janitor to say that he mustsee me at once, and that he would not speak so defiantly as he had donebefore. Otto was thereupon brought up. As he came in, he took off hishat and apologized for his rude behavior. After inviting the Anarchist totake a seat, I remarked:

“You know what you are arrested for?”

“Oh, yes,” he replied.

“Have you made up your mind, then, as to what you wish to say?”

He answered in the affirmative.

“Will you tell me all you know of the Anarchists ever since you becameone of them?”

Assent being given, I continued: “Now, you must understand I know agreat deal of this work myself.”

Otto said he so understood.

“Well, I don’t want you to lie to me, and I don’t want you to lie aboutanybody else to benefit yourself. All you tell me must be true, and if I findthat you conceal anything, I will consider you a liar and have nothing moreto do with you.”

“Oh, yes,” meekly and penitently replied Lehman, “I do agree withyou on that point, and you will find me right. I will swear to all I say, andif I lie you can hang me in this station. But, Captain, I want something fortelling the truth.”

“Well,” I replied, “I will have the State’s Attorney or his representativehere, and if he tells you to speak and promises to reward you, you candepend upon his word.”

In the presence of Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, Otto at onceunburdened his mind and related his knowledge of Anarchy in Chicago.He also testified to a fact, made apparent in my interviews with other prisoners,that he, like others, had been carried away by “the d——d Anarchistliterature,” as he expressed it, and that he now fully realized the utter follyof his past course. He had been told, he said, just as others had been told,by those who had lived in America for a long time, that this was a free country,and there was no law to stop them. “You can see for yourself,” theyused to say to him, “they are all afraid of us. Nobody interferes with us.We have everything all our own way.”

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“That sort of talk,” said Lehman, “made me as bad as the rest ofthem.”

He had fully believed, as his friends had informed him, that it was legalto talk dynamite, and that they could form plans for murder with impunityand without molestation. Mr. Furthmann read and explained the law tohim, when he said:

“I am glad now that I have been arrested.”

And he demonstrated the sincerity of his statement by furnishing strongevidence against all the Anarchist leaders that he knew. He was kept inconfinement until after the trial and then released by order of the State’sAttorney. He was forty years of age, a carpenter by occupation, and eversince his release he has attended to work and means to live until a goodage to make amends for his past life.

The statement he gave me was as follows:

The bomb he speaks of was among those found by Officer Hoffman atNo. 189 Hudson Avenue.

Gustav Lehman was arrested on the same day—May 20—with hisbrother Otto, only a little earlier in the morning. He was working as acarpenter, on a new building at the southwest corner of Sedgwick andStarr Streets, when Officers Schuettler and Hoffman accosted him, and hishome at the time was at No. 41 Fremont Street, in the basement of a smallbuilding. He had a poor, sickly wife and six children. His wife,—whosubsequently died in the County Hospital, in July, 1888,—when she wasnotified of his arrest, said:

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“Well, I am very sorry for my dear husband, but now my words arecoming true. He would take the last cent out of the house and run tomeetings every night. Instead of leaving the money at home to buyclothing with for the children and medicine for myself, he would spend thelast cent in saloons. At times when I heard him and others talk aboutcapitalists, about an equal division of everything, I thought it all veryfoolish, and I would tell my husband so. The only answer he would giveme was:

“‘Oh, you old women don’t know anything. You come to our meetings,and there you will be enlightened and learn how we are going to havethings before long.’

GUSTAV LEHMAN.
From a Photograph.

“I often told him, ‘You will have things so that you all will be locked upand beg for mercy and be glad to go to work and let other people alone.’One day he didn’t work; he wanted togo to a meeting on the West Side. Ireasoned with him and asked him tostay at home. I was afraid they wouldall be arrested for their foolish undertakings.Gustav got mad at me andsaid:

“‘Now is our time or never. Beforeone month is over we will have thingsour own way. We have already got thecapitalists, the militia and the policetrembling in their boots. We are prepared,and, as soon as we strike the firstblow, they will run away. Those thatdon’t run we will kill. We don’t expectto give them quarter.’”

The poor woman had clearly foreseenthe outcome, and with rare judgmentand fine instinct, in spite of her lowly station in life, she hadsought early and late to instill into her husband’s mind some practicalideas of life. Within the limited lines of her observation she had graspedthe problem of social existence, its struggles, its sufferings and its rewards,and she intuitively knew that such changes as her husband and others of hisilk desired could never be brought about by revolution in a free country.She loved her husband tenderly, and would have made any sacrifice for him.But he, rather than forego attendance at a single meeting, preferred thatwife and children should suffer want. He kept his family in constant suspenseand ranted like a madman.

Lehman was a man about forty-five years of age, weighed two hundredpounds, and, although he had only the use of one eye, he was a good mechanic.

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When he was brought to the station he was asked his name.

“I don’t give any name,” he answered, somewhat indignantly.

“Why not?” asked I, in a pacific tone of voice.

“Because,” was the gruff answer, “I don’t want anything to do withyou.”

“Oh, you don’t. I am pleased to make your acquaintance. We don’tfind such a great man as you are every day. Officer, take this man to asafe place down stairs and leave him there until we want him again.”

“Well, you don’t scare me any,” thundered the burly Lehman.

“Well, now, we don’t want to scare you,” retorted I pleasantly, “but Ithought you needed rest. You won’t feel so tired when you see us again.You will find more of your friends down stairs. If you talk to any one,you will be taken away from here and sent to the Desplaines Street Station.”

At the last remark Lehman winced perceptibly. The name of the DesplainesStreet Station grated harshly on his ear, and he evidently felt that Ihad some surprise in store for him. He could have lightly passed by anyother thrusts, but this nettled him. It was made for a purpose. I knewthat all Anarchists had an intense hatred for that station, and greater thantheir hatred of the place was their anger against Bonfield, who had chargeof it. They would rather suffer torments anywhere else than be cast intoa cell in that place.

But Lehman shortly recovered his equanimity, and, assuming a stolidindifference to his surroundings, remarked:

“If you think you can make me ‘squeal,’ you are badly mistaken.”

“Oh, no; we don’t want you to ‘squeal,’” said I. “We are rather afraidyou will beg to be allowed to come here and sit on your knees to tell us allyou know about making bombs and dynamite—all about your meetings—howoften you have presided at meetings and how much dynamite you got fromLingg; and to tell us all about your brother, and where your son is hidingnow, and where you placed the bombs that you carried around in yourpocket on May 4; how bad a headache you had after filling the bombs withdynamite at Seliger’s house. You see, August, we simply want to call yourattention to all these little things—that’s all.”

This charge proved a little too strong for the doughty Lehman. He hadkept up his courage well, but the rapidity of the assault, the dark secretshinted at and the insinuations made had taxed his powers of resistancealmost beyond endurance. His facial muscles twitched, and for a momenthe wrestled with himself. He asked for a glass of water, and, quaffing itscontents to the last drop, he rallied and straightened himself as if determinedto hold out in spite of his nerves. Recovering his breath and strugglingwith his emotions, he said:

“If you have the power to hang me, do so. I have belonged to thecause so long that I will die before I reveal anything.”

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That was sufficient. Lehman was taken down stairs and locked up. Thevery next morning he sent the janitor to my office with a request to see me.I told the janitor that I was very busy and could not be interrupted unlessLehman had something very important to communicate. To this Lehman repliedthat he had discovered that there were other men locked up downstairs, and he was satisfied that if they had a chance they would “squeal.”Would I accord him an interview? He was brought up, and, in the presenceof Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann and the officers, proceeded tounfold a very remarkable tale. He began very cautiously, evidently followingthe instructions laid down in John Most’s book for Anarchists in trouble,but, as the questions were plied upon him, he soon discovered that he was ina very “tight box.” He finally asked if there was any prospect of his beinghung. He was informed that he must tell all he knew, and all must betrue; that we did not want him to try to lie himself out of his trouble or tella falsehood against an innocent man. Probably he would be called on totestify in court, and, of course, if he was a witness for the State, he wouldnot be hanged.

“I do trust you men,” he said, and revealed all the secrets that he knew,without reserve as to his own deeds and the experiences he had had with theother Anarchists. His statement gave the officers important points.

After the trial, Lehman declared he had no more use for Anarchy. Hebecame a good husband and a kind father. In 1889 he married again, and,strange to say, Officer Nordrum acted as “best man” at the ceremony.The nature of Gustav’s testimony appears in the evidence he gave at thetrial.

Abraham Hermann was a man of different temperament; but, after hisarrest, he showed a somewhat similar disposition as to secretiveness andstubbornness. He was arrested on the evening of May 10 at eight o’clock.He lived at No. 25 Clybourn Avenue. He was about thirty-four years ofage, medium build, and weighed about 185 pounds. He was of dark complexion,wore a full black beard, had sharp, piercing eyes, and from thinkingmuch on Anarchy, had come to present a sickly appearance. He didnot look at all vicious, however, and was very quiet in his manner. He wasa good machinist and fully conversant with the German language. In conversationhe was slow and deliberate, evidently thinking twice before speaking.

At the time Abraham was taken in charge, his brother Lorenz was alsoarrested. Abraham’s house had been searched a week before, and tworifles had been found and taken to the station. When the officers met thebrothers, they were told to come to the station to identify their property,and when they set foot inside my office they were notified that they wereunder arrest. They manifested no surprise. Abraham was asked if he hadanything to say. He wanted to know what about, and when informed that[306]we wanted information about Anarchy, he slowly replied that he “did notknow any Anarchists.”

“You can probably tell us something about how to drill Anarchists andhow much profit you made on the rifles, or the 44-caliber Remingtonrevolvers; or perhaps tell us how many men you had in your command onthe night of the 4th of May around this station, and tell us about thetrouble you had with Lingg in Neff’s Hall at eleven o’clock, May 4th, afterthe explosion of the bomb at the Haymarket.”

ZEPF’S HALL.From a Photograph.

I could have put a few more queries, but I stopped to watch the effect.Abraham’s eyes bulged out for a moment in surprise, but not a word did hehave to say. He was at once locked up, and for nearly three days betrayedno signs of weakening. On the third day he showed a little anxiety andexpressed a desire to see me. He was brought up, but, getting into a comfortableroom, where the light of day made all surroundings cheerful, hebecame rather buoyant and seemed loth to depress the spirits of othersby unfolding harrowing tales of Anarchistic plots. I tried to engage himin conversation, but the answers came in monosyllables and with a sort of[307]guttural emphasis. The situation was becoming very tiresome. I thoughtAbraham had suddenly been seized with the lockjaw, but determined tofathom the man’s mind. I urged him not to be guided by Most’s book,—weunderstood that,—but to speak out if he had any information to give.If he had nothing to impart, to say so. He promptly saw that the situationwas growing critical, and that, if he still refrained from speaking,possibly his last chance for saving himself might be gone. He relaxed themuscles of his face, opened his lips and prepared to talk. It was a greateffort, but he evidently realized that something must be done.

“Well,” he finally drawled out, “I don’t know what to tell you. Itseems to me you people know about everything and have things down ascorrectly as I can give them to you. And you know all about me, too. Isay this for myself: I don’t know anything about the laws of the country.I have been told by people that ought to know better, that for what wewere doing there was no law. I now see my mistake.”

Hermann then gave information on himself and others, and stated thathe had never liked Lingg. Lingg, he remarked, was the most rabid Anarchisthe had ever seen, and he almost believed that the man had a dynamitebomb in his head. He himself had never had anything to say infavor of the use of dynamite. He was a military man, and believed in theuse of rifles. He had held that all the Anarchists should be well drilledand that no man should carry arms unless he knew how to use them. Hewas opposed to throwing stones or fighting in the streets. He believed inswords and good riflemen, and he was one of that class. His idea wasnever to undertake anything until fully prepared, and when they were preparedto let their work show the result.

During the interview he was very cautious in his statements, but he didnot spare the leaders. At the same time he would not implicate any oneof no special consequence in the order. His statement, however, was assweeping as it was surprising. He was implicitly believed by the officers,as candor and earnestness were manifest in his disclosures.

Hermann was indicted by the grand jury, but after he had been in custodyfor awhile he was released by order of the State’s Attorney. At the beginningof the trial he was brought in again and confined until its termination. Hewas then given his liberty. He has since become an industrious man, andhas only had two or three relapses by attending some of the open, publicmeetings. He now declares, however, that he is through with Anarchy.

What he had to say to Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, myself andthe officers was this:

“I have belonged to the North Side armed group since 1883. Themembers of the group are as follows: Schwab, Rau, Huber, Neebe, thetwo Lehmans, Thielen, Lingg, Hubner, Seliger, Lange, Schnaubelt, LorenzHermann, Abraham Hermann, the two Hagemans, Heyman, Niendorf and[308]Charley Bock. We were about forty men strong on the North Side. I donot know anything about the word ‘Ruhe.’ On Monday, May 3, at 9P.M.,I attended a meeting of the metal-workers at Seamen’s Hall, on Randolph,near Jefferson Street. I saw August Spies. He was passing and handingout some of the circulars that called for revenge upon the law and thepolice. Spies was at the meeting when I got there, and he had a handful ofthose circulars. I saw Spies busying himself around the meeting talkingto the people. The secretary of this meeting was a man named Hahneman.Lange was president. I belong to the North Side branch of thesame union. But this was a general meeting. I only knew a few of themembers present. The president of the meeting works for a firm onWabash Avenue—a brass-finisher named Andrew or Andre. When I leftthis meeting at ten o’clock I went to 54 West Lake Street. As I came intothe saloon some one said that there was a meeting down stairs. I wentdown. Waller was president of that meeting. I also saw Fischer there.I know Schnaubelt. He was there. When the question came up aboutprinting the circulars for the Haymarket meeting, Fischer said that hewould see to it. Some one suggested that letters should be sent to thearmed people or members in surrounding cities near Chicago, asking themto attend to the police and militia there, so that they could not come to theassistance of the officers or police of this city. On my opposition the propositionwas dropped. I saw Hubner and Lingg at that meeting. As Icame in some one said, ‘Lingg is going to attend to that.’ I understoodit to mean furnishing the dynamite bombs. I saw the meeting was intendedfor mischief, and I left the place. At a meeting May 4, at 8:30P.M., inthe hall in the rear of Neff’s saloon, 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard that theplan of operation decided upon was the same as given to the armed men at54 West Lake Street. So far as I remember the plan, it was something likethis: Some of the armed men were to go to the police stations, and, if thepolice were called out, to throw dynamite bombs among them, set the houseson fire and keep the police on the North Side. As far as I know, the NorthwestSide group had a similar plan. Lingg was not there at this time.All members present were anxious to see him come, waiting for bombs. Iwas in the hall about an hour. I went back again the same evening—May4—about eleven o’clock. The first I heard of any trouble was about 10:30.A man whose name is Anton Hirschberger came into the saloon and toldus that there had been a riot at the Haymarket. At the same time a tallman came in and said he had been at the riot, that a lot of bullets flewaround them, a bomb had exploded, and that either some one had stolen hisrevolver or he had lost it. Then Neff said he was going to close up hisplace, the hour being eleven o’clock. On Wednesday, May 5, I met Linggand Seliger at that place. I was surprised at meeting Lingg there, becauseI thought then that he ought to have been locked up. Lingg spoke to meand said, ‘You are nice cowards.’ I replied that he had better keep hismouth shut, as he was the cause of the whole affair. Hubner and I werethere to attend a meeting of our people to be held on the quiet in LincolnPark. We were to meet at the park because we expected it would not besafe to hold it anywhere else. What led me to think that Lingg ought to havebeen locked up was because he was always advocating the use of dynamiteand bombs. That a bomb had been thrown was a fact, and I thought Linggought to have been arrested for it.”

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On May 31, Hermann made another statement, as follows:

“I know August Spies. He is the editor of theArbeiter-Zeitung of thiscity. I knew him to write several articles on revolution. I was elected asan agent at a general meeting to procure and sell arms. This was in Octoberlast—1885. Balthasar Rau was chairman of that meeting. We hadseveral men as a committee. They were called the Bureau of Information.It was composed of Parsons, from the English section; Charles Bock, German,also assistant secretary to Rau; Hirschberger, French, and Mikolanda,Bohemian. Every Anarchist looked to that bureau for information.I used to get my guns from New York, from a man named Seeger. He liveson Third Avenue.

TIMMERHOF HALL,
No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. From a Photograph.

He was the middleman between me and the factorywhere the arms weremade. I got twenty-fiverevolvers lastFebruary. They wereshipped direct to meat No. 25 ClybournAvenue. I sold themall at cost price tomembers. That was$6.50. The last tworevolvers I sold May3, 1886—one to aman named Asher,and the other toAugust, a bricklayer.Before that I sold onerevolver to Schnaubelt,one to Linggand one to Seliger.It was Schnaubeltwho proposed at themeeting held at 54West Lake Street,May 3, to notify outsidecities, but I toldhim it was all nonsense.About twoweeks before thismeeting I met Breitenfeldin a saloon, and said that I had often heard this letter ‘Y,’ and I wasbound to find out its meaning when it appeared in theArbeiter-Zeitung.Breitenfeld said that it meant a meeting of the armed men, and told me towait and he would get me into the meeting. I waited for a long time—aboutan hour. Then he came out, and I was admitted with him. I wasin the meeting with him for an hour, and then it adjourned. I have knownLingg for six months. At the meeting at 54 West Lake Street on theevening of May 3, it was supposed then that the police would interfereat the Haymarket, and then there would be a chance for a riot. Fourmembers of the North Side group were detailed at that meeting as spies.If the riot should be a failure and we should get beaten by the police, ourgathering-places after that would be at Center Park, Humboldt Park, St.[310]Michael’s Church, Lincoln Park and Wicker Park. The signal of attackafter the riot had commenced was to be an illumination of the heavens byred fires. Some one asked for dynamite, and he was answered that Linggwould furnish the stuff. The different spies detailed at that meeting wereto hold a meeting the next day, each division for itself, and afterwards ina body at Zepf’s Hall, to perfect all arrangements for the riot. I accusedLingg of making dynamite bombs, and told him that if any trouble grewout of it, it would be on his account. He called me a coward. I knewthat Lingg was in trouble in Philadelphia shortly before he left there.”

Lorenz Hermann was twenty-six years of age, of slim build, with a verysallow face, and apparently a consumptive. His occupation was that of abrass-molder, and he was a good workman. On his arrival at the station heexpressed great surprise at the impudence of the officers in compelling himto come against his will. He was asked his name, and he gave it. Whenrequested to spell it, he said he did not know how; all he knew was that itwas Lorenz Hermann. Being questioned with reference to Anarchy, he repliedthat he did not know anything about it, and when accused of havingtaken part in the revolutionary plot, he said he had not taken as great a partin it as his brother had. He soon discovered that the police had a greatdeal of information about his brother, and then he changed his tactics bytrying to smooth things over for Abraham.

“My brother,” he said, “is married and has a family. I am single. Iwant to see my brother out of this trouble; no matter about me.”

“Well, then,” I interposed, “why not tell us something?”

“Me?” asked Lorenz. “I don’t know anything to tell.”

He had evidently changed his mind on the spur of the moment, and hegrew exceedingly reticent.

“Well,” said I, “I will tell you something then. I will call your attentionto May 4, between the hours of 8:30 and 10:30P.M. You were around thisstation with about nineteen other men, and among them was your brother.You were to throw bombs into the patrol wagon in case the police werecalled out to go to the West Side to assist the police at the Haymarket, butyou remained a little too long in a saloon on Clark Street. When you cameout and reached the corner of Superior Street and La Salle Avenue, you sawthree patrol wagons loaded with police going south on LaSalle Avenue, butyou were not near enough to throw a bomb. This made you very angry.Then some of you went to Moody’s church and remained there for sometime. When you finally saw so many policemen coming to the station youall got scared and went to the hall at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Oh, by the way,which route did you take on leaving the station? Did you go to the Haymarketor to Neff’s Hall?”

“I was at the Haymarket,” replied Lorenz.

“Is it not true—all that I told you about the station?”

“Yes, that is true,” responded Lorenz. “Some one told me about it.”

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“Who told you?”

“I don’t know.”

“You lie,” said I. “You must tell us who; that is the man we are after.”

Seeing that he was gradually being cornered by his evasive replies, heput on a bold front to the whole matter and answered:

“Well, I was there myself. I did not stay very long, and from there Iwent to the Haymarket. I think Hageman and I went together.”

Further questioning only brought out sullen responses, with very meagerinformation, but, after being allowed to think the matter over, he finallyconcluded to make a clean breast of it. He was kept busy with explanationsfor some time, and he gave me some very pointed information. Hewas indicted by the grand jury and afterwards released by order of theState’s Attorney. Lorenz has never been heard of since, but it is supposedhe is now leading a quiet life and proving himself a better man.

His statement, among other things corroborative of what others haddivulged, contains the following:

“At a meeting held at 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard Engel say thatif they wanted to make bombs they could find plenty of gas-pipe on theWest Side, in the city yards, near the Chicago Avenue bridge, and then ifthey wanted to learn how to make them they could come to him. All thatwas necessary was to cut the pipes up into lengths of six or eight inches,fill them with dynamite and put a wooden plug at each end. He had withhim at the time his daughter, who was about fifteen or sixteen years of age.I saw Hirschberger, Hageman and Charles Bock at eleven o’clock on theevening of Tuesday, May 4, in Neff’s place, at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Hirschbergertold those present about the riot on the West Side. I was at theHaymarket meeting in the company of Hageman, the carpenter. Two menstood close together near me, and they looked suspicious. I was there atthe time the police came up. I got frightened and ran away. I ran withoutstopping till I reached Neff’s place, on the North Side. I found mybrother there, and I told him about the throwing of the bomb, its explosionand what happened. I did not want to get mixed up in the affair, and thatis the reason I declined to speak at first. I belonged to the armed men ofthe North Side. The revolvers and guns my brother sold he got from afactory in New York. He sold about twelve guns to the Socialists. He solda box full of revolvers, about twenty in a box, for $6.90 a piece. For sevenmonths my brother acted as agent, under appointment, to procure and sellguns and revolvers.”

CHAPTER XVI.

Pushing the Anarchists—A Scene on a Street-car—How HermanMuntzenberg Gave Himself Away—The Secret Signal—“D——n the Informers”—ASatchelful of Bombs—More about Engel’s Murderous Plan—Drilling the Lehr undWehr Verein—Breitenfeld’s Cowardice—An Anarchist Judas—The Hagemans—Dynamitein Gas-pipe—An Admirer of Lingg—A Scheme to Remove the Author—TheHospitalities of the Police Station—Mr. Jebolinski’s Indignation—A Bogus Milkman—AnUnwilling Visitor—Mistaken for a Detective—An Eccentric Prisoner—Divisionof Labor at the Dynamite Factory—Clermont’s Dilemma—The Arrangements for theHaymarket.

THE Anarchists, both in and out of prison, had begun to discover aboutthis time that there was a law in the land, and that its majesty wouldbe vindicated. They were confronted with stubborn, serious facts, andthey realized that they were in a world of perplexities. They had beencircumvented at every step in their efforts at concealment, and their plothad been revealed in its most essential parts. Their leaders had beengathered in, and their comrades were being arrested every day. Cunningand shrewd as they supposed themselves to be, they had discovered thatsociety was equal to the task of probing their secrets. At first they hadassumed an air of bravado and indifference, but, seeing how easily theirbluff could be called and how closely we had the record of each, they realizedthat evasion or silence was not calculated either to keep their necksout of the halter or to save them from the penitentiary. Those arrestednearly all turned craven cowards, and this situation of affairs did not contributeto the comfort of those still outside, who were in momentary dreadof apprehension. Arrest followed arrest, and Mr. Furthmann and I werekept exceedingly busy in directing the taking of confessions and assimilatingthe material for future use. Still the good work went on.

The first victim, after the Hermann brothers, to fall under police controlwas Herman Muntzenberg. He was arrested on the evening of May 20,at eight o’clock, and the circumstances attending his arrest were somewhatpeculiar. On the evening in question, Officers Schuettler and Hoffmanwere transferring the Hermann brothers from the Larrabee Street Stationto the Chicago Avenue Station. They boarded an open street-car withtheir prisoners, whom they placed on a rear seat facing front, stationingthemselves immediately behind on the platform. In the middle of the car,facing to the rear, sat a stranger. Presently the officers noticed that theman was making signs to the Hermanns. In response, Lorenz Hermannplaced his right hand over his mouth. This was followed by another signfrom the stranger. Officer Schuettler recognized the fact that the manwas a friend of the Hermanns, and he requested the prisoners not to divulgethe officers’ identity. The stranger seemed to be in doubt about something,[313]left his seat, and, placing himself at the side of Abraham Hermann,started a conversation. He appeared to be an old acquaintance. Thiswas sufficient for the officers. When the car reached the corner of WellsStreet and Chicago Avenue, the stranger was about to leave. He wasquietly told by the officers not to trouble himself just then to get off the car,but to keep his seat a little while longer. Naturally the man was surprisedat this request of men whom he did not know, and indignantly declined toride any farther. The officers promptly told him to consider himself underarrest and not to move if he valued his life. They had in the meantime recognizedthe man as the little fellow who had carried the satchel filled withdynamite bombs to Neff’s Hall, along withLingg. It was Herman Muntzenberg.

HERMANN MUNTZENBERG.
From a Photograph.

The three prisoners were taken to thestation, and Muntzenberg was locked upby himself over night. The next day hewas brought into my office. The densityof his ignorance respecting Anarchy orAnarchists was astonishing. Like the rest,he absolutely knew nothing. Some daysafterwards, however, he took a differentview of things. A confession was lookedfor, and he was given an opportunity.

“I see everybody is in trouble,” Muntzenbergbegan dolefully. “I am in for itmyself. I cannot help anybody; nobodycan help me.”

He hesitated, as if trying to decidewhat he should do, but finally, nervinghimself, he continued:

“I will bear my own trouble. I will hurt no one else.”

“Ah,” said I, “there is Hermann, for instance; there are other people alsowho have given you away. They have all professed to be your friends intimes past, and now they are trying to save their own necks and hang you.So you want to remain silent under their charges? Have you nothing to tellon the others?”

“That would do me no good,” answered Muntzenberg.

“Then,” said I, “what have you to say about yourself?”

“You don’t know the least thing about me,” defiantly remarked the littleman.

“Probably you had such a bad headache from the smell of dynamite thatyou can’t remember anything.”

“Who told you I had a headache?” broke in Muntzenberg, now intenselyinterested.

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“Were you not afraid,” I continued, not heeding the interruption, “thatyou would fall into the basement when you sat on the iron railing at the cornerof North Avenue and Larrabee Street, near the police station, or did youfeel confident that the bombs you had in your pocket would hold you in yourplace? Another thing—you are not in the habit of smoking cigars. Didthey make you sick?”

Muntzenberg had remained somewhat passive up to this last shot, but hesuddenly showed there was a good deal of vitality in him. His eyes flashedwith excitement, and he was all attention.

“By the way,” I went on, “how much weight can you carry?”

“What do you mean?” interposed the anxious listener.

“I mean how much did that gray satchel weigh that you carried to 58 ClybournAvenue May 4, about eight o’clock?”

“D——n the informers,” ejaculated the now irate little Anarchist. “Giveme an hour to think matters over and call me again.”

He was sent back to his cell, and on the expiration of two hours he wasbrought back. He entered the office very meekly, and at once said:

“Captain, I see it is no use for me to be stubborn. Will you treat me likethe others, if I tell all I have seen and what I have done myself?”

“I promise you the same right and privilege.”

Muntzenberg made his statement and was released by order of the State’sAttorney. He was a German, twenty-eight years old, five feet seven inchestall, stoutly built, with large head and eyes, and followed the trade of ablacksmith. At the time of his arrest he lived at No. 95 North WellsStreet. On his release he promised to testify whenever wanted, but aboutthe middle of the trial he took a leave of absence and has never been seensince. Once it was reported that he was dead, but the report could not beverified. Muntzenberg was a warm admirer of Lingg, Spies and Engel,and a persistent worker for their cause. He often lost several days’ work ina week to saunter out into the country, selling Most’s books and telling peopleto arm themselves. He earned good wages when he worked, and spent itall for Anarchy. Like others, he acknowledged that he had been led astrayby incendiary literature. His statement was as follows:

“On May 4, about eight o’clock, I was sent to meet two men whocarried a satchel filled with dynamite shells or bombs. I met them abouta block from Thüringer Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue. I told them that I hadbeen asked to meet them and help carry the satchel. They said, ‘All right.’I took it from them, put it on my shoulder and carried it to the hall. Thesatchel weighed about thirty pounds. In the afternoon of that day, aboutfour o’clock, I came to the North Side and went to Hubner’s house, No. 11Mohawk Street. He was not at home. I went out to look for him. I haveknown him for some time. I found him. The second time I wanted tosee him I went to his house and found him at home in his room makingtransparencies for that night’s meeting at the Haymarket. He took lunchthen, and after that we went to Seliger’s house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street.[315]Reaching there, Hubner told Lingg and Seliger that I was his friend andall right. In the room of Lingg I saw two guns and two revolvers. Seligerwas filling the bombs with dynamite. Lingg was cutting the fuse.One of them asked me if I had any sores on my hand. I said no. ‘Then,’they said, ‘you can help us.’ My task was to fill in with dynamite thelong gas-pipe shells. I filled six or eight shells or bombs. My head commencedto ache from the smell of the dynamite, so that I could not workany longer. Hubner also worked, putting caps on the fuse. I saw threeor four men in the house at the time. I saw about ten round lead bombs onthe bed, all empty. After they were finished they were put under the bed. Inoticed about sixteen of the long gas-pipe shells or bombs about the room.At dark Hubner and I went to Neff’s Hall. Before leaving I saw one ofthe two, Lingg or Seliger, bring in a satchel and empty it of dirty clothes.As we were approaching the hall, Hubner asked me to see if they werecoming. I went to see, and met them in the alley near the street. Bothwere carrying the satchel, each having hold of the ends of the handles onthe satchel. I asked if I should help them. They answered yes. As theywere tall men, I could not carry it with either one, and so I put it on myshoulder and carried it myself. I took it into the rear hall back of thesaloon. After a little while one of them asked me where I had placed thesatchel. I told him. He said that was not the right place and asked meto bring it back. So I went after it and put it into the narrow hallway.The satchel was two feet long, eighteen inches high and sixteen incheswide. It was covered with gray canvas. It weighed about thirty pounds.When I left Seliger’s house at dark, I took along with me three long bombs.I did so because one of the men there told me to do so. I knew they werebombs in the satchel when I carried them. Some one passed us on thestreet as we were going to the hall. Lingg said: ‘Those are heavy tools,’meaning the contents of the satchel, to throw the party we met off hisguard. I threw the three bombs I had into the lake on my way to Pullman,because I learned they were dangerous and I did not want them anylonger. I saw at Neff’s Hall that night, May 4, a crowd of men togetherfor a while, and then they began to part. They went away in groups offive or six. They all went on Clybourn Avenue to Larrabee Street. Aswe got to Larrabee Street, they all separated and spread on LarrabeeStreet. I went up to North Avenue and Larrabee Street to the policestation with a strange man. I remained there for some time. I saw Seligerand Lingg near the station, going north on Larrabee Street. When Iwas at Seliger’s house one of the five men present said to me to throwbombs into the police station to kill the police, and if any patrol wagonsescaped and came out to throw bombs into the wagons among the officersand shoot the horses. This was for the purpose of preventing them fromgiving assistance to each other. I smoked a cigar that night so that Iwould have a fire ready to light the bombs with and throw them if necessary.I only smoke cigars on Sundays, and, as I am not accustomed tosmoke much, the cigar made me sick. I sat for some time on an iron railingon Larrabee Street, opposite the police station, on the southeast corner.I sat there about fifteen minutes. The wagon failed to come out, and, as Ifelt sick and could not do much anyway, I went home. Lingg and Seligerwalked ahead of me. I saw them last when they crossed North Avenue,going north on Larrabee Street. The next evening I went to No. 58 ClybournAvenue. I met Hubner, and he said that on the night of the shooting[316]he was at Lincoln Park. I recognize this picture now shown me asbeing that of Seliger. I saw him making dynamite bombs at 442 SedgwickStreet on the afternoon of May 4 in company with Lingg. The man Ihave seen locked up in this station I saw working and making dynamitebombs in company with Seliger, and his name is Louis Lingg. When Iwas at Seliger’s house, Hubner told me to go to Lincoln Park, and there Iwould get my instructions.”

The next Anarchist brought into the station wasAugust Gragge. Hewas a German, twenty-eight years of age, straight and stoutly built, a bricklayerby trade, and lived at No. 880 North Halsted Street. He was arrestedon the 24th of May. I gave him an evening’s audience shortly after. Itwas apparent from his demeanor that he was a young man easily led astrayby men of force and decision of character; therefore it was no wonder thathe had become an extreme Anarchist, especially since he had been thrown agreat deal into the company of some of the rankest leaders in the order andhad attended meetings where gore and plunder formed the chief topics ofdiscussion. When the authorities took him in hand, he soon modified hisopinions. He stated that, like a great many others, he had been misled tobelieve that Anarchist doctrines were right and that no law existed tointerfere with them; but after the law had been read to him, he acknowledgedthat he had pursued a wrong course. He had been a man of soberhabits, and on being questioned he told a very straightforward story. Aftergiving such information as he possessed he was released by the State’sAttorney, and he promised to mend his ways.

The statement he made to me was as follows:

“A man by the name of Lange and another, August Asher, coaxed meinto the armed group. Charles Bock was our secretary four or five weeksago. I heard Rau and Lingg speak in Neff’s Hall. Lingg spoke aboutdynamite and called on us to arm ourselves. They also wanted us to buyrevolvers. I bought one—a big one—for $4. I paid $2 down. Asherand I went to the meeting at the Haymarket on the evening of May 4. Isaw the circular that called that meeting. We had our big revolvers withus when we went there. When the shooting commenced we ran. I felldown, and about forty men ran over me and kept me down. I then lost myrevolver. We had a meeting on Monday night, May 3, at Neff’s Hall.Abraham Hermann had three or four revolvers for sale. Asher always kepttheArbeiter-Zeitung, and at times I would read it. The first man I heardspeak at the Haymarket was August Spies, then Parsons, and Fielden, nextI saw Schnaubelt standing on the wagon with Spies. On account of itslooking like rain it was decided to go to Zepf’s Hall. Parsons, however,told the people to remain, as he only had a few more words. The policefinally came. Some of the people started to go away, but some one in aloud voice urged them to remain. Then firing commenced. I heard theexplosion of the bomb. As I stated, I fell down. As soon as I could getup I started to run for the North Side. I went to Neff’s Hall. I foundthere several that I knew. I told them I had lost my revolver and thenexplained what had happened at the Haymarket. I carried my revolver in[317]my hip pocket, and it dropped out as I fell. The revolver was loaded. Iknow Lingg. I have heard him speak at least four or five times. Hewould always call on the people to arm themselves. He also said that theywere too slow in getting arms and that the time would come for their useand they ought to be ready.”

Gustav Breitenfeld was next arrested. He was a German, aged thirty,a brush-maker by trade, and lived in the lower flat of a two-story house atNo. 18 Samuel Street. On May 4 he was commander of the second companyof the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and he had previously taken an activepart at all Anarchist meetings. He was regarded as a star Anarchist on theNorthwest Side, and frequently visited the house of George Engel.

Gustav was an Anarchist jumping-jack. All that the leaders had to dowas to pull the strings, and he responded. He served on all committees, andwhenever in doubt as to any course of procedure he went to Engel for advice.He lacked judgment and brains, and he sought to make up the deficiencyby consulting the leaders. But withal he was a dangerous man. He wasquick-tempered, but a coward when he thought he was not likely to get thebest of the situation.

On the night of May 4 he had his company ready near the city limits tomurder people and set fire to buildings, only awaiting orders to set aboutthe work of general destruction. They expected to see the police flee fromthe Haymarket, but as the reds did the running on that occasion, the combinationfailed. Their “signal” committees were scattered and their comradesbecame demoralized at the unexpected charge of the police.

Breitenfeld and his company heard the shooting at their place ofrendezvous,and, failing to receive the signal to begin the attack, he went toEngel’s house to ascertain what was wrong. Learning of the drubbing hiscomrades had received at the Haymarket, he was not anxious to take similar“medicine,” and he skulked away like a whipped cur. A house hadbeen chosen near the limits for the incendiary torches of his company, and itwould have been in flames on their first advance if they had received thesignal. But the company were dismissed, and all hurried home to escapedanger. For two weeks they were in mortal dread of the police.

If, however, these misguided men had been started that night, with allthings in their favor, there is no telling what fearful havoc they would havecreated. The company was composed of men desperate enough, underproper encouragement, to have murdered people asleep or awake. Theywould have held high carnival if the Haymarket meeting had come outaccording to expectations, and the able-bodied and the helpless would havesuffered alike at their hands. Their plan was to shoot or stab everybodywho opposed their onward march into the city, and, crazed with success,they would have hesitated at nothing.

Breitenfeld knew all the villainous arrangements, and he was therefore a[318]man the police sought after. He was found on the 25th of May, at aboutseven o’clock, by Officers Stift and Schuettler, and brought to the ChicagoAvenue Station. When I had the honor of meeting him, he at once assumedmilitary airs, but he soon found himself reduced to the ranks. As he wasone of the few who understood English, the law on conspiracies was readto him. Then he was informed that he had been indicted, and was toldwhat could be proved against him. He became terribly excited, couldhardly speak, but finally managed to say:

“Gentlemen, you have got the wrong man. You want to get my brother.I am not that Breitenfeld. I am a good, peaceable man.”

He was informed that lies were at a discount in the station just then,and that if he desired to speak and tell the truth an opportunity would begiven him. If not, we would tolerate no nonsense. He refrained fromspeaking, and was sent below.

The next day he sent word that he wanted to see me. He was broughtup, and on being seated before Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann andall the officers, he said:

“Gentlemen, I beg your pardon. I told you a lie. I am the man youwant. I have a wife and family, and I love them. I beg of you now, if youlet me speak, I will tell the truth and everything I know.”

“Tell all you know,” said I, “and remember that I will know when youtell a falsehood.”

“I know you have everything by this time. If I tell you all and becomea witness against these other fellows, will you let me go?”

“If you tell all and the truth, I will see the State’s Attorney for you andask him to take you as a witness.”

Breitenfeld thereupon made a statement, and a few days later he wasreleased. When subsequently called on to testify, he refused to do so. Hehad told others that the State could not convict anybody, and he would nothelp the prosecution. He was, therefore, let alone. He is still underindictment. With the lesson he had received it was thought he would reform.In this we were mistaken. He has since attended a number of meetings,and at the funeral of Mrs. Neebe turned out with his company. He is thesame unrepentant Anarchist that he was before his trouble, but he is beingcarefully watched wherever he goes.

This is what he swore to at the station in the presence of Mr. Furthmann,myself and the officers:

“My name is Gustav Breitenfeld. I am thirty years old. I am marriedand I reside at No. 18 Samuel Street. I am a brush-maker. I amcaptain of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. We havetwenty men in our company. I know Fischer and Schrade. Schrade isdrill-sergeant of my company. On Sunday, May 2, I was at Pullman. Iheard of the riot plan on Monday afternoon, May 3. I know GeorgeEngel, Deitz and Fischer. They are the principal leaders in the Northwest[319]Side group and of the armed men. Heier is the name of the manwho keeps Thalia Hall on Milwaukee Avenue. I know Kraemer; he livesin the rear of Engel’s house. I think I saw Kraemer at the meeting heldon the evening of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I know Schmidt, thecarrier of theArbeiter-Zeitung. At that meeting I saw Krueger, Schrade,Gruenwald, Clermont, Kraemer, Deitz, Engel, Fischer, Schnaubelt andWaller. Waller was the chairman of the meeting. The first thing I heardthey were denouncing the police force for killing the workingmen atMcCormick’s factory. I saw the revenge circular, which called the peopleto arms. I heard Engel say that when the word ‘Ruhe’ should appear intheArbeiter-Zeitung, every one should go to his meeting-place selected bythem and be ready for action. I heard some one say that as soon as theysaw the heavens illuminated with red fires, then was the time to commencethe revolution. Engel and Fischer volunteered to carry the news from theHaymarket to the armed men stationed at Wicker Park. Engel volunteeredto act as a spy. I know Engel to have sold arms. At the meetingof May 3, I heard some one asking for dynamite bombs. I heard Engelrespond that the dynamite bombs were ready and in good hands. Fischeragreed to have the circulars, calling the Haymarket meeting, printed. Itwas said that there would be from 20,000 to 30,000 people at that meeting,and that the police would interfere. Then would be a good time to attackthem and get revenge on them for the killing of six of their comrades. Theword ‘Ruhe’ would signify that they should get ready and be on the look-out.Engel said that they should look for it in theArbeiter-Zeitung onMay 4, and they were all to go to their respective places, as agreed upon,with their arms or guns. The Haymarket meeting was decided upon as atrap to catch the police. Engel, Kraemer and Krueger went to the meetingto see if there was a big crowd there, and when they got back home Engelsaid there were only 250 men present. I went to see Engel on the morningof May 4 at his house. He told me he had been at the meeting andthere were present the number I have given. I attended the meeting ofthe Northwest Side group that decided to call the meeting for the eveningof May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I heard, at the last-named place, severalsay that the dynamite bombs were in good hands. I met Waller atThalia Hall on May 4, about eleven o’clock in the evening, and heremarked that they had had a very hot time of it at the Haymarket. I sawFischer on Wednesday, May 5, at Thalia Hall, and he then told me thatSpies had been arrested about four o’clock that morning. Spies is the onlyone I know of the Spies family. I have known him five years.”

William Hageman was the next to inspect our plain and unpretentiousoffice. He came in on his dignity and carried an air about him that plainlyexhibited his complete contempt for the police. He was a German, aboutthirty years old, round-shouldered, a stair-builder by occupation, was marriedand had one child. He lived at the time of his arrest on the lowerfloor of a house at No. 49 Reese Street, and he could always be found wheneverAnarchist plots were to be executed. His brother was, like himself,a rampant Anarchist, but with cunning enough to escape arrest. Williamwas found by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman, about seven o’clock on the[320]morning of May 26. He did not long remain in ignorance of the cause ofhis arrest, and then he wanted me to understand:

“My brother is no Anarchist. If any one does any squealing on him,don’t pay any attention to it, because it all means me. I am the fellow.The people often get us mixed.”

“You are the worst Anarchist of the two,” I remarked.

Hageman wanted to know how I had come to that conclusion.

“We know all about you,” said I.

“If you know it, be sure and don’t forget it,” was the reply. “I amsure you won’t learn anything from me.”

“All right. But just as sure as you are sitting there, I will find out allyour performances, and every one you associated with during the last twoyears, before you leave this station. And you will tell it to me yourself.”

“Never; I will die first. I will kill myself first. I will stand any tortureyou may inflict on me, but I will never tell on my comrades or any onethat worked for our cause.”

“You probably don’t remember the job you pledged yourself to undertakeon the night of May 4. It was not a very small one either, but, ofcourse, your nerves not being very strong that evening, you came here to aneighboring saloon several times to brace up, and your friends, lying in therear of this station, felt very much the same way as you did. So youspelled one another and strengthened your nerves. Say, William, who saidthat the bombs were not good? You remember the third window in thestation on the east side of the building and the little quarrel about thebombs—whether a round lead bomb should be thrown or a long gas-pipebomb. Do you remember the two policemen that crossed the alley andstood still for a moment in the middle of that alley when you fellows thoughtyou were discovered—how you all got into the dark side of the alley and ran?Now, remember, when you get ready to talk, I will tell my side of the story,and should you get stuck, you see I can help you out a great deal. Youmight recall what little you know of the Haymarket, how you were surprisedthat only one bomb was thrown and how the fellows detailed for that dutydid not attend to their business. Here, officers, show this gentleman thesuite of rooms which he is to occupy for the next four weeks. If you desireanything extra that is not on our bill of fare, just touch the button, and youwill be waited on promptly. Any inattention on the part of the waitersmust be reported to this office. If you should conclude to make a long staywith us, you had better provide yourself with a good supply of tobacco.You understand that when a man is at sea he finds that there are a goodmany things he needs that would come in handy.”

He did not like his apartments—singular to relate. There was nofire escape, the linen on the bed was not changed every day, and the noiseof his neighbors kept him awake of nights. He had struck the wrong[321]hotel, but his apartments had been engaged for him and paid for by the taxpayers,and he could not gracefully withdraw.

Hageman first got tired, then angry, and finally desperate. He realizedthat he was in trouble and made up his mind to take me into his confidence.He reached this conclusion on the afternoon of May 27, and sent the janitorto the office with a message that he desired to see me. He was informedin return that he could not see me unless he meant to talk business. Hagemanresponded that he was ready to talk on any subject upon which hemight be questioned, and he was accordingly brought into the office, intothe presence of Mr. Furthmann, myself and the detectives.

“Well,” said I, “I understand that you want to see me.”

“Yes, I do,” was the response, “but not in the presence of all thesefellows.”

“Why not?”

“Because my business is with you alone.”

“Well, you see, William, I am only one, and as what you tell here,which must be the truth, will have to be given by you in the Criminal Court,and as I may probably get killed before that time, there would be no one totestify to your statement if given to me alone.”

“Oh, that is the way you want to catch me!”

“There is no catch about it. If you don’t want to make a statement inthe presence of all these men, I don’t want to hear anything from you.”

“Will you answer me one question?” asked Hageman, getting a littleapprehensive that he might lose his only chance. “It is, has any one out ofthe many people locked up here squealed?”

“Well,” I answered, “most of them have already done so, and the othersare fairly breaking their necks to follow suit.”

“This is a very unpleasant thing to do.”

“Yes, that is true.”

“Can I get out by telling you all I know, and can you keep me from testifyingin court? You know this will kill a man forever.”

“Yes, but a great many policemen were killed, and they simply obeyedorders. If you think you are better than a policeman, you had better godown stairs again and await your trial in the Criminal Court.”

“Now, see here, Captain, I would never tell on anybody, but I have gota wife and little baby at home. It almost sets me crazy thinking of them,and for their sake I will tell all.”

Hageman did as he promised, but in the interview that ensued it becameapparent that he was a double-faced man, and that, when it came to hisfamily, he did not care a fig whether he landed the other fellows on the gallowsor in the penitentiary. He had been a brave, boasting Anarchist.He had been accustomed to talk with his associates over foaming “schooners”of beer, and the more beer there was the greater his talk about killing[322]people and overthrowing capital. He was a great reader of Anarchisticpapers and literature, and the more fiery and unbridled the sentiment, thebetter he was pleased. He took a hand in every movement, attended allthe meetings and picnics of the reds, and made himself quite a useful memberof the order. He continually boasted of the bombs that he had hidaway for use, and promised to let capitalists hear from him. The bombshe had were found to be of the round lead and gas-pipe patterns, and someof them he had received from Fischer a long time before May 4. He hadbeen posted as to the manufacture of bombs by Lingg, and was a warmfriend of Engel, whose talk about bombs suited him exactly. Hagemancould not listen patiently to any discussion from which dynamite was leftout, and in any peaceful gathering he was sure to become a disturber. Ifthere was no dispute, he would start one himself, and, if necessary, back uphis argument with blows. Whenever a dance or benefit was held to replenishthe treasury for the purchase of dynamite, he was promptly on hand andexerted himself to the utmost to swell the receipts. Being such an activemember, it was natural that he knew a great deal about his order, and hehelped the State very materially with the points he furnished.

He was kept in custody until after the trial, and with the experience hehad in prison one would think that he would cut loose altogether fromAnarchy. Not so, however. While nearly all the others repented of theirerror, Hageman had no sooner regained his liberty than he became as radicalas ever. He even threatened several times to kill State’s AttorneyGrinnell, Judge Gary, myself and others. After the trial, I had a detectiveat every meeting of the Anarchists, and the reports brought me were thatHageman and Bernhard Schrade were the most violent and determined menin the union.

Hageman would boastingly say, “I never squealed to that man Schaack.If they had all done as I did, they would know very little about the Anarchists.”

One night, at 54 West Lake Street, this arrant knave was approached byone of his supposed warm friends, who happened, however, to be in myconfidence, and who said to him:

“You don’t like Schaack, and I don’t like him. He is now here at theDesplaines Street Station. We can go into the alley and shoot him in hisoffice. I have a revolver here with me now, and I will go into Florus’ andget one more. Then we will go and ‘do him.’ We will both go and firetogether and run. But mind, let there be no arrest in our case; let us diebefore capture.”

“Do you mean this?” asked Hageman.

“Here is my hand. Here is my revolver, and if you play coward on meI will kill you standing up. Now, come on.”

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Did Hageman respond? Not at all. He crawled on his belly withexcuses.

“That man Schaack,” he said, “knows me so well that it is not safe to goaround there.”

“Well,” replied his companion, “we can go through a vacant lot.”

“It is too dangerous, my boy,” said Hageman. “I could do all thiswell enough if I never would be found out.”

“Well,” said the companion, “you are a crazy coward, and don’t you‘shoot your mouth’ hereafter where I am.”

Hageman subsided for the time, but he is again as rampant as ever.

Here is Hageman’s statement, which he made “for the sake of his ownfamily,” but which helped to drive the nails into the coffins of other families:

“I was at the meeting held at Neff’s Hall, No. 121 West Lake Street.I saw Lingg there and heard him address the people, calling them to arms.I also saw Thielen, the two Lehmans and Peter Huber. Niendorf waschairman of the meeting, which had been called to consider the eight-hourmovement. Some one at that meeting called out that there was a meetingat No. 54 West Lake Street and said, ‘Let us go there.’ Then a number ofus went, including Huber, Thielen and myself. I stood at the right handside as one entered the basement after I got there. The meeting lastedfrom half to three quarters of an hour. I saw there Fischer, Engel andWaller. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel speak. He told us towatch for the red fires, and when we saw them in the heavens, then was thetime to commence the revolution. The fires were to be the signals for theoutside posts that the riot at the Haymarket had commenced. It was alsoto be regarded as a signal that the police had made an attack on the meetingat the Haymarket, and then we should commence the work of destruction.Every one should pick out houses beforehand, so that they could beset on fire when the signal was given. Engel also said at this meeting thatthe stuff, meaning dynamite, was cheap, and that any member could buysome. He referred to the police and said that if they saw a patrol wagonon the street filled with officers they should destroy the wagon and thepolice by throwing bombs into the wagon. He (Engel) urged every man todo as much harm as possible, meaning destruction of property and killingpeople. I heard this plan repeated afterwards by a black-whiskered mannamed Waller. Waller said that this plan for the revolution had beenadopted by the West Side armed group. Hermann and I were at the Haymarketmeeting, but when the shooting began we ran away.”

Albert Jebolinski was another welcome guest on the 26th of May. Hehad been frequently invited to partake of the hospitalities of the station, buthe appeared to be contented with putting up with dingy quarters in out-of-the-wayplaces rather than run the risk of meeting a policeman. But on theday in question he received such a pressing invitation from Schuettler andHoffman that he finally yielded. He was a German Pole, thirty-five yearsof age, of slim build, and, with a dark mustache and large goatee, he lookedlike a Frenchman. He lived at the time in a two-story brick building, firstflat, at No. 11 Penn Street. The officers knew that he was a very suspicious[324]man and that he would run blocks to get out of the way of a policeman,so great was his hatred of the force. They therefore approached hishouse cautiously, lest he might mistake them for blue-coats. They calledrather early,—four o’clock in the morning,—and Schuettler, giving a regularmilkman’s rap on the door, brought Mrs. Jebolinski to the front.

“Who is there,” she shouted before venturing to open the door, “andwhat is wanted?”

“I am here—the milkman,” responded Schuettler. “I want to seeyou, madam.”

With this assurance Mrs. Jebolinski opened the door, but the momentshe discovered that it was not the milkman, she slammed the door to—notquick enough, however, to close it, for the officer, seeing his chance, hadthrust his foot between the door and the frame. Hoffman came at once tothe rescue and informed the woman that I had sent him after her husband.

“We don’t know anything about Capt. Schaack,” she responded, andagain tried to close the door.

“Well, madam, I am sure the Captain knows something about youfolks.”

And with this bit of information the officers pushed the door open.This was too much for Mrs. Jebolinski. She shouted to her husband:

“O Albert, thespitzel, the police!”

“Don’t open the door for anybody,” came in stentorian tones fromAlbert in an adjoining room. “Keep them out!”

The officers had meantime effected an entrance, and, following up thevoice, found Albert in bed.

“Good morning, Albert,” said Schuettler, in pleasant, cheerful tones.

“Who told you to come here?” gruffly demanded Albert.

“Capt. Schaack desires to see you on pressing business.”

“Oh, yes; he must be in love with me, since he sent you so early to seeme. Has no one killed that d——d bloodhound yet?”

“No, Albert, you will have a chance to see him soon, and then you cankill him.”

“You go and tell Schaack that you have seen me, and that will be sufficient.I will die first before I go. You cannot take me out of here. Iwant my breakfast, and I will take a sleep before my wife calls me.”

So saying, Albert jumped back into bed. Officer Schuettler remonstrated,and was finally obliged to pull him out. Albert then refused todress. Talking to him had no more effect than talking to a stone wall.

Hoffman then opened the door, and Schuettler grabbed Albert under hisarm and walked out with him despite his kicks and resistance. They gothim out into the bracing atmosphere of the morning, and, although Albertwas not dressed for company, they started off with him.

Mrs. Jebolinski rushed out after them, and, wildly gesticulating, shouted:

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“Bring him back, bring him back, and I will dress him.”

The officers retraced their steps, but not back into the house. Theytook Albert to the wood-shed, and there he was dressed.

At the station he was invited down stairs and told that there were somany who wanted to see me that he would probably have a rest for a week.He was locked up, and during the first day he would neither eat nor drink.He was not coaxed, however, and the next morning he called the janitor,saying:

A HASTY TOILET.

“I am sick; will you give mea cup of coffee?”

The janitor replied that hewould have to wait till nine o’clock,when the prisoners came down fromcourt.

“Well,” said Albert, indignantly,“if I don’t get my coffeenow, you cankeep yourbreakfast.”

When nineo’clock camearound the janitormade theround, invitingthe sleepers towake and gettheir breakfast.

“You can goto the d——l; you can’t make me eat,” said Jebolinski, and he settled himselffor a nap.

But when the dinner hour came Albert made up for lost time and missedmeals. At four o’clock he sent the janitor to the office to tell me that hewanted to see me. He was brought up.

“Well, Albert,” said I, “how much do you weigh now?”

“You had better let me go home. I will never tell you anything.It is no use keeping me here.”

“I don’t want you to tell me anything. I have secured more evidencein the last few days than I want, and now they are all arrested. I am goingto prosecute you in court for conspiracy and murder; so you need nottrouble yourself with being stubborn. I don’t want to see you again, nottill I see you in court. Officer, take him back to the lock-up.”

“So you can do without me?”

“Yes, I am sure I can.”

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Albert was escorted down stairs, but inside of two hours he asked forOfficer Schuettler.

“I can see now,” he said to Schuettler, “that that man Schaack wantsto hang me.”

“I am sure he is done with you,” replied the officer.

“I beg of you to tell the Captain I want to see him, and say to him thatI will tell him about the bombs and everything else.”

Officer Schuettler reported the Anarchist’s wishes, and Jebolinski wasonce more brought up. He then confessed that he had four loaded bombsplanted, which he would show if taken out.

He was accordingly taken in charge by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman,whom he led to a place north of Division Street near a planing-milland linseed-oil factory. At that place there was a side-track, and, at apoint where the locomotives were stopped to be dumped of their cinders,he unearthed his bombs. These bombs were covered with about four inchesof cinders, midway between the rails, and when they were taken out theywere found fully loaded, with fuse and caps. That there had been noexplosion is almost a miracle. Had a locomotive been stationed over thespot for an hour, as frequently happened, the cinders would have been seton fire again. In an instant locomotive and all would have been blown toatoms, and no one would have known the precise cause. It was lucky forsome engineer and fireman, and, in fact, for the locality, that no enginestood over the spot after those bombs had been planted.

On returning to the station, Jebolinski furnished the State with muchvaluable information. He was indicted and held as a witness. But he wasnever called, and after the trial he was given his liberty. He has beenwatched since and found to be attending strictly to his own business. Inhis statement he sets forth his attendance at the meeting at 121 West LakeStreet, where were present Lingg, Rau and others, and his presence at theHaymarket meeting, from which he ran the moment the firing commenced.He also described the bombs,—three round lead and one long iron one,—whichhe had obtained from Hageman, the one-eyed carpenter.

Peter Huber was another distinguished caller, by special invitation.He was escorted to the office by Officers Whalen and Stift and took thingsvery coolly. He was a lank, lean, consumptive-looking fellow, only twenty-nineyears of age, and earned his living as a cabinet-maker. He was aGerman, married, and had two children, living in a two-story frame houseat No. 96 Hudson Avenue. His manner was very quiet, and no one wouldhave taken him for an Anarchist. But Peter, nevertheless, was heart andsoul in the movement, and had regularly attended all the meetings. Hehad never made a speech—he was too diffident for that; he had neveradvised any one on Anarchy, but he had come to be trusted, and he knewall the leaders and all about dynamite bombs. He was so undemonstrative[327]and non-communicative that at first I took him to be a paid detective inthe ranks of the Socialists. When he was asked a question, he would takehis own time to answer, and, once interrupted in his talk, he would stopand say no more.

A DANGEROUS STORING-PLACE.

On the second day after his arrest—May 25—Huber offered to answerquestions, and he did this without any inducement. He thereupon furnishedthe State with several good points, and freely told everything. Hewas indicted, but released by order of the State’s Attorney. He was readyto testify at the trial, but was not wanted. He has since kept away fromAnarchist meetings, and is now auseful man to his family.

Huber’s statement ran as follows:

“I belonged to the North Sidearmed group. I know Seliger, Hubner,Lehman the carpenter, the twoHagemans and Lingg. Some timein February last, George Engelmade a great speech in Neff’s Hall,No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. I keeptheArbeiter-Zeitung. The Sundayedition of that paper is calledDieFackel. I saw the letter ‘Y,’ andthe meaning of it is that, wheneverwe should see it in the paper, thenthere would be a meeting held thatevening, of the armed men, at No. 54West Lake Street. May 3d therewas one such meeting called forthat evening. On that evening Iwent to the saloon at No. 71 WestLake Street and drank a glass of beer. From thereI went to No. 54 West Lake Street. While in thesaloon at No. 54 West Lake Street, I heard some onesay that a meeting would be held down stairs in the basement. So wewent down stairs. When I entered I saw about thirty or forty present. Isat down on a bench, and we sat there for some time before the meetingopened. I heard some one say that it would be an indignation meeting onaccount of our workingmen having been killed at McCormick’s factory bythe police on that day. I saw at that meeting the circular calling for revengeand the people to arms, because of the killing of our brothers. I saw thesame circular that same evening at the hall No. 71 West Lake Street. Wallerwas chairman of the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street. I met there Hubner,Abraham Hermann, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the captain of the secondcompany of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I heard Engel make a speech, andduring the whole time Breitenfeld was walking up and down the hall. I alsosaw Schnaubelt and Thielen there. I was at Neff’s Hall, No. 58 ClybournAvenue, early Tuesday evening, May 4th, and saw there Lingg, Seliger andHubner. I heard Engel, at No. 54 West Lake Street, explain his plan[328]and the work that should be done under it. A meeting, he said, would beheld at the Haymarket, and when the police interfered the crowd shouldattack them, and the armed men should be ready for action. Some onesuggested that they should hold their meeting at the Market Square on theSouth Side, between Randolph and Madison Streets. Some one elseremarked: ‘No, that is not a good place; it is a mouse trap.’ If they heldthe meeting there and the police interfered, and the crowd resisted them,the police would drive them all into the river. Some said, ‘That’s so,’ andthen the meeting was fixed for the Haymarket, as Engel had suggested.We expected from 20,000 to 30,000 people present. We all had the ideathat the police would interfere. Engel gave his plan about as follows: Hesaid, ‘First call the meeting for the Haymarket,’ and then urged that thearmed men be ready. He advised us to throw dynamite bombs into thestations, kill the police, throw dynamite bombs into the patrol wagons andshoot down the horses at the wagons. He repeated his plan for those whocame in later to the meeting. The revenge circular was distributed bothup stairs and down stairs at No. 54 West Lake Street. In the evening ofMay 3d, I saw Spies and Rau together in Zepf’s saloon. As to the word‘Ruhe,’ I heard Engel say that when we saw that word appear in thepaper, then we might know everything was right and ready. And weshould watch for that signal. I heard Engel say that a man who could dono harm or create no disturbance should stay at home, as he was not wanted.When he had finished giving his plan, it was adopted. Schnaubelt saidthat outside cities, where they had comrades, should be notified at once assoon as the revolution was a success here. I saw Fischer at this meeting.He went to theArbeiter-Zeitung to see if he could print the circular thatnight, calling the Haymarket meeting for the next evening. He came backand reported that the office was closed. He said he would attend to it inthe morning. I saw Lingg, Seliger, Muntzenberg and Hubner in Neff’ssaloon, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, about eight o’clock on the evening ofMay 4th.”

Bernhard Schrade, a German, was a peculiar combination of eccentricities.He was arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein on theevening of May 26, at nine o’clock, on Milwaukee Avenue, near DivisionStreet. He was twenty-eight years of age, six feet tall, of straight and muscularbuild, nervous and quick-tempered, a carpenter by occupation, and helived at No. 581 Milwaukee Avenue. When he was seated in the station itdid not take us long to ascertain all he knew about Anarchy. In speakingof the Haymarket, he said that the right men had not been in their places,or things would have turned out quite differently. They had plenty of armsand bombs, he explained, but the leaders did not know their business.Early in the evening there was a large crowd, he said, but the great majorityof them left in disgust because there was not a larger gathering and thespeeches were not radical enough to suit their ideas. They expected somethingfiery and impetuous. (This was about the time Mayor Harrison wasat the meeting, and the speeches were accordingly very mild.) Thosethat left the meeting and did not go home, Schrade said, hung around thesaloons in the neighborhood. If six hundred police, he further said, had[329]attacked the crowd an hour earlier, few of them would have been left withtheir lives. He knew the arrangements, and, had the plan been carried out,the loss of life would have been appalling.

Schrade was subsequently released by order of Assistant State’s AttorneyFurthmann, and promised that he would testify in court. He was severaltimes sent after to give further information, and he always responded.

AN OBSTREPEROUS PRISONER.

About one month after Schrade’s release, he and two others visited asaloon on North Avenue one night, and, after drinking agreat deal of beer, they became exceedingly noisy andboisterous. The saloon-keeper attempted to quiet them,but was finally obliged to call an officer. Now, none ofthe bibulous individuals had any liking for a policeman.The moment they saw him enter they ordered himout and threatened that if he did not get out they wouldthrow him out through the window. The officer was notat all alarmed, and, seeing that he was bent on keeping them quiet, the threedisturbers pounced down upon him. The officer promptly brought his clubinto play, and soon his opponents measured their length upon the floor.The saw-dust was sprinkled with blood, but, before the reds could make asecond assault, a citizen had brought the patrol wagon to the rescue. Theywere taken in charge and thrown into the wagon in their drunken stupor,and carted to the Larrabee Street Station.

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On the way Schrade revived somewhat, and, not quite satisfied with theresults of his former encounter, attempted to throw one of the officers overthe side of the wagon. He was clinched by the throat, however, and keptquiet for the rest of the journey. The next morning the trio were fined inthe Police Court and released on payment of the fines. Schrade becamepenitent and remained sober thereafter for some time. As he was out ofwork, I paid his board bill for two weeks, and kept him under surveillanceto appear at the trial as a witness. When the trial began he was in goodhumor and told the State’s Attorney that he would give the same testimonythat he had given at the station May 26. He was accordingly produced asa witness. On the stand he failed to unfold all the information he had previouslygiven, but State’s Attorney Grinnell knew all the points in his formertestimony, and before he got through with Schrade he made him a goodwitness for the State.

After the trial the police lost sight of Schrade for a long time, and wonderedwhether he had been quietly murdered by his former comrades or hadleft the city for his own good. But one day an officer reported to me thatSchrade was still in the city. It was supposed, of course, that he wouldnever again be found in the haunts of Socialists. It was discovered, however,that he was a member in good standing of Carpenters’ Union No. 241,formerly No. 1. This is the most rabid Anarchist organization in the city,and, were it not for some comparatively conservative members, would havelong since sought revenge for the conviction and execution of the doomedconspirators.

Schrade and Hageman, since their restoration to full membership, werefound to be as incendiary as ever in their utterances, and seemed to viewith each other in their efforts to show that they were better Anarchistseven than before the time they informed on their companions and helped tobring them to the gallows. In fact, they became so demonstrative that someof the members threatened them with expulsion. For this they soughtrevenge by working upon weak-minded persons to influence them againstthe leaders in the organization. As long as the conservatives remain atthe head of the carpenters’ union there is no special danger, but shouldsuch fanatics as Schrade and Hageman ever secure control, look out forblood.

August Ahlers was known to have been a close friend of Lingg, andaccordingly I eagerly sought his acquaintance. But Ahlers after the Haymarketconceived an aversion to fresh air and kept himself in gloomy,unfrequented quarters. The officers knew that he had often visited Lingg’sroom, sometimes remaining three or four hours, and, as Lingg never toleratedany one who could not be made useful, it was believed that Ahlerscould furnish valuable information if found. Mrs. Seliger had stated thata great many visited Lingg, but most of them sought to conceal their faces[331]or disguise themselves in some way, generally sneaking into the house as ifthey were going to steal something or kill somebody. This man Ahlers hadbeen one of this kind. Lingg had every man who assisted him do certainspecial lines of work. Some would bring him lead, others gas-pipe, andothers again charcoal, etc. Ahlers had helped in some way, and, with apretty good description of him, the detectives were continually on thewatch. Finally Officers Whalen and Loewenstein found him on the 26thof May, at No. 148 Chicago Avenue, and took him to the station. He hada sneaking demeanor, and when brought before me I asked him to give anaccount of himself between May 3d and May 6th. This he was unable todo, but after having been locked up for a while he gave some informationabout outside groups. As to Lingg he pretended to know very little, andas the officers could not identify him with any particular person, he wasreleased on a promise of better behavior. He acknowledged having beena great admirer of the Anarchist leaders and a strong supporter of Anarchy,but now, he said, he would no longer affiliate with them. So far as theofficers have observed, he has kept his promise and is attending strictly tohis trade, that of a carpenter.

We had these kind of fellows by the hundred in this city on May 4,1886, but fortunately God made most of them with big stomachs and noheart or courage.

Victor Clermont, a German, was almost dumbfounded when he wasinformed that I wanted to see him. Clermont is a French-sounding name,and, when Officers Whalen and Loewenstein took him in charge on suspicion,they mistook him for a Frenchman, especially as he looked very muchlike one, having a dark mustache and goatee. Clermont was taken to thestation, and there gave his age as twenty-seven, occupation a cabinet-makerand pool-billiard maker, and his residence No. 116 Cornelia Street. Whenquestioned with reference to Anarchy he expressed surprise that he shouldbe taken for an Anarchist, but when he was informed as to his having mysteriouslysneaked into dark basements which were lighted up with candlesand whose doors were barricaded, he looked aghast.

“There is something wrong,” he said. “Somebody wants to involveme in the Haymarket trouble. I am sure I don’t know the least thingabout Anarchists.”

“Well,” said I, “we will see if you can remember anything. Either youor your wife has some relatives living near the city. After the 4th of Mayyou sent a lot of guns, rifles, ammunition and some bombs to them for safe-keeping.You took them away at night, and you have been so careful as totry and disguise yourself. Yet I cannot prosecute you on that. You havealso been an active member on the Northwest Side in all Anarchist movements.You know all the things you have been engaged in, and so do we.I have your record right here.”

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“Oh, yes,” said Victor, “I hear that you fellows have things down veryfine, because you have everything your own way. Well, if I do acknowledgeall I have done, what are you going to do with me?”

“I will do with you the same as I have done with others. I will hearyour statement and see if you can tell the truth. If you lie to me or aboutany one else, I will stop you, and that is all. You are indicted, and I willsend you to jail. If you tell the truth I will send for the State’s Attorneyand ask him to let you go, but you must appear as a witness whenever wewant you.”

“I suppose,” remarked Clermont, “that my case is like this—if I don’t,some one else will squeal.”

He then gave an account of himself and his Anarchist comrades. Hewas subsequently released and visited me very often for several weeks.He was out of employment and hard-up, and I gave him money with whichto support himself. One evening he called and said to the officers that hehad something important to tell me. I was very busy at the time and askedhim if he wanted some money. Victor replied that he did not desire money.I offered him $5, however, and told him to come back the next day. Hewould not take the money at first, but when I told him that I could notwait any longer, he took it and left. On reaching Milwaukee and ChicagoAvenues, he met some of his old cronies and told them that he was goingaway that night. Early next morning I was informed that he had gone.Victor remained away for a year, but, thinking things had blown over, hereturned and set about to disabuse the Anarchists of the impression that hehad ever “squealed.” While he has taken no active part in meetings sincethe trial, he appears to feel that he stands well with the Anarchists, andalways tells them that when he was arrested “he never gave anythingaway.”

His statement was as follows. It was given at nine o’clock on the eveningof May 26:

“I belong to the Northwest Side Lehr und Wehr Verein, the secondcompany, of which Breitenfeld is captain. Some time ago, at a meetingheld at 54 West Lake Street, it was stated that the police would break uptheir meetings if they knew when and where they held them, and that thereforeit was necessary to adopt some secret way of calling their meetings.We adopted, ‘Y, komme,’ and when we saw that letter appear intheArbeiter-Zeitung on any day we might know a meeting would be held atNo. 54 West Lake Street. I was at Thalia Hall, May 3, early in the evening.We were to have held a meeting to elect new officers of the company,but no meeting was held. Some one came into the saloon and said thatthere were four of our workingmen killed at McCormick’s factory that afternoon.Then some one said that a call for a meeting that evening at No.54 West Lake Street had been published in theArbeiter-Zeitung, and a lotof us went there to learn further particulars about the shooting of our men.I there saw those circulars calling for revenge and the people to arms.[333]That circular made me very excited. I was one of the first to get to thatmeeting at 54 West Lake Street. At the commencement of the meetingwe put a man at each door to prevent any one listening or seeing what wasgoing on in the inside, and to admit only members. That meeting was onlycalled for the armed men. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel make aspeech, and he presented the plan adopted by the Northwest Side group.”(Here follows a detailed account of the “plan,” agreeing in every particularwith that given by other witnesses as to blowing up police stations, settingfire to buildings, killing people, the use of the word “Ruhe,” etc.)“We expected that there would be present at the Haymarket meeting from30,000 to 40,000 people and that then there would be a good chance for usto commence our revolution and attack the police and the government.There were also to be spies at the meeting to communicate with the groupsin the outlying sections (Wicker Park and Lincoln Park). But the spiesdid not do their work, and then after Engel’s speech several got to talkingabout guns, fires and bombs. On the motion of Fischer it was decided tohave 10,000 circulars calling the Haymarket meeting printed, and he saidhe would attend to it. First Market Square was proposed, but some oneobjected by saying it was a mouse trap in case of trouble, and the Haymarketwas agreed upon. Before finishing telling about his plan Engelsaid it had been adopted by the Northwest Side group and referred toFischer to answer if that was not so. Fischer replied, ‘Yes, that is theplan.’”

I asked Clermont if that was the first time he had ever heard of the“plan,” and he replied:

“Yes, it was the first time I had heard of the revolutionary plan. Inever heard of it before, and only heard of it through Engel that night.This was the only plan I heard of to be followed for the revolution. I wasat the Haymarket and expected to find a big crowd. To my surprise Ionly found about five hundred present.”

Clermont is now again in Chicago, and as rabid a red as ever. Heis a leader on the Northwest Side, and detectives have reported to methat he has declared himself in favor of “bullets instead of ballots.” Heis also a prominent organizer in the Anarchist “Sunday-school” scheme.

CHAPTER XVII.

Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote—Confessions by Piecemeal—Statementsfrom the Small Fry—One of Schnaubelt’s Friends—“Some One Wants toHang Me”—Neebe’s Bloodthirsty Threats—Burrowing in the Dark—The Starved-outCut-throat—Torturing a Woman—Hopes ofHabeas Corpus—“Little” Krueger’sWork—Planning a Rescue—The Signal “???” and its Meaning—A Red-hairedMan’s Story—Firing the Socialist Heart—Meetings with Locked Doors—An Ambushfor the Police—The Red Flag Episode—Beer and Philosophy—Baum’s Wife andBaby—A Wife-beating Revolutionist—Brother Eppinger’s Duties

THE work of ferreting out and arresting the conspirators might havestopped with the number already gathered in, so far as the necessity forprocuring evidence to be used in court was concerned, but it was continuedto the end that every conspicuous or minor character in the murderous plotmight be made to feel the power of the law, which each had so persistentlydefied. I had the names and descriptions of all identified with Engel’splan, their haunts, their traits of character, and their influence in the order,and detectives, under instructions, were continually on the search. Anarchistlocalities were overhauled, unfrequented places visited, and convenienthiding-places inspected. Every one wanted was finally brought from undercover. Not a guilty one escaped, except Schnaubelt. Anarchistic sympathizersdid everything in their power to conceal their friends, but the policeproved equal to the emergency.

Rudolph Dannenberg, a German, was one who held himself aloof fromthe rest of humanity. He lived at No. 218 Fulton Street, and on the 27thof May Officers Loewenstein and Whalen found him surrounded by hisfamily. During the few moments’ conversation I had with him, it becameapparent that he was like all his associates—a firm enemy of the existingorder of society. He stated that, although he was only a tailor, he couldfire a revolver as unerringly as any one and throw a bomb as far as anybody.He declared that he thought himself adapted to something higher,something better than being a tailor, and he had joined the Anarchists inorder to bring himself before the public and achieve distinction. He hadcarefully read theArbeiter-Zeitung, had noticed the names of various people,and he did not see why he could not become great like them and see hisname and deeds frequently paraded in the papers. He felt that he had therequisite ability, and communicated his ambition and his desires to hiswife.

Mrs. Dannenberg was a plain, unassuming woman, and did not dare toremonstrate with a man who had finally discovered hisforte. He struttedabout the house with the conscious pride that greatness was within hisgrasp, and his changed demeanor really impressed the woman to the extent[335]that she believed he was already a great man. Dannenberg lost no time injoining the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and eagerly made the acquaintance ofall the leading men in the order. He secured recognition, and his heartswelled with joy when he attended the secret meetings held by the order.

All these little confessions were adroitly extracted by piecemeal. Noticingthat here was a man who felt himself above the “goose” and the needle, Iconcluded to send him below to discover, if he could, the difference betweenbeing a tailor and an Anarchist in search of greatness. I treated him withperfect indifference, and he seemed to feel the indignity greatly. He wasput in a cell, and for two days no one went near him except the janitor.

Dannenberg finally got uneasy and sent word that he desired to see me.He was informed in return that he would be sent to the County Jail thenext day. He then wanted to know if he would not be given an opportunityto speak, and insisted on having a hearing. He was brought intothe office and told that he would be given just five minutes to tell what hehad to say.

“Gentlemen,” he said, in great haste, “you think because I am a tailorI am of no account, and consequently you seem disposed to punish me.My oath is just as good as the other fellows’.”

“What do you mean?” I inquired. “We have not asked you for youroath, and we do not want it.”

“Oh, I see now,” said Rudolph, beginning to get angry, “you only wantthe small fry. Well, look here, Captain, I don’t give a continental. I willtell on the other big fellows, now, for the fun of the thing. They must bepunished as well as the little fellows. It is evident that the other big fellowswant to talk themselves out.”

“I think you have got the thing down very fine,” were my consolingwords.

“Yes, I know the people want to hang somebody,” said Rudolph, “andif they can only hang a tailor they will be satisfied.”

Time was called on the speaker, the five minutes having been exhausted,and Rudolph was about to be escorted down stairs.

“Stop! stop! officer, I have not commenced yet to talk, and I want tobe heard.”

“Well,” said I, “you want to commence very soon.”

Dannenberg again planted himself firmly in his chair, and then proceededto relieve himself of the burden on his mind. He gave quite an interestingstatement, and was subsequently released by order of the State’s Attorney.He was indicted for murder before his release, and he left after promisingto report when wanted. Some time after he was re-arrested and put in aroom with fifteen others.

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THE CONSPIRACY MEETING AT 54 WEST LAKE STREET.
Waller Reading Engel’s “Plan.”

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Every one of these fifteen was morose, sullen and dejected. There wasnot a cheerful word among them. They felt uncertain about their own fateand took a gloomy view of life. The presence of Dannenberg was like acheerful fire in a blizzard. He had forgotten all about the misfortune ofbeing a tailor and a crushed Anarchist, and he kept the company full of lifewith his wit and drollery.

On his final release, Dannenberg went back to his trade, quit Anarchy,and now takes the greatest sort of pride in telling his friends that he is simplya “knight of the needle.”

After stating his age to be thirty-two years, Dannenberg swore:

“I went to the meeting in the basement at No. 54 West Lake Street. Iheard Engel speak. I heard Fischer say that he would attend to the printingof the circulars for the Haymarket meeting. I used to belong to theLehr und Wehr Verein, but I quit two months ago. I was at Thalia Hall,on Milwaukee Avenue, Sunday, May 2d. I used to go there very often. Iknow George Engel. At the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street, he wascalled on for a speech, and he responded. I heard him speak of his plan—aplan for riots, fires, the destruction of buildings and property, and thekilling of people and the police. I heard him speak of the meeting to beheld at the Haymarket, and that, if they started there, then would be thetime for us to commence the rebellion all over the city. A man namedSchrade, sitting by my side, remarked to me that Engel had made a verydestructive speech. This talk made me laugh. Engel continued by sayingthat when we saw the heavens red, then was our time to commence. TheNorthwest Side group, he said, would meet at Wicker Park, and the NorthSide group at Lincoln Park. The moment we saw the fires, as a signal,then we should throw bombs, shoot down the policemen and everybodywho stood in our way, and begin the general destruction of property andlife. I never heard of this plan before this time. Engel was the only onewho spoke of the plan. At this meeting I knew Breitenfeld and Waller,who was chairman. I heard some one at that meeting ask for dynamitebombs and how to get them, and some said: ‘You ought to know it by thistime.’ Engel also spoke of the word ‘Ruhe.’ It was to be a signal word,and when it should appear in theArbeiter-Zeitung, then was the time to beready for a riot.”

Carl Max Emil English registered at the station on the 1st of June.He might have been gathered in long before, but he was kept under watchin the hopes of bagging a more important Anarchist. It was known thatEnglish was a particular friend of Schnaubelt’s, and the officers kept theireye on him continually, thinking the bomb-thrower might be found throughhis unconscious intervention. But they waited and watched in vain, andfinally Officers Palmer and Cosgrove arrested English on suspicion. Hewas turned over to me, and then it was ascertained that he knew more ofthe Anarchists in Pullman, where he worked, than he did of those in Chicago.When called an Anarchist he objected, and insisted that he wassimply a Socialist—a distinction without a difference in his case. Hestated, however, that all the Anarchists in America “looked upon Chicagoas the main center of Anarchy,” and in Pullman they got all their inspirationfrom Chicago. He acknowledged an acquaintance with Muntzenberg,[338]who, he said, had sold John Most’s books and other Anarchistic literatureat Pullman. Muntzenberg had been in Pullman after the 4th of May, andhad carried dynamite bombs with him. The Socialists, said English, hadbecome frightened at this exhibition and had refrained from having anyfurther dealings with Muntzenberg.

English was allowed to go, with an injunction that he had better stay inPullman, where he belonged. He has since remained at home and is nowgiving more of his time to the study of sound literature on economic subjects.He came to America from Germany, in October, 1885, and was ledastray by Most’s writings. Had he lived in Chicago he would have beena very handy man for Lingg. In the old country he had worked in themanufacture of torpedoes, etc., for the Government, and he was well postedon explosives. He was twenty-four years of age, and just such a man asLingg could have utilized.

August Kraemer, a German, thought he was sharper than the police.He had escaped their attentions, and he was felicitating himself that heknew how to elude them successfully. One day, however—June 1st—hewas cheerfully greeted by Officers Whalen and Stift, and when they notifiedhim of the pleasure his company would give us at the station, he becamemotionless with surprise. Recovering himself, he declared that it was anawful outrage to arrest a man for nothing and assured the officers againand again that he had never heard of Socialists or Anarchists, did not knowa single one of that class and would not be able to recognize one if pointedout to him. In fact, he had not even heard that a bomb had been thrownat the Haymarket. He played this role of ignorance when brought beforeme, but I soon brought him to his senses.

“You have played the old lady long enough,” I said. “We are menhere who do not believe a word you say, and don’t want any of your tea-partystories. Is not George Engel your friend? Did you not drink beerin Engel’s rear room, May 4th, about eleven o’clock? Were you not therewhen a lot of men waited for orders to blow up and burn down houses?Were you not at the Haymarket with Engel, and did you not walk aroundwith him on the outskirts of the crowd?”

“Who told you this?” came promptly from Kraemer.

“One of those little gods you prayed to at Thalia Hall on Sundays.Why, you hypocrite, you and twenty more get together, talk and give youropinions about dynamite and how to construct poisoned daggers, and workout a plan to fight the police and militia, drink beer and liquor, and call thata prayer-meeting. What have you to say to all this? If you can not answerI will give it to you plainer.”

“Mein Gott, some one wants to hang me,” exclaimed August. “I knowHerr Engel; he is a good man.”

“Yes, in your estimation.”

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“If you only knew how awfully sorry he felt for the officers that werekilled.”

“Oh, yes. Well, do you now think that we know something about you?”

“I admit that you know all about me, but Herr Engel said that nightthat it was wrong to have such a miscarriage. He did not believe in killinga few people. All revolutions, Engel believed, ought to come about bythemselves, and then the police and soldiers would be with them. If thepeople would fight, then the authorities, police and all, would throw theirguns away and run. Then the victory would be won without spilling anyblood, but such a foolish thing as the Haymarket affair Engel would havenothing to do with.”

“Yes; all this Engel said after 10:30 o’clock that night, May 4th.”

“Yes, he said it in his back room.”

“That is all I want of you. Officers, lock up this dynamitard.”

“Captain, will you not let me make a statement?”

“Of what?”

“I know something. For God’s sake don’t lock me up.”

“Well, then, speak, double-quick time, and let there be no lying.”

Kraemer calmed himself and proceeded to unfold his story. He wassubsequently released on promising to testify in court and that he wouldbecome a better man. He was indicted by the grand jury for conspiracy tomurder. He was not asked to testify, and it was supposed that after all histroubles he would attend strictly to his own business, that of a carpenter.Not so. He was to be found in the company of the worst Anarchistsbetween May 4th and the time of the execution, but, when he finally discoveredthat there was a law in the State to hang conspirators and murderers,he grew frightened. He now remains at home instead of skulking intodark cellars and devising means of revenge. He lived, at the time of hisarrest, at No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue, in the rear, his friend Engel occupyingthe front part of the building. He was thirty-three years of age, married,well built, five feet eight inches in height, and an active man.

His statement was as follows:

“I attended the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street the night of May3d. I was there about fifteen minutes when the meeting was called to order.Some one suggested that every man of a group should see that every onepresent was one of their members. I was asked what group I belonged to.I could not tell. I do not belong to any group. Then I was told to go outbecause I could not give the pass-word. I told them that I belonged to theSocialists, but they told me I could not remain. I then went away. Ihave often been at Thalia Hall at the ‘Bible class.’ I met there frequentlyEngel and Fischer. That was in the month of April, 1886. At one meeting,when Engel and Fischer were present, some one called on the peopleto be ready with arms; that the time would soon come when they must beorganized and ready to defend themselves. While I was at 54 West LakeStreet that evening, May 3, some one complained that there were so few[340]present and said that there had always been a good attendance until thatnight, and that it was very strange. As I could not give the sign I was putout. I heard Engel say that no revolution could be a success with only asmall group; there must be general, united action.”

Martin Bechtel was also requested to report at the station for an interview.He willingly responded, and conversed quite freely. He was abeer-brewer by profession, and on May 4 was foreman in the brewery ofBartholomae & Leicht. He was also president of the Brewers’ Union andpresided at a meeting on the afternoon of May 3. His statement of thatmeeting was as follows:

“I had a meeting called of the brewers for that afternoon, and there Isaw a lot of those ‘Revenge’ circulars. I saw all the men reading them,and, while some did not appear to care much, others got greatly excitedover the way the police had been clubbing the people at McCormick’s factory.There was considerable excitement for awhile, and this was kept upuntil I called the meeting to order. I found that I had to be very strictbefore I could do anything. We transacted our business with great difficulty.I was interrupted now and then by some one coming in and talkingexcitedly about the police killing people at the factory. I restored orderonce more, when Oscar Neebe came in with a new supply of circulars andhanded them around to the boys. Then the fire was in the straw again.After Neebe had distributed his circulars, he was called on for a speech,and whenever he was asked by any one if it was true that the police hadbeen killing people in the manner described by the circular, he wouldanswer: ‘Oh, yes; I know it is true. I saw it all. We must get readyand take revenge. Get ready; you all know what to do. You have allbeen to our meetings; you have all had instructions. Come out like menand show the capitalists what you are made of. Show these bloodhounds,these hirelings of the capitalists—I mean the blue-coated police—that weare not afraid of them. We must meet them and teach them a lesson.They have no regard for you or your families. You must feel the same tothem.’ Such was the character of his speech and replies, and that is all Ican report of the meeting.”

Mr. Bechtel was thanked for his information, and left the office.

It came out that during that day, after leaving that meeting, Neebewent into a saloon on Clark Street, near Division, and said that “by to-morrowor before to-morrow midnight the city of Chicago would swim inblood, or perhaps lie in ashes.” There would be a revolution, everythingwas ready, and he said that he would do his share of the work. At onetime he was so wrought up with excitement that he fairly shouted at thetop of his voice and made loud threats. In the trial, it was a fortunatething for Neebe that certain documents were not at hand, or he would haveundoubtedly been hung instead of being let off with the fifteen years’ sentencein the penitentiary which he is now working out. The documentsdesired were in some manner lost, and, when some of the material witnesseswere looked for to appear at the trial, they could not be found.

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Neebe knew perfectly well the character of the men he addressed at thebrewers’ meeting. They were all fire-eaters on the question of Anarchy,and the name of the Brewers’ Union was simply adopted as a cloak. Thebrewing companies could greatly contribute to the promotion of law, orderand decency by replacing every one of them with men who appreciate goodgovernment and the privileges of citizenship.

In one brewery on the North Side, these “reds” managed to get theteamsters and beer-peddlers inoculated with their heresy, and the result wasthat the police were often called upon to quell disturbances growing eitherout of arguments with customers or saloon patrons. The injury thus doneto the trade of the company must have been large. Is it a fear of thesemen or is there a lack of better material that keeps them in their places?It is certain that such men are doing the brewing companies no good.They are a bad lot and need watching. They are watched.

Moritz Neff was the owner of what has been called the “Shanty ofthe Communists,” at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, known also as “Neff’s Hall.”He was intimate with the leaders of Anarchy and knew a great deal abouttheir movements. On the 1st of June, Schuettler and Stift were sent totell him that I desired to see him. He came, not under arrest, but voluntarily,as soon as he had secured some one to run his saloon during hisabsence. He was a German, about thirty-six years of age, unmarried, andhad kept the Anarchist headquarters for over seven years. He attendedclosely to business, rented his hall in the rear of the saloon to various unionsand clubs, and made plenty of money. His place was a sort of “go-as-you-please”headquarters for the Anarchists, and if all their plottings there hadbeen carried into execution the city of Chicago would not now stand as amonument of thrift, energy, enterprise and wealth. The hall was rented toany one who desired it. No questions were asked, and no publicity wasever given to the proceedings through Neff. He could keep secrets, andthe Anarchists knew it. He also knew them thoroughly. He was a goodjudge of character, and, as most of his patrons were low-browed, ignorantand impulsive fellows, he would in the presence of some of the more sensibleones call them “fools and cattle.” Neff gave up his money freely tothese people for the advancement of their cause, but he was never knownto howl against law and order or make threats against capitalists, like otherAnarchist saloon-keepers. He always kept on friendly terms with thepolice, and promised Lieutenant Baus to keep him posted whenever anythingof importance transpired. This promise, however, seems to havebeen shrewdly made with a view to “pulling the wool over the eyes” ofthe Lieutenant. Neff would say, “Don’t trouble yourself. Whenever thereis anything going on, I will put you on;” but he never found anything worthwhile reporting. The officers managed to gather a good deal of informationrespecting the character of the meetings held, but, as no important or dangerous[342]results were ever expected to grow out of them, the Anarchists werepermitted to remain unmolested.

On the night of May 4, after the Anarchists had been put to rout, thoseof the North Side group hastened from their various posts to meet at Neff’splace. They were still inclined to go on with the revolution, and Neffreproached them for not continuing it the moment it was started.

“What the d——l,” said he, “did you carry bombs for all night and notdo anything? Why didn’t you go to the Chicago Avenue Station and blowthe d——d building to h——l with every one in it?”

This staggered the hot-heads, and not one made a reply.

“Why,” continued Neff, “you are all cowards; not one of you dare gowith me now.”

No one advanced to accept the challenge. Presently, the hour gettingnear eleven o’clock, Neff said:

“Get out! I am going to close up, and to-morrow we will have differentmusic, and we will see who dances.”

Knowing the great resort his place had been for Anarchists, Neff was inmomentary dread of becoming involved in the Haymarket affair. He wasvery uneasy, and, as described by an acquaintance of his, “his clothes andshirt collar did not fit him very well for a number of days.” When heentered my office, Neff straightened up and appeared as if his mind wasmade up for the worst and as if he had resolved that the police should beno wiser through any information he possessed. It was not long, however,before he discovered that we meant business, and that playing the fool inthe matter would not be tolerated. In the room were Assistant State’sAttorney Furthmann, six detectives and myself, and he was kept busyframing answers that would not compromise himself. Finally Neff lookedus all over very carefully and said:

“I know I am called here to answer questions and tell on the Anarchists.I will now tell all I know.”

He then gave a straightforward story and appeared as a witness at thetrial, giving all its substantial points. After that trial he sold out his placeand left the city. He remained away for a time, but recently came toChicago on a visit. His conduct has been such as to justify the hope thathe will hereafter hold himself aloof from Anarchists.

John Weiman, a Suabian, was a peculiar genius. He was only twenty-threeyears of age, and yet he imagined that he could successfully hoodwinkthe police. He had been pointed out as an associate of some of the leaders,and it was decided to bring him to see what he had to say for himself. Helived at No. 30 Barker Street, and when notified, about the 6th of June, thatI wished to become acquainted with him, he assumed a highly injured air.The moment he set foot inside the office, he threw up both hands and, in aloud voice, insisted that a great mistake had been made in arresting him.

[343]

THE “CZAR BOMB.”—From a Photograph.

This is one of the round bombs made by Lingg, and similar to the infernal machine thrown at the Haymarket.It is about three inches in diameter, and consists of two hollow hemispheres of lead, filled withdynamite, and secured by means of an iron bolt and nut. It is fitted with fuse and fulminating cap.

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“I am no Socialist, no Anarchist, no Nihilist, no Communist,” hedeclared. “I don’t know Spies, Parsons, Schwab, Fischer, Lingg, Engel,Neebe or Fielden. I never attended any meetings at No. 54, No. 71 orNo. 120 West Lake Street, and I have never been in the Communisten-Bude[the Shanty of the Communists] at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue;never was at Mueller’s Hall basement, or at Thalia Hall, or at No. 63Emma Street.”

“That is right, John,” said I. “Keep on and tell me a few more placeswhere you have never been, and I shall be much obliged to you. Then I willknow all the places and all the leaders of the whole Anarchist outfit.”

“Yes,” said John, “I have heard of you, and I don’t want to be troubledtoo much. I know that you are acquainted with all those places and knowall the people who went there, and I heard of a lot of people getting arrestedevery day who knew all the leaders and frequented those meeting-places.I thought I would tell you all at first, because I am sick and I can’t standmuch talking-to.”

“How came you to know so much?” I inquired; “that is to say, howdo you know the names of the members?”

“Well, I have a friend, and he told me all these things, but he ran awayfrom the city. I don’t know where he is now.”

“What is his name and where did he live?”

“He is a carpenter. I used to call him Carl. He lived on RandolphStreet, near Union.”

Further inquiries failed to elicit anything of importance, and he wasturned loose to wander at his own sweet pleasure.

Emil Mende, a German, was a man thoroughly capable of desperatedeeds. He lived at No. 51 Meagher Street, and so villainous a dispositiondid he possess that his own sister and his brother-in-law were obliged toreport him at the station. Even the people in his own neighborhood fearedhim, and those that knew him best shunned him. He was a dangerous man.For two months preceding May 4, he boasted how the Anarchists wouldblow up the city and kill every one who was not an Anarchist. He talkedabout it so often and in such an earnest way that his neighbors grew apprehensivelest he might set fire to the neighborhood. The children would runacross the street to avoid meeting him. He was always full of liquor, andhis chief study was how to get a living without work. He thought he hadfound it in Anarchy, and he stood ready to commit any crime to accomplishhis purpose. He became a drunken loafer through attending Anarchisticmeetings, and when his sister remonstrated with him he turned against herand threatened to kill her. His conduct finally became so unbearable thathis brother-in-law, Emil Sauer, gave information against him to the police.Mende, he said, belonged to the Lehr und Wehr Verein of the SouthwestSide group and would assemble with his comrades in lonely, retired places,[345]where the police could not see them drill. They would sneak into the buildingsselected for their meeting-places, and after their drills they wouldquietly sneak out again, like so many thieves who had committed a successfulburglary. Sauer said he had come to know many of the members, buthe did not know their names or where they lived. They all had numbers,were well armed with rifles and revolvers, and they drilled frequently.

“I remember the night of May 4,” said Sauer, “Mende left the houseabout eight o’clock. He looked wild and desperate. He carried with hima huge revolver and a lot of cartridges. About eleven o’clock the sameevening, after the bomb had exploded, he came sneaking home, and had inhis possession two rifles and three dynamite bombs. He brought them allinto the house at first, and, becoming alarmed, he took them all to No. 647South Canal Street. There he was seen either going under the house orunder the sidewalk. When he came out he had nothing with him. Mende,when he first began to attend the meetings, had very little to say aboutAnarchy. He kept on, and during the six months preceding the Haymarketriot he was perfectly crazy on the subject. After he had become a memberof the armed group, he would speak of nothing else but killing people anddestroying the city. On the evening of May 4, before leaving home, hesaid:

“‘This is our night. This night we will show our strength. I would liketo see any one oppose us. Nothing can stand before us. Before daylightto-morrow blood will flow deep in the streets, and the air will be hot. Thenwe will have a new government.’

“After he had been gone about twenty minutes, some one came in andasked for him. The man looked like a starved-out cut-throat. He was toldthat Mende had gone. The fellow remarked, ‘Then it is all right. I knowwhere to find him.’ He pulled his hat over his eyes, turned up his coat collarand disappeared. This man was watched. He went west from ourhouse, and about a block away he met five other men. They all went westtogether.

“On the afternoon of May 4, Mende said to me:

“‘I want you to go with us. Everything is very well planned. Thereis no fear that we will not get all the help we want after we have started.We are going to move like an army. If we should get whipped at first, orif we should have to run, then we all have places to go to. The SouthwestSide group is going to a church on Eighteenth Street, and we will fortifyourselves there until we get help. We will have a lot of dynamite bombsto keep everybody away. We have rifles and revolvers, and no one willdare come near us. We can hold the fort there for a few days, and no onewill trouble us. Only throw out a bomb once a day, and that will be sufficientto prevent the enemy from coming near. The North Side group is goingto follow our plan. They are going to take charge of St. Michael’s Church.[346]We have things down fine. You had better come along. There is no danger.We expect a lot of people here from Michigan and all the miningtowns. They will all come here as soon as we begin the attack.’

“Mende asked me at one time to go with him,—this was during theMcCormick strike,—and told me they were going to take with them tincans, which would be filled with kerosene. These cans would have strongcorks in them, and through each a hole had been drilled, for the insertion ofa cap and fuse. They would simply light the fuse, throw the can into alumber yard, and walk off. No one would discover who did it, and thenthey would see a big fire. ‘In this way we’ll bring these d——d capitaliststo time.’ I told Mende that I would have nothing to do with him or hisplans.

“Two days after the bomb had been thrown, he said to me:

“‘I know the man who threw the bomb, and, you bet, he is a good friendof mine. He will never be arrested.’

“About eight days after the explosion, he told me that he knew the manwho made bombs, and that the man was going to leave the city. This man,he also said, had changed his clothes, and he (Mende) had got the clothesfrom a man named Sisterer, who lived on Sixteenth Street. I then askedhim the name of the man who made the bombs, and he said it was LouisLingg.”

Mrs. Sauer next related her grievances against her brother.

“This brute,” she began, “not being satisfied with having all the neighborsafraid of him, had to torment the life out of me, telling me that hebelonged to those fellows who would kill, give no quarter and take none.In a fight the result would be victory or death. He would tell me that assoon as they had established their government the children of the capitalistswould be hunted up and killed, and every trace of a capitalist wiped off theface of the earth. My brother reads all kinds of Anarchist books andpapers. I saw him have a big revolver and a lot of cartridges, and he said:

“‘We are going to kill all the police now in a few days. They all must bekilled. They stand in our way. We cannot get our rights so long as welet those bloodhounds live. So we have decided to kill them all. We areready now, and you will not see any more of those fellows hanging aroundthe corners.’

“He also said that the Fire Department was a well-organized body, andthey, too, must be destroyed.

“‘Before the battle commences,’ he said, ‘we are going to fix thebridges with dynamite, so that, in case the Fire Department should cometo the relief of the police or go to work to extinguish the fires that we start,we will blow the bridges, firemen, horses and all to h—l.’

“He further stated that the city would be set on fire in all parts, so thatthe police and firemen would be obliged to stay in their own neighborhoods,[347]and it would be impossible for any large bodies of them to get together inone place. Then, when everything was in confusion, they had places selectedwhere they would meet in a body and come into the center of the city, wherethey would rob and plunder every jewelry store and bank, and places wherethey could get the most valuable things they wanted.

“‘We have,’ he said, ‘all these places picked out already. We have onhand all the dynamite we want, and when we make a start we will have ourtools and materials with us.’

“A few days after the 4th of May, my brother also said that it was toobad that their committee had become split up during the charge of thepolice at the Haymarket. They failed to get together again, and the menon the outside were expecting every second to receive orders from thatcommittee to commence setting fires and killing people. He stated thaton that night he was at the Hinman Street Station, and that it was surroundedby seventy-five men, fifty of them having rifles and the balancelarge revolvers and dynamite bombs. They waited in an alley for orders.Everything, he said, was complete; every man had his place and knew whatwork he had to perform. They only needed the signal from the committee.The plan was that, as soon as they had received their orders, some of themshould get near the windows of the station and throw in bombs among thepolicemen. Then others were to be ready with their revolvers and shootdown any officer who had not been killed by the explosion and who attemptedto save himself by jumping out through the window. The fifty men withrifles were to have placed themselves in front of the station, and as soon asthe officers made an attempt to march out, they should kill them in thehallway before they could get outside. ‘But,’ said he, ‘the officers at thisstation will be killed yet, because they have interfered with us and injuredthe success of the strikers.’

“He spoke also about their going to barricade themselves in churchesif they got whipped, until they had secured help. He said that they had a lotof bombs buried near the city, and they were there still for future use.‘They will not spoil,’ he said. My brother further told me one night thathe had to run home or he would have been arrested. I saw him comehome, and he looked very much excited. He went into the back yard—justlike the coward—and remained there for some time. Later he toldme that a lot of them went together to blow up a freight-house with dynamitebombs. This freight-house is on the corner of Meagher and JeffersonStreets. He said that he had the place picked out, and everything wasready. Then one of their number, who stood guard, gave the signal to run,and they all ran away. They had a meeting-place appointed in case theyshould be disturbed, and there they met afterwards. They decided torenew the attack, but finally, at the suggestion of a man named Sisterer,that they postpone it till another night, they all went home. On his wayhome my brother thought that some detective was following him. Hebecame frightened and started on the run, and ran until he arrived homesafely.”

[348]

ANARCHIST AMMUNITION—1.From Photographs.

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When a sister would tell such a story, fully corroborated by others, of abrother, it can easily be seen that he must have been a desperate man. Itmust be borne in mind that about the time Mrs. Sauer notified me of herbrother’s acts the city was wrought up to a high pitch of excitement overthe foul murder at the Haymarket, and there was a general sentiment thatall the conspirators identified with that plot ought to hang. It required,therefore, no little courage on the part of a sister to give up her ownbrother to take his chances on the charges made.

Mende must have reached a very low, or rather a very high standingamong the bloodthirsty bandits, and the revelations concerning him showedthat he was not only capable of tormenting a poor woman by his savagethreats, but willing and anxious to distinguish himself in any wild carnivalof riot, bloodshed and incendiarism. He was a man the police wanted, andhe was accordingly arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein on the7th of June. At the station he gave his age as twenty-nine years, and hisoccupation as that of a carpenter. He was tall, well-built, wore a heavybeard and weighed about 160 pounds. His appearance did not belie thestatements made about him, and subsequent inquiries showed that he wasall his sister had represented him to be. What he had told his sister aboutthe arrangements around the Hinman Street Station was found to bestrictly true, and the details about the riot at the Haymarket and thesignal to the armed men in the outlying sections of the city were borneout by the statements of other Anarchists.

While on his way to the station, Mende seemed perfectly indifferent tohis fate. It came out, however, that much of his stoical air had beeninspired by statements previously communicated to him by his Anarchistassociates. The attorneys of the Anarchists, Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler,had advised the order that in case of arrest the distressed brother shouldseek to notify some friend they might meet while being taken through thestreets to the station, and then, the information being brought to them,they would at once secure a release on a writ ofhabeas corpus. Mendeacted on this advice. He knew probably, like the rest, that, once lockedup, his chances for communicating with his friends for a day or two wouldbe exceedingly doubtful, and so, while he was being marched through thestreets, he encountered a friend and told him his name; and that friendimmediately rushed to the office of the attorneys and gave the name of theprisoner and the station to which he was being taken.

Mende had scarcely been locked up when the counsel came to the ChicagoAvenue Station and demanded to see the prisoner. They wererefused. On the next day they applied for a writ ofhabeas corpus and[350]wanted the prisoner brought into court. The object of this was to put meon the stand in the case, and, by various questions, to obtain such informationas the State might possess with reference to the Anarchists. I wasnot to be caught in such a trap, and State’s Attorney Grinnell decided torelease the prisoner, have him indicted and subsequently re-arrested.

During the short time Mende was at the station he was plied with questions,but he answered them all with denials. He said that he had neverspoken to his sister about Anarchy and had never belonged to any organization.Under cross-fire, however, he admitted that he had attended themeetings and owned a big revolver. The revolver, he said, he had sold toone Peter Mann about the 1st of June. After his experience at the stationhe was, as might have been expected, at war with his relatives, but he keptaway from meetings.

Polikarp Sisterer, a German Pole, was an associate of Mende, but,unlike that rapscallion, he was not violent or demonstrative. Having afamily may have done much toward tempering his disposition, but still hewas an Anarchist in the full sense of the word. He was a quiet, deep-plottingfellow, and perhaps on that account might be regarded as really amore dangerous man. He was a sober man, not given to beer-drinkingand wine-guzzling like Mende; and, like Cassius of old, had a “lean andhungry look,” bringing him within that class concerning whom the injunction“Beware” might well be heeded in any special crisis. He wasarrested on the 8th of June by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein and takento the station. On the way thither he, like Mende, communicated histroubles to friends on the street, and was subsequently released under thesame conditions. At the station he gave his age as thirty-one years, hisoccupation as that of a carpenter, and his residence as No. 85 West SixteenthStreet. He belonged, like Mende, to the Carpenters’ Union, whichmet at Zepf’s Hall, and took an active part in all Anarchistic movements.He was at first exceedingly non-communicative to the police, and insisted,whenever he did speak, that he had no secrets to divulge. He was shownto the “cooler” down stairs, and the next day he was in a talkative mood.He willingly took all the officers into his confidence and talked unreservedly.He said:

“I belong to the Carpenters’ Union, and Louis Lingg belongs to thesame organization. I have known Lingg for about eight months. Wewere good friends, and, after the meetings of the union were over, Linggand I often went home together. I got acquainted with him at those meetings.Lingg was a good worker for the carpenters, and they all like him forthe interest he displayed in their behalf. I saw him at our union meetingon Monday evening about eight o’clock in Zepf’s Hall. He made a speechthere and called all of us to arms and to be ready. He said that the policewere ready to club us and would only protect the capitalists and work onlyin the interests of the capitalists. ‘You can see for yourselves,’ Lingg said[351]‘how the police acted at the McCormick factory; they clubbed our people,they killed six of our brothers, and now we will fight them and takerevenge.’ He worked us all up, and every one was highly excited. Hesaid that everything was ready and if we would only stick together wewould win a certain victory. I saw at this meeting Hageman, Poch,Mende, Lehman, Louis Rentz and Kaiser. Rau and Niendorf were thereand distributed the revenge circulars. That day—Monday—was a veryexciting one among the Anarchists, and it would not have taken much tohave started very serious trouble. Crowds of excited people were on LakeStreet, from Union Street to the river, on that afternoon, and all were inbad temper. I attended the meeting on the afternoon of May 3d, at aboutthree o’clock, at No. 71 West Lake Street, at Florus’ Hall. I never was atany meeting held at No. 54 West Lake Street, at Greif’s Hall, but I heardfrom others as to what had been done there. I saw Lingg again on the 5thof May, at Florus’ Hall. I spoke to him, but he had very little to say.He looked downhearted. While I was there he disappeared, and I neversaw him again.”

“Did you not give him money and clothes to get out of the city?” Iasked.

“Well, no one can prove that. If you think I did, you had better findyour witness.”

“Do you mean to say that you did not help Lingg?”

Sisterer hung his head and would vouchsafe no answer.

He was released, as I have already stated, but since this episode in hiscareer, he has taken the lesson to heart and appears to be determined tokeep away from uncanny places on moonless nights.

August Krueger,alias “Little Krueger,” was a different sort of a manfrom the rest of his chosen brotherhood. He was quite an intelligentfellow, well educated, with genteel manners, well chosen language andrather natty dress. He was a draftsman by occupation, and he was highlyskilled. He was, with all his bloodthirsty professions, a very clever fellow,and became quite popular with his low-browed associates. He belonged tothe Northwest Side company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and took greatinterest in the drills. His ideas, however, were somewhat different fromthose of the other Anarchists. He did not believe in riots, but thought arevolution should be brought about by a general uprising of the people. Inthe old country, he had been a Socialist, but had been obliged to leavesome seven years before the time of the Haymarket riot. Arriving here, heidentified himself with the Anarchists, and, taking a deep interest in allmovements directed against capitalists, he soon became highly esteemedby Spies and others. He was at the Haymarket meeting, having come inthe company of Schnaubelt, the bomb-thrower, and claimed that he alsoleft the meeting in his company. While not in perfect accord with hisassociates on isolated riots, and while he did not sanction such methods tohurt people, Krueger still entered into their plans and worked hard for their[352]cause, and when Spies and others had been condemned to die he originateda plot to release them from the jail, which, however, failing to securemembers enough to carry it out, he finally abandoned.

A GROUP OF THE LEHR UND WEHR VEREIN.
From a Photograph.
The figure on the extreme right is that of “Little Krueger.”

After the Haymarket riot, Krueger was continually watched by thedetectives, and on the 13th of June he was arrested. He was found at theTerra Cotta Works, on Clybourn and Wrightwood Avenues, and broughtto the Chicago Avenue Station. Here he showed that he had considerablegrit. He was the kind of man who would risk his life for a good chancein a general revolution, and, although he characterized some of the Anarchistsas fools, he stubbornly refused to testify against them. He was keptfor two hours under asteady fusillade of questionsby Assistant State’sAttorney Furthmann, buthe held out doggedly underthe heavy fire. Hecould not be made to inform.He was subsequentlyreleased by orderof the State’s Attorney.He was, when last heardof, still working forMessrs. Parkhurst & Co.,the proprietors of theworks, and appears to bewell liked by them. Inspite of his warning, hestill adheres to his oldideas.

His answers to thequestions asked him wereas follows:

“I am twenty-one years of age. I came from Germany seven years ago.I reside at No. 72 Kenion Street, near Paulina. I was a member of the Lehrund Wehr Verein a year and a half. I know Breitenfeld. He is the commanderof the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I am orderlysergeant and secretary of that company. Schrade was captain. I heardof the letter ‘Y’ about the first of April. We had a different signal. Itwas ‘???.’ This signal invited the armed organizations. I cannot say whooriginated the signal. The signal was then changed to ‘Y.’ We alwaysmet up-stairs under this signal ‘Y,’ except the last two meetings. I sawthat letter last on Sunday preceding the riot. I went to that meeting at No.54 West Lake Street (May 3) alone. I got to the meeting about 8:30 o’clock.I went into the saloon and then went down stairs. There were then only afew people present. Seeing that the meeting had not started, I went up[353]stairs again. Breitenfeld had charge of the door. I was not asked to showmy card, but I had it with me. It was a red card—No. 8. That is mynumber. We all go by numbers. I went down stairs again for a secondtime about a quarter to nine o’clock.”

A picture being shown him of Schnaubelt, he said:

“I might have seen him. On Tuesday night, May 4, I was at Engel’shouse from nine o’clock to eleven o’clock. At the meeting I know thatFischer volunteered to have circulars printed for the Haymarket meeting.I am in favor of a complete revolution—that is, when a majority of thepeople are in favor of it. I am an Anarchist, and will remain one as long asI live. My father was one, and he was warden of a penitentiary in the oldcountry. I had to leave there because I was an Anarchist. I am opposedto all single attacks, like that at the Haymarket. I am in favor, also, ofpeaceable agitation. I could say more about others, but they are in troubleenough now. I don’t want to be put down as a ‘squealer.’ I hope you willnot insist on my becoming one, as I will not.”

Emil Niendorf, a German, was arrested on the 14th of June, by OfficersSchuettler and Stift, and brought to the station. He had scarcely enteredthe place when he demanded to see me at once. On being brought into theoffice, he was asked what he wanted to say.

“Well,” opened up Niendorf, “I don’t want to be locked up here sixweeks. Neither do I want you folks to believe that I am a stubborn man.I want to talk. I want to tell you who I am, what I have done, and I don’twant to be looked upon as a murderer. I am an eight-hour man. I wantto get eight hours in a peaceable way. I do not want to kill people. I haveno use for those rattle-heads.”

Niendorf was informed that all the officers connected with the stationwere too busy to attend to his case then, and that he would have to remainuntil the next day, when he would have an opportunity to tell all his troubles.He was locked up, but during the night, it appears, some prisoner or someone from the outside “put a flea in his ear,” telling him not to open hismouth, to be a brave man, and he would come out all right. The next morningat ten o’clock he was brought into my office, but he was not at all communicative.He sat down and said nothing.

“Well, Niendorf, how do you feel?” asked Mr. Furthmann. “How didyou sleep?”

Not an answer.

“Are you sick?” interestedly inquired Furthmann.

No answer.

“Did any one insult you or hurt you?” continued Furthmann.

Still no response.

“Who has changed your mind since you were here?” I inquired.

Not a syllable of reply.

“See here,” said I, “you cannot make us feel bad. I will give you justtwo minutes by the watch to get over your lockjaw.”

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This aroused Niendorf, and, looking around at all the officers present, hesaid:

“Gentlemen, I have been warned not to speak. I did not see the party,but some one called out my name and asked if I had been to the office yet.I answered no. The voice then said: ‘When you go there, don’t openyour mouth, be motionless, and they will soon fire you out. Don’t forget.’”

“That is just what I expected,” I remarked. “Now you can do as youplease—talk or not talk. That party is not a friend of yours, and he wantsto see you go to jail. Officer, take him down stairs.”

“Are you not going to let me speak?” nervously inquired the prisoner.

“How long will it take you to find your speech?” exclaimed Furthmann.

“Have I got to swear to what I tell you?”

“Yes; you will have to do that whenever we send for you, and you mustnot leave the city without permission,” said I.

Niendorf then gave a statement of his knowledge of Anarchy. Heappeared very ignorant, but, when spoken to, he showed that he was quiteintelligent. He was twenty-six years of age, lived at No. 29 Croker Street,and, with fiery red hair, was a rather homely-looking man.

He was released, and after his departure the officers determined toascertain whether it was an “Anarchist ghost” or a man in flesh and bonesthat had hovered about the station warning Niendorf not to squeal. Aclose watch was accordingly put in the cell department to fathom the mystery.About ten o’clock that night a young fellow called at the station fora night’s lodging. He was told to sit down and wait. He did so, and hiswish was reported to me. Officer Loewenstein was sent back to look himover, and that officer presently returned and reported that the man did notlook like a tramp. He looked more like an Israelite who had means, andthe fellow was at once called into the office. There the officers unbuttonedhis coat and discovered a clean young fellow, with a nice suit of clothes anda gold watch and chain.

“What is your name?” I asked sternly. “And don’t forget to give itright.”

“Oh, please,—I—I did not mean anything bad.”

“Are you not baptized; have you no name? Officer, lock him up untilI find a name for him.”

“Let me go, and I will never come here again.”

“Who sent you here?” I demanded.

“I cannot tell—do let me go. I will never, I promise you, come backagain.”

“I don’t think you will. When you leave here you will go through the‘sewer.’”

With exclamations of great grief and remorse, he looked appealingly to[355]all the officers in the room, and, recognizing Officer Loewenstein as one ofhis race, he fell on his knees and begged the officer not to have him putthrough the “sewer.”

“Were you not here last night?” asked the Captain.

“No, sir; it was another fellow.”

The turnkey of the station was sent for and confirmed the stranger’sdenial. The now thoroughly frightened young man was then asked as towho the lodger of the night before was, but all he knew was that he himselfhad been hired by an unknown man that evening for one dollar to come andseek lodgings at the station to warn Anarchists. When the stranger hadmeasurably recovered from his trepidation, he gave his name as MosesWulf, and, his information being of no value, he was released with a severelecture.

Niendorf’s statement ran as follows:

“I was at a meeting held May 3 at 8P.M., at No. 122 West Lake Street.I was chairman. I heard some one state that the police had killed a dozenworkingmen at McCormick’s factory. That created a great deal of excitementfor some time at the meeting. Then some one shouted: ‘Better bequiet and let us attend to our own affairs.’ We were only looking after theeight-hour movement. I saw the revenge circular at that meeting, whichcalled the people to arms. Louis Lingg was present to report some meetingand some business transactions as a committeeman. William Seligerwas there as recording secretary of the meeting. Rau was there, and someone said to me that he had brought the circular. A man named Soenekmade a speech and advised us to use force. It was decided, on motion, thatwe should act in sympathy with the people at McCormick’s factory. I havebeen a member of the North Side group for about a year. I was at ameeting at Zepf’s Hall May 3, which lasted till eleven o’clockp.m. Aboutnine o’clock a man at the back door called out that all the men whobelonged to the armed sections should go to 54 West Lake Street in thebasement, where a meeting was to be held, and I saw a lot of members getup and leave the hall. I know Lingg belonged to the armed section. Atone time he offered me some of his dynamite bombs. I told him I did notwant any of them. He told me on another occasion that I had better takesome and try some of his stuff. I told him that I was afraid to handle hisstuff and I did not want it. Our meeting May 3 at Zepf’s Hall was knownas that of the Central Labor Union. A little fellow named Lutz was financialsecretary at that meeting. Rau was there only ten minutes. At ameeting held some time ago in Lake View, I was chairman. Lingg was oneof the speakers, and also a man named Poch. Seliger called the meeting toorder. I know Gruenwald; he is thirty-five years old, a carpenter by trade,five feet eight or nine inches tall, and has red whiskers. I heard Lingg sayat several meetings that if any members wanted any of his ‘chocolate,’meaning dynamite or dynamite bombs, he would supply them.”

Johannes Grueneberg, a German, had the distinction conferred on himof being one of the last of the more conspicuous Anarchists to be arrested.He had been known to the police for some time, in a general way, and[356]inquiries about him brought out the fact that he was a prominent figure inAnarchistic circles. He knew where all the leaders lived, frequently visitedthem, and tramped around so often that he became quite a well-knowncharacter. Even the dogs that infested the localities through which hepassed wagged their tails in cheerful recognition, and Grueneberg alwayshad a kind word for both the brutes and his Anarchist friends. He wasforty-five years of age, a married man with a family, and lived at No. 750West Superior Street. He was a carpenter by trade. On the 17th ofJune he was working on a new building at No. 340 Dearborn Avenue, and,while right in the midst of an exhortation to the other workingmen on thebeauties of Anarchy, he was interrupted by Officers Hoffman and Schuettler,who notified him that he was under arrest.

“That is just what I have been waiting for,” he exclaimed, not in theleast disconcerted. “Is it that d——d Schaack that wants to see me? Iwill tell that fellow who I am. I will surprise him.”

“Johannes,” said Schuettler, “you can save yourself all of that trouble.Schaack knows all about you. I saw your name in the book.”

“Come on quick,” said Johannes, “I will show you a gamy man.Whenever I leave home I always bid my wife good-by, because I haveexpected to be arrested at any time, and did not know when I would seeher again, for I will not squeal. I knew of these squealers, and I told mywife I would kill myself first before I would squeal.”

Officers and prisoner started for the station. Johannes opened up on ahalf run, and the officers could hardly keep up with him, so anxious did heappear. He entered the office with hair disordered and on end, and hiseyes bulged out with excitement as he hurriedly surveyed some six officerswho were in the office at the time.

“Which one of you fellows,” he wildly asked, “is Schaack? Show himto me quick.”

“Grueneberg,” said I, for I recognized him at once from the descriptionsI had had of the man, “what is the matter?”

“Are you Schaack?”

“Yes, I am Schaack.”

“You sent for me to squeal, did you?”

He instantly pulled out a big jack-knife, and, handing it out towardsme, he continued:

“Take this and cut my head off.”

He twice repeated the request, and, still holding out his extended hand,said:

“I will never squeal; you can kill me first.”

“I heard that you were crazy,” said I, “but I never thought you werequite so bad as this. You must suffer terribly. The weather is too warm[357]for you. I think you had better go down stairs and have a glass of icewater.”

“No,” vehemently responded Johannes, “we had better settle thismatter right now. I want to go out a free man, or else you will have tocarry me out of here a dead man. I would thank you, however, for a glassof water, but don’t put me down stairs. I have heard too much of thatplace already.”

“Oh,” said I, “it is not a bad place. Just go down and see for yourself.You will like the place; it is nice and cool.”

“Please, Captain, let me sit in the next room,” said Johannes, coolingdown considerably, and modulating his voice to a gentler key; “I willbehave myself.”

His austerity of manner had completely vanished, and his ferociousmien and language had gradually disappeared. He saw in me a differentman from what he had expected, and the courteous treatment accorded himhad melted his heart and vanquished his anger. I granted his request andtold an officer to sit with him in an adjoining room.

The moment the officer and prisoner were in the room, Johannesremarked:

“Schaack is not a bad fellow. Is he not going to stop arrestingpeople?”

“Oh, no,” said the officer, “he has a long list yet.”

“Are you with him all the time?”

“I am.”

“Do you hear and see all?”

“I do.”

“Do the fellows all squeal?”

“Yes, every one of them. If they don’t squeal right away, they squealthe first chance they get.”

“I am too much of a man, and it would be very small in me to do so.”

“There have been as brave men as you in this office, and every one hassquealed.”

“Well, when a man has a family, that cuts a big figure,” said Johannes,hesitatingly.

“If you are going to talk to Captain Schaack,” said the officer, readingthe man’s mind, “you must understand that he does not want any fooling.You either tell him all or nothing, because some one has already told onyou.”

This settled the matter with Grueneberg. He wanted to see me, and hewas brought back into the office.

“I was a little excited,” began Johannes, apologetically.

“All right,” I assuringly replied; “sit down and tell on yourself first. Iam going to give you a trial.”

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Grueneberg then went on to say:

“Do you now believe that a single person was killed at McCormick’s?”

“Of course I do. You killed six men.”

“Not one was killed,” said I, “and you ought to know that by this time.”

“All I know,” said Johannes, “is what August Spies said. I was acarrier of theAnarchist, Engel’s paper. My route was on Madison Street,and on the Southwest Side,” he continued, dropping the 54 West LakeStreet meeting.

“And what did you think of that paper?” I inquired.

“That was the best paper we ever had.”

“It was too bad,” added I, “that the sweet little paper died so young.Where was it printed?”

“I don’t know, because the papers were sent to my house by the SouthwestSide group.”

“Who else carried that paper?”

“Messerschmidt, Schneider, Schoenfeld, Geimer and Kirbach. Weeach carried about fifty papers at a time.”

“Do you know anything more about the secret meeting at No. 54 WestLake Street, May 3d?”

“Well, I don’t know all. I went out twice.”

“And how did you get in every time?”

“I had a card, and I had to show that every time. That is all, and,besides, the boys all knew me.”

[359]

“What do you know about Louis Lingg?”

“He is a good man. I like him. He speaks to the point.”

“On dynamite,” I suggested.

“Yes, and on other things.”

“He only likes Anarchists,” I interrupted.

“Yes, that is so.”

“What do you know about theArbeiter-Zeitung?”

“Well, it is a very good paper, but it is too mild.”

“Do you mean to tell me that a paper which advises people to murderand kill is too mild?” I asked.

“They don’t put force enough into it. They don’t keep up things asthey ought to. I know all who visit there. I am a friend of all the Spieses.”

After being “roasted” for three hours, Johannes was permitted to goback to his work, and he left under the impression that, after all, he hadnot said anything criminally implicating any of his comrades. He was notasked to report when wanted, as he was too noisy a fellow to have aroundthe station, and the officers were as well pleased to see him go as they hadbeen pleased to arrest him. He inaugurated no reform on his release. On thecontrary, he was again as rabid as ever and ran around night and day tryingto gather a mob to go to the jail and liberate the Anarchists. He made nosecret of his work. He loved the red flag, he said, and he would die for itif necessary. One night he came to me in company with two other fellowsand demanded the return of a large red flag which at one time belonged toInternational Carpenters’ Union No. 1. This flag had been taken by thepolice with many others some time before. Grueneberg said that he hadmarched behind it many times and he was proud of it. He wanted to seethe “dear old flag” once more and secure possession of it. I had the flagat the station, but, knowing that Anarchists had an “undying love” forInspector Bonfield, I remarked:

“If you want the flag, all you have to do is to see the Inspector, and Iam quite sure he will give it to you.”

An expression of intense disgust came over the faces of the three Anarchists,and Grueneberg excitedly exclaimed:

“Bonfield! Bonfield! Ah, the d——d black Bonfield! I seehim?Oh, no! he is not gentleman enough for me to see.”

“Bonfield is a very clever fellow,” said I; “he likes such men as you.”

“Oh, yes; he would like my head in a bag. Good night, Mr. Schaack;I don’t want the flag.”

Grueneberg belonged at this time to Carpenters’ Union No. 241, and, onaccount of his peculiar and ridiculous actions, the members gradually grewsuspicious of him and finally believed that he was a paid spy in the employof some detective agency. They harbored their mistrust for a time, andthen accused him of being a traitor. He demanded that charges be preferred[360]against him, and it was done. Grueneberg failing to answer thesecharges, he was expelled from the union. A few weeks thereafter hereformed, and one day, meeting me, he said:

“I am done with these people. They are all cranks. No person can doenough for them. I worked with them night and day. They put me onall the committees. I had to do all the running, and for all my trouble andas a reward they call me a spy. I am working steady now and they can all goto the d——l. I am only sorry for my poor children—the way they sufferedwhile I was giving my time to Anarchy. I have now worked four weeksand made full time. This I have not done before for the last two years.”

About two months after the above incident, Grueneberg and his familypassed the Desplaines Street Station. Meeting me, Grueneberg spoke up,saying:

“Well, Captain, what do you think of my family now?”

“I must give you a great deal of credit,” said I pleasantly. “You areall looking remarkably well. A man that has gone as far as you in Anarchydeserves credit for such a great change, and if all the rest were kickedout of their unions, I think it would be a blessing to their poor wives andchildren.”

After bidding me good-by, Grueneberg and his family walked awayproud and happy in their new condition, and I went to my office and drewthis moral from the example of reform I had just seen: Here was a manwho had belonged to the Anarchists for three or four years, and had been atone time one of the “rankest” kind. For two years his family had sufferedwant, and now, after having left the desperate band for two months only,his wife and children were once more made happy. Anarchy keeps men inpoverty and families in trouble, distress and suffering.

Grueneberg up to the present time has kept away from his formerassociates, and his change appears permanent and sincere.

Otto Baum was one of the desperate Anarchists who made the air bluewith imprecations against capital. He would have been gathered in with theothers had it not been for his special care to keep out of the reach of thepolice. He lived at No. 137 Cleveland Avenue, was married and had threechildren, and, when he worked, which he rarely did, it was at the carpenter’strade. He was a strong, robust man, nearly six feet high, and with blackhair, full, black beard, and piercing black eyes, he presented a rather viciousappearance. When he first came to Chicago, some four years precedingthe Haymarket meeting, he joined the Socialists, and he soon became a full-fledgedAnarchist. He belonged to the notorious International Carpenters’Union No. 1. This union had then a thousand members, and Baum’s numberwas 100. About two years ago the union changed its number to 241, and aworse set of Anarchists could not be found in the United States than themembers of this organization just before the 4th of May, 1886. They were[361]provided with all kinds of arms—revolvers, daggers, rifles, dynamite andfire-cans. Lingg was one of the leading spirits in this revolutionary gang.After the Haymarket explosion, when the police took up a hot pursuit ofthe conspirators, Baum changed his residence with his family and carefullykept off the streets during the daytime. On the conclusion of the trial ofthe leading conspirators, he became emboldened over the immunity he hadenjoyed from arrest, and crawled out of his hole, like a coon does in thespring-time.

So great was Baum’s interest in Anarchy that he wholly neglected hisfamily. He never troubled himself about wife or children, but hung aroundsaloons guzzling beer and breathing vengeance against the police and society.He went lower and lower from day to day, and frequently reeled home in adrunken stupor, only to abuse his family. About a year and a half ago,when his last child was born, his neglect had left not a mouthful in thehouse, and, had it not been for the kindly assistance of friends and neighbors,the family would have been in a most deplorable condition. Whenthe child was a week old, the wife, poor and sickly as she was, had to leavethe house and seek work to supply the family with the necessaries of life.With food thus obtained, almost at the sacrifice of the poor woman’s life, theburly brute of a husband was always first at the table, and eagerly devouredwhat she had provided. Did he seek to obtain employment? Not atall. He preferred loafing and talking about Anarchy. The poor wife’suncomplaining toil he rewarded with abuse and cruelty, calling her the vilestof names, and even kicking her about as if she were made of rubber. Shewas a delicate, sickly woman, but she bore his fiendish treatment, hopingthat a change would come over him after the law had made an example ofother Anarchists. But the change did not come, and finally she determinedto seek the protection of the courts. Accordingly she went to the ChicagoAvenue Police Court on the 6th of February, 1888, with her infant in herarms, and swore out a warrant against her husband.

The lazy giant was at once arrested, and on the next morning the poorwoman appeared to testify against him. Being unable to speak English, aninterpreter was called, and during the recital of her grievances and the manyindignities imposed upon her by her liege lord, the court-room was as quietalmost as a death-chamber. All eagerly listened to her troubles, and, herstatements being given in such a simple, convincing manner, many eyes weremoist with tears. Justice Kersten, who presides over this court, has noregard for wife-beaters, and he promptly fined Baum $50.

“That,” said he, in an emphatic manner, “will keep you locked up forone hundred and three days.”

The brute was then locked up where so many of his former associateshad been incarcerated two years previously, and in the afternoon he wassent to the House of Correction by Bailiff Scanlan.

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During this episode it came out that Baum had been quite active inAnarchist circles, and at the time the Anarchists were confined in theCounty Jail he was engaged in an attempt to gather a mob to effect theirliberation. One night he went about saying that he was determined to killsomebody before the next morning. The more he talked, the more frenziedhe became, and with his frenzy grew his thirst for liquor, the need ofwhich he felt to get up his courage to the required pitch. A few hoursafterwards he was found in the yard fronting his house, asleep and “deaddrunk.” The only courage he ever displayed was in lording it over hiswife and beating her almost to death. He was a type of a verylarge class of Anarchists. He would call the better class of peopletyrants, because they did not fill his pockets with plenty of money so thathe could get drunk as often as he desired, but in his own household he wasthe meanest of tyrants.

THE WIFE-BEATER’S TRIAL.

Had Mrs. Baum been a little shrewder, she would not have had toendure his brutalities as long as she did. There are many other wives ofAnarchists who are ill-treated by their husbands, but some of thesemanaged to bring their lords to their senses by a neat ruse. While theinvestigations into the deeds of the Anarchists were going on the bandits[363]would almost crawl into a sewer to get out of the way of the police, and,noticing the timely fright that overcame the “reds” whenever an officer ordetective appeared in their midst, many shrewd wives quieted wrathfulhusbands by threatening to go out and see me. This ruse, I learn, was oftenresorted to to avert a beating from a drunken Anarchist.

Gustav Poch was a conspicuous figure in Anarchist plots, and nevertired of working for the cause. But Anarchists are an anxious, jealous andthankless lot of people, and because Gustav was achieving a little moreprominence than some of his immediate associates, they found fault withhim and sought to degrade him. They might have secretly given himaway to the police, and thus got him out of the way of their own advancement,but a fear for their own safety prevented such a course, and so theybegan calling him hard names. But I shall let Gustav state his own grievance.Here is a letter he wrote to his union:

CHAPTER XVIII.

The Plot against the Police—Anarchist Banners and Emblems—Stealinga Captured Flag—A Mystery at a Station-house—Finding the Fire-cans—TheirConstruction and Use—Imitating the Parisian Petroleuses—Glass Bombs—Puttingthe Women Forward—Cans and Bombs Still Hidden Among the Bohemians—Testingthe Infernal Machines—The Effects of Anarchy—The Moral to be Drawn—Lookingfor Labor Sympathy—A Crazy Scheme—Gatling Gunvs. Dynamite—TheThreatened Attack on the Station-houses—Watching the Third Window—Selecting aWeapon—Planning Murder—The Test of Would-be Assassins—The Meeting at LincolnPark—Peril of the Hinman Street Station-house—A Fortunate Escape.

IN the numerous arrests and raids made, the police became thoroughlyacquainted with the most notorious Anarchists in the city, the ins andouts of their resorts, and even the interior arrangement of their dwelling-places.Not only were suspects arrested, but search was made for contrabandarticles. A varied collection of arms, bombs, etc., and a large assortmentof red bunting thus found their way to the Chicago Avenue Station.In all the public demonstrations made by the Anarchists in the city they hadcarried many flags, banners and transparencies as emblems of defiance, andwhenever such were found they were carefully taken in charge. When the investigationswere concluded, the inner room of my private office was well filledwith a most curious display of these time-worn and weather-beaten ensigns,and the collection is very interesting as a reminder of a critical period in thehistory of Chicago. There are flags of a very primitive and cheap description,and flags more or less elaborate and expensive. They varied in sizeand differed in the degree of their crimson colors. Those belonging togroups were large and plain, showing frequent handling by dirt-begrimedhands, and were mounted on plain pine staffs. Those carried by the Lehrund Wehr Verein were of finer texture and larger in size, its principalstandard, of silk, being a present from the female revolutionists and gorgeousin the amplitude of its folds. This silken standard was the pride andjoy of the whole fraternity, and at one time it served to relieve the motleycollection with its bright vermilion, but in some unaccountable manner itdisappeared one day from a West Side police station. The reds had evidentlyset their hearts on recapturing it, and by some sort of legerdemainthey succeeded. Who it was that accomplished the deed has never beendisclosed, and in whose custody it is now is a profound secret, carefullykept by the Anarchists.

The men who were always relied upon to carry these flags in the processionsof the reds were Ernst Hubner, Appelman, Paul Otto, Stohlbaum,W. Hageman, Seliger, Lutz, Gustav Lehman, Paul Lehman, and Mrs.Parsons, Mrs. Holmes and some other women, and possibly some of thesemay know something of the mysterious disappearance of the Anarchists’chief standard.

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AN INCENDIARY CAN.—From a Photograph.

This is a tin can filled with petroleum, and provided with a small powder flask, secured in the center bymeans of a screw-top, which also serves to hold the fuse in position. Numbers of these cans were found.They were intended for setting fire to buildings and other property.

[366]

During the searches by the department for other suspicious and inflammatoryarticles, several fire-cans were found in the northwest part of thecity, on the 3d of June, by Officer Whalen. In exterior appearance theselooked very harmless, but an examination of their contents showed themcapable of doing a great deal of mischief. They each had a capacity of aquart, and were made of medium heavy tin, with a round hole in the centerof the top, about an inch in diameter. This opening was provided with athreaded neck of tin about an inch high, with a cover to fit. Underneaththe cover was a sort of clasp, into which fitted the neck of a small vial,and through the cover a small hole was bored, for the admission of a fuseinto the vial. When ready for use the can would be filled with an explosiveor with coal-oil, and the flask would contain powder. All that then remainedwould be to light the fuse, throw the can either into a lumber-yard or underthe stairway of some residence or business block, and no one would knowthe perpetrator of a possibly disastrous fire. The cans found by OfficerWhalen were loaded and had evidently been intended for use on the nightof May 4. Fortunately the owner must have become frightened and hidthem to escape arrest.

The suggestion for the manufacture of these cans came from across thewater. A short time preceding May 4, at a meeting held in Thalia Hall, afew Frenchmen and several Germans, who had passed through the reign ofthe Commune in Paris in 1871, gave a general idea of the important partsuch cans had played in that city and added that women at that time didas good work with them as the men. Such fire-cans, together with glassballs filled with nitro-glycerine, were carried in baskets, and if the redswanted to destroy a building they would throw a can through the window, orif they desired to annihilate a guard of soldiers they would hurl into theirmidst one of the glass balls, which would explode by concussion and tearthe men to pieces.

These missiles had created great havoc in Paris, and the members ofthe Thalia Hall gathering were urged to adopt them for use in Chicago.At that time there were enough desperate Anarchists in the city to haveused all that could have been manufactured, but some of the men at themeeting insisted that the women should be asked to assist in disposing ofthem to the destruction of the town. One big, loud-mouthed fellow, evidentlya coward, shouted:

“My wife will do that. She is an Anarchist as good as any oneof us.”

No doubt she was an Anarchist, as the city had a great many of thesepoor, deluded creatures at the time, who were willing to do almost anythingtheir husbands might ask, but many of whom have since had occasion[367]to feel the poverty into which they were finally forced by men who neglectedwork, family and all for the sake of talking revolution.

Many of these men were just cowardly enough to thrust their wives forwardwhere danger lurked, and while they themselves enjoyed the safety ofa groggery, they would have been pleased, “for principle’s sake,” to seetheir poor helpmeets go around and set fire to houses and other property,so that the dauntless husbands could brag of the brave achievements of“the family.”

The meeting in question must have set the Anarchists to thinking; andit is a matter of record that Parsons had fallen into the same idea when headdressed a secret meeting on the North Side, to which I shall subsequentlyrefer. It is certain that many of these fire-cans were manufactured.

Besides the petroleum-cans discovered by Officer Whalen, a lot of thesame kind were taken out of the city by way of West Lake Street on May7, when the Anarchists were hurrying their ammunition out of town to preventdetection. According to the statements of some reformed reds, thereare a great many of these cans and bombs still concealed in the Bohemiansettlement in the southwest part of the city.

On the 8th of June, 1886, I decided to have the cans tested, and for thispurpose detailed Officers Rehm and Coughlin. The latter had at one timebeen a miner, and was therefore experienced in the use of explosives. Thetwo officers took one of the cans to the lake shore. The can was placed ona plot of grass and the fuse lighted. In eight seconds an explosion followed.The grass burned within a circumference of five feet. The flameextended four feet in height and continued for about three minutes. Theofficers gave it as their opinion that any one of the cans was sufficient toset a building on fire.

What a blessing it was for our citizens that this devilish invention didnot spread its destructive work before May 4, 1886.

As stated at the outset, the police were brought, in all these raids, intoclose acquaintanceship with the malcontents, and often came in close contactwith their families. Some of the sights they saw were shocking in theextreme, and they had many opportunities to sound the depths of miseryand want entailed upon families by husbands gone daft on Anarchy. Thetales of woe and domestic infelicity poured into their ears would fill manypages, but the general tenor of all can be judged by what has been revealedin the statements given in the preceding chapters.

Anarchy may look extremely inviting when depicted by a plausiblespeaker, but its practical side is strikingly brought out in the home life ofits devotees. Any one visiting the homes of Anarchists, and carefully contrastingthe surroundings with those of true laboring men not affected bythe taint of revolution, would give Anarchy a wide berth. But unfortunatelymen get their brains turned over sophistical arguments against[368]capital and madly rush to ruin without thinking of consequences until it istoo late. Read the reports made to me at the time, and they all tell thesame story of want and degradation.

HENRY SPIES.
From a Photograph.

There always has been and always will be a fascination about anyscheme that promises ease without labor. So long as men can be foundwith impressionable minds that can be swayed by demagogues into a beliefthat Anarchy has in it the elements of comfort, splendor and luxury withvery little toil, so long, no doubt, will dupes be found ready to sacrificeenergy, thrift and independence for the life-degrading scarlet banner. Butsuch ease can never be attained through blood in the United States. Thatfact has been established in Chicago, and the precedent ought to serve asa terrible warning to all malcontents. Ifthe abject want of those who constitutethe bulk of the revolutionists, whosevery squalor has been the result of theirzeal for Anarchy, is not sufficient to determen from becoming Anarchists, the fateof the eight conspirators who werebrought to trial in Chicago ought at leastto prevent men from plotting murder,incendiarism and pillage.

With the tremendous odds againstthem, it is surprising that men could befound willing to take up arms for thedestruction of life and property, andthe action of the reds in Chicago can beexplained only on the theory that theyfelt they had only to strike one severeblow to bring thousands of secret sympathizersinto line, and cause capitaliststo humble themselves in the dust beforethe Social Revolution. This theoryis borne out by the statements of the many repentant Anarchists who cameunder the displeasure of the police. In their excited gatherings they hadeach propped up the hopes and spirits of the others, and all reason was sunkin the one frenzied, consuming desire to wreak vengeance upon those whohad accumulated more wealth than themselves. They were bent onwresting away the wealth of others, and no mercy was to be shown tothose who stood between them and that end.

The police, as protectors of wealth in property and property in wealth,were the immediate objects of their enmity and wrath, and throughout theAnarchistic conspiracy, as has been shown by the disclosures made, wewere to receive their first and special attention before the grand onslaught[369]upon capitalists. Crazed by their speakers and dazed with the glitteringprospect held out to them, the human fiends proposed to exterminate uswith dynamite and then vanquish the rich and abolish all forms of property.

Could anything be more absurd? And yet that is what they sought toaccomplish on the eventful night of May 4th.

It would seem that the scheme to blow up the police stations could onlyoriginate in a lunatic asylum, but the confessions of those arrested showthat men with apparently sound minds—minds at least sane enough tokeep them out of such institutions—actually contemplated it and hadmade all the necessary arrangements to execute the plot. Strange musthave been their conceptions of public sentiment when they believed that theexecution of their bloody plan would result in the establishment of widerand freer social conditions, and strange, indeed, must have been theirhallucinations when they thought that the devastation they proposed wouldbe seconded and aided by the laboring men whom they counted upon assecret sympathizers ready to reveal their true feelings the moment the revolutionwas generally inaugurated.

The danger of the scheme to themselves did not strike them until thelast moment, when their courage was to be put to a practical test, but,fortunately for themselves, they went no further than the Haymarket riot.

That they seriously contemplated more than they perpetrated is beyonddispute. They saw the intense excitement consequent on the eight-hourstrike and the troubles at McCormick’s factory, and knew that the policestations would be filled with officers in readiness for emergencies. Theyhad called the Haymarket meeting for the express purpose of provokinghostilities, and they regarded it as an opportune time to strike a terribleblow against the police all over the city. Their calculations in that respectwere eminently correct.

The moment the reds began to incite a vicious mob to deeds of bloodshed,hostilities were provoked, and they got a dose of their own medicine.Had it not been for their precipitate flight they would have fared far worse.All the police stations were full of men, all the reserves having been calledout for duty on the first sign of violent demonstrations, and these stoodready to make short work of all who might stand up against them in a conflict.It was fortunate for the conspirators that they considered “discretionthe better part of valor” at the Haymarket, and doubly fortunate that theyreceived no signal to commence their bloody operations at the stations.

The loss of life no doubt would have been appalling on both sides, butthe outcome, as far as the triumph of law and order is concerned, wouldhave been the same. The bomb would have done deadly work at the start,but the Gatling gun would have come to the rescue had the police beenseriously crippled.

Missiles of dynamite hurled into the stations on that eventful night of[370]May 4 would indeed have created terrible havoc. In fact, the reds couldnot have chosen a time more favorable for their bloody plans. The EastChicago Avenue Station that night contained a very large force. I had inreserve and waiting orders one hundred and twenty-five officers. Theywere all over the building, up and down stairs, in the court-room, in thereception-room and in every other available place. Many were in the office,which is used as a roll-call room, and in which all details of officers aremade. This office is in the center of the building and overlooks an alley onthe east. The officers were organized into five companies, and all dulynumbered. Any company could be called at any time, and in less than fiveminutes it would be in marching order.

This precaution was taken in expectation of a call to the Haymarket,and the Anarchists, in the damnable conspiracies of that evening, had anticipatedsuch preparations. They were accordingly on the ground. Fifteenmembers of the North Side group, as appears plainly from theconfessions of some of the Anarchists, loitered around the station, waitingfor orders or signal, or to abide their own pleasure as soon as they couldsee for themselves that the riot had begun on the West Side. Whenthat time arrived, they were to watch the windows of the roll-call room fromthe alley and throw their infernal machines into the midst of the officers themoment the room was full.

The cut-throats skulked around the station like so many Indians aroundthe cabin of a helpless settler, constantly dodging around in the darkness,fearful that they might be discovered. True to their instincts, however,these Chicago reds could not do without their beer while awake, and theymade frequent trips to neighboring beer-saloons. About 9:30 o’clock Lieut.Baus and Lieut. Lloyd, each with a company of officers, returned from theCentral Station, where I had sent them as a reserve during the Haymarketmeeting, and when the Anarchists saw them in the roll-call room of mystation, they sneaked around on the dark side of the alley and selected thethird and fourth windows as those through which their deadly bombs shouldcrash on their destructive mission. These windows are in the center of thelarge room. They had with them a number of bombs, both of the roundlead and the long gas-pipe variety. While they stood underneath thosewindows, they got into a whispered quarrel about the kind of bomb thatshould be used.

Bock had a round lead bomb, and he said:

“I don’t think this will go off. Let one of you throw a larger bomb.”

Then Abraham Hermann became angry and said:

“You d——d fool, what the d——l are you here for, if your d——dbombs are no good? You are too much of a coward to throw them.”

Just at this point two officers left the station to visit a cigar-store, andstopped for a moment at the entrance of the alley to finish their conversation.

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The Anarchists saw them, and, thinking that they had been discovered,they hurriedly made their exit in an opposite direction, running to the rearof the building on its dark side and then emerging on Superior Street.Some of them went over to the West Side, to the Haymarket meeting, andothers sought different saloons on Clark Street.

THE LARRABEE STREET STATION.
From a Photograph.

After frequent libations, some met again on Superior Street in thevicinity of a wagon-manufacturing establishment, and, under the cover ofnumerous wagons standing on the street between Clark Street and La SalleAvenue, they decided that the men who then hadbombs should proceed to the call-room windows,and the others, with revolvers, should take positionin the alley diagonally across from the entrance ofthe station. Then,at the propersignal, the bombswere to be hurledinto the room, andthe men acrossthe way were tofire a volley intosuch officers asmight come out.

While this planwas being formed,I received anorder from InspectorBonfieldto send all mymen to the WestSide double-quick,ready foraction, with ahurried explanationof the riotand the killing ofofficers, and in less than four minutes I had seventy-five men on the way tothe Haymarket. The Anarchists were still standing among the wagons, and,to their great surprise and dismay, they saw three patrol wagons passing witha tremendous speed. Their hearts at once fell into their boots, and theyknew that the trouble had commenced. They repaired to Moody’s churchand remained there a few moments deliberating what should be done. Oneof them tried to brace up the flagging spirits of his comrades by sayingthat “now the time had arrived when something must be done, but they[372]must never tell of their being there.” Not one, however, seemed willing toexecute the plot they had agreed upon. On the contrary, they turned upLa Salle Avenue and ran to Neff’s Hall as fast as their legs could carrythem. What occurred at that hall that night I have already shown in apreceding chapter.

The plan to throw bombs into the roll-call room was afterwards unfoldedto me by one of those in the plot, and, had it not been for the two officersaccidentally stopping at the entrance of the alley, many of the boys of theFifth Precinct would have been murdered even before the commencementof the riot at the Haymarket. The ruffians who hung around that stationwere Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, the two Hageman brothers,Habizreiter, Heineman, Charles Bock, Heumann, and others from theNorth Side group and Lake View.

Another station in great danger that night was that on Larrabee Street,in charge of Lieut. John Baus, with forty-eight officers. It is located onthe northwest corner of Larrabee Street and North Avenue, and is a two-storybrick building with a basement. This basement contains a cell-roomlocated in the center of the building, with windows on the North Avenueside, and that side was chosen for the scene of operations. The menespecially relied upon to blow up this building were Lingg, Seliger, Muntzenberg,Huber, Thielen and Hirschberger, and they, together with othermembers of the North Side group, lingered in the vicinity, loaded withbombs, and waiting only to see “the heavens illuminated” or to receive amessage from one of the runners. But before they knew what had transpiredat the Haymarket a patrol wagon dashed out of the station andwhizzed by with a load of officers. This dazed them, and they hurried toNeff’s Hall to learn particulars and receive new instructions. When theygot there Neff told them that they were all a set of cowards and advisedthem to go home. They took his advice and were glad to crawl back intotheir holes.

Webster Avenue Station, in charge of Lieut. Elias E. Lloyd, with forty-fourofficers, also received attention. The building is a two-story framelocated on the north side of the street, near Lincoln Avenue, and its principalapartment, the roll-call room, is on the first floor facing the street.The men especially assigned to the destruction of this station were ErnstHubner, Gustav Lehman, Otto Lehman, Jebolinski and Lange, backed byseveral other frowsy and low-skulled sneaks, and these hovered around thestation, hiding in dark recesses whenever some one casually passed alongthe sidewalk, or dodging into an alley whenever an officer was discoveredapproaching them. They all waited for “the signal which never came,”and, getting tired of stimulating each other with a courage they did notpossess, they finally concluded to adjourn to Neff’s Hall. Whenever, onthe way to that place, one upbraided the other for not throwing a bomb,[373]each would point to the fact that the area in front of the building wasalways occupied by officers sitting in easy chairs and sniffing the eveningbreeze, and there was no chance to get near the cell-room; but they allpromised one another that they would go back and blow the building intosmithereens and the officers into shreds of flesh, regardless of personalconsequences, if they should hear “good news” at Neff’s. But they didnot go back. Lieut. Lloyd was not called on for assistance at the Haymarketuntil about eleven o’clock, and by that time the cowards had gottheir information at Neff’s and were glad for an excuse to make a “bee line”for home, if the hovels they lived in can be dignified by that designation.

THE SCHILLER MONUMENT.
From a Photograph.

There is no doubt that these wretches would have blown up the stationif the police had dispersed theHaymarket meeting earlier inthe evening, but by waiting solong they lost what little couragethey had. There was no patrolwagon attached to this stationat that time, but, as one of themtold me afterwards, the Anarchistsstood ready to hurl a bombinto a street-car had the officerscome out earlier to take the carsin order to hasten to the assistanceof the force at the Haymarket.They intended to maketheir work complete, and theywere all well provided withbombs, even though they wererather short on courage. Thiswas a part of the gang whichhad an appointment at LincolnPark, only five blocks from the station, and some of them sought thereearly in the evening for a large number of recruits who failed to materializewhen danger was in sight.

The spot chosen for the meeting-place in Lincoln Park was at “Schiller’sDenkmal” (monument). Here it was that a few gathered, but, not findingas many present as they expected, they separated to the several localitiesassigned them for the execution of their plot.

It will be recalled that, at the Monday night meeting preceding the Haymarketriot, those living on the North Side were ordered to report at LincolnPark for definite instructions, and those on the West Side at WickerPark, and the order seems to have been obeyed by a few of the more courageousAnarchists.

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The vicinity of the Schiller monument was the place also where thosewho had been arrested and had made confessions met, along with otherAnarchists, on the night preceding the taking of testimony in the trial ofthe prisoners, and on this occasion, Mr. Furthmann tells me, they agreed,with one exception, to inform the prosecution that they would not take thewitness-stand to testify to the matters they had revealed to the State. Ifthey were put on as witnesses, they agreed, they could swear that all theyhad told me and Mr. Furthmann with reference to the conspiracy was pureand unadulterated falsehood.Mr. Waller refusedto be a party to such anagreement, and by hisstubborn stand he causedseveral of the other witnessesfor the State tochange their minds andstick to the truth. Others,however, held out, and,when asked by the Stateto appear, refused. Wallerproved a very strong witness,and, as Mr. Furthmannsays, not one of thewitnesses for the defensedared to contradict histestimony.

THE HINMAN STREET STATION.
From a Photograph.

But to return to thecontemplated attacks onthe police stations. TheHinman Street house wasthe fourth one in the listmarked for destruction.This station was in chargeof Lieut. Richard Sheppard,and contained onthe night in questionthirty-four officers. It is a two-story brick building with basement, andis situated at the northwest corner of Hinman and Paulina Streets.The basement is used as a lock-up for the detention of prisoners, andall the offices are located on the first floor, facing Paulina Street. Thepatrol-wagon barn is situated in the rear of the station, contiguous to analley, through which the street is reached. Around this locality betweeneighty and a hundred Anarchists gathered for work and to await the[375]signal. Mende and Sisterer were at the head of this murderous gang.Some were to exploit with rifles from the alley north of the station andon the east side of the street; others, with dynamite bombs, were tolook after the officers in the rooms where they might happen to be mostnumerous, and those with revolvers were to station themselves in the alleydirectly behind the station to shoot down any of the officers who might comeout in the patrol wagon, and also to kill the horses. Others, again, withrevolvers, were to post themselves in front of the station to kill those whomight escape the deadly bombs and seek safety by rushing into the street.The riflemen were to come as a reserve force to shoot down any who mighthave escaped both the revolvers and bombs. They were a desperate setand appeared determined on the execution of the plot. The men who composedthe gang were Germans, Bohemians and Poles, all members of theWest Side group, and some outsiders who worked in freight-houses andlumber-yards, and not one of them had any love for a policeman. Thisdistrict had been for several years the scene of numerous strikes, and, as theofficers had always suppressed the rioters, the latter were viciously disposedtowards the guardians of the peace. Some of these reds were veryanxious to see the work of annihilation commence, and they loitered aroundin small squads so as not to arouse suspicion until they could learn whetherthe revolution had been inaugurated at the Haymarket meeting. Therewas no call on this station for assistance at the time of the explosion, asInspector Bonfield thought it possible that trouble might arise at McCormick’s,and the officers in that locality might thus be required in that direction;and as the diabolical conspirators saw no officers or patrol wagonmove out, they became anxious to know how the Haymarket affair had terminated,and one by one they sneaked away from their hiding-places. Whenthey finally learned particulars about the shooting, they ran home, and, likethe cowards they were, kept under cover for several days. Later in theevening one company was ordered from this station to guard DesplainesStreet, after the wounded officers had all been brought from the Haymarket.When the wagon had reached Halsted and Harrison Streets, however,Capt. O’Donnell halted it and ordered the officers back to the station, asit had been ascertained that all the Anarchists had sought their homes forthe night.

It was very fortunate that the officers were not called out earlier in theevening. If Inspector Bonfield had ordered them to report a few momentsafter the riot, very few of the men would have escaped alive. I have sincelearned that the brigands who were sneaking around that station thatnight numbered nearly one hundred, and as one-half of them were underthe influence of liquor, it is very likely that they would have committeddesperate deeds had the occasion offered.

CHAPTER XIX.

The Legal Battle—The Beginning of Proceedings in Court—Work inthe Grand Jury Room—The Circulation of Anarchistic Literature—A Witness who wasnot Positive—Side Lights on the Testimony—The Indictments Returned—Selectinga Jury—Sketches of the Jurymen—Ready for the Struggle.

THE case was now in condition to be turned over to the courts. Thedetective work was done, and, as I flatter myself, and as the resultproved, well done. A deliberate and fiendish conspiracy to bring aboutriot, destruction and death had been proven. The Haymarket gatheringwas projected to invite a police attack, and this attack was to be the pretextfor dynamite, murder and the social revolution. Of course much ofthe information given in the preceding pages was not used either in thegrand jury room or at the trial. It was not necessary. State’s AttorneyGrinnell, with his usual wisdom and tact, selected only the best, strongestand most reliable witnesses, and left out the minor ones. The statementsof all those who “squealed” were conclusive, criminative and corroborative,but their presentation in court would have simply lumbered up the case.

As a result of the energetic work of Coroner Hertz the principal conspiratorshad been bound over, without bail, at the inquest.

The grand jury was impaneled on the 17th of May, 1886, and was composedof the following named persons: John N. Hills (foreman), GeorgeWatts, Peter Clinton, George Adams, Charles Schultz, Thomas Broderick,William Bartels, Fred. Wilkinson, P. J. Maloney, John Held, A. J. Grover,Frank N. Seavert, E. A. Jessel, Theodore Schultze, Alfred Thorp, N. J.Webber, Adolph Wilke, Fred Gall, Edward S. Dreyer, John M. Clark,John C. Neemes, N. J. Quan and T. W. Hall.

Judge John G. Rogers delivered a long, able and forcible charge to themembers of this grand jury. He first called attention to the necessity oftheir not being influenced in their acts by fear, favor or affection, and thendwelt upon what constitutes freedom of speech. He said:

“We hear a good deal these days about what is called the freedom ofspeech. Now, there is a good deal of misconception of the Constitution ofthe United States and of the Constitution of the State of Illinois, and I maysay of all States in the Union, upon this question of freedom of speech. Ihave copied the provisions upon which persons rely who continually saythat in this free country men have a right to assemble—men have a rightto speak and say what they please. There is no such right. There is nosuch constitutional right. The constitutional rights as expressed in theConstitution are: ‘That Congress shall make no law abridging the freedomof speech or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assembleand to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.’ The sameprinciple is carried along into the State Constitutions; and in the Constitution[377]of the State of Illinois, and in its Bill of Rights, there is a provisionthat ‘every person may freely speak, write and publish on all subjects,being responsible for the use of that liberty.’ And in another provision thepeople have a right ‘to assemble in peaceable manner, to consult for thecommon good, to make known their opinions to their representatives, andto apply for a redress of grievances.’

NEEBE’S SWORD
AND BELT.

You will perceive in a moment thatthe construction of the United States constitutional right hasbeen interpreted, if I may so express myself, in the Constitutionof the State of Illinois, and that interpretation is theone that the courts have always recognized, and that, while aman may speak freely and write and publish upon all subjects,he is responsible for the abuse of the liberty of speech.I refer to these constitutional rights because some men areso inconsistent as to say there shall be no law for any suchrights, yet claim the protection of these rights in the broadestsense, and, with an interpretation satisfactory to their ownminds, that a man may get up, and, in a public speech toa public crowd, advise murder and arson, the destruction ofproperty and the injury of people. That is a wild license whichthe Constitution of this country has never recognized anymore than it has been recognized in the worst despotisms ofold and of monarchical Europe. I hope and you hope itwill never be recognized.”

The eminent jurist then illustrated the point of responsibility.If, said he, he should get up and there advise membersof the jury that the foreman ought to be hanged for someassumed offense, he would be advising the commission of acrime; and if his advice was followed he himself who incitedthe hanging would be just as guilty of murder as the oneswho did it. He next referred to the Haymarket riot andcounseled the jury to look not only to the man who actuallycommitted the crime, but to those who stood behind him,who actually advised it. He held that the men who so advisedwere equally guilty and should be held responsible for it.“What,” he said “is an incendiary speech but inciting mento commit wild acts?” He spoke of the red flag in Chicagoand said: “What is a red flag in a procession, or a blackflag, but a menace, a threat? It is understood to be emblematicof blood, and that no quarter will be given. Flags ofthat sort ought not to be permitted to be borne in processionsin this city.” He referred to the labor troubles of the Knights ofLabor, which, he acknowledged, happily had no connection with the Haymarketor with Anarchy, and then, for the guidance of the jury in reachingconclusions on the Anarchistic conspiracy, he quoted the statutes on whatconstituted conspiracy and the penalty for riots. In closing Judge Rogerscounseled the jury to consider all evidence submitted with fairness andimpartiality.

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The next day the grand jury entered upon its work. A great many witnessesappeared before it, but many of them were not required at the trial, astheir testimony would neither add to nor detract from the strength of thecase. Facts were brought out under the latitude allowed in a grand jury roomthat could not, under court procedure, be brought into a cause on trialbecause of their not bearing directly on the charges, or not tending to supplysome material connecting link in the chain of evidence. Some of thistestimony, while not serving to throw any special light upon the conspiracy,may yet illustrate some phases of Anarchy growing out of the propagationof Anarchistic ideas and features incidental to thecause celebre; and forthat purpose I have carefully scanned over the official grand jury reportsand selected such omitted points as will serve to give a better general ideaof the whole subject.

The sale and circulation of Anarchistic literature in Chicago was one ofthe matters into which inquiry was made. Anton Laufermann, a DivisionStreet bookseller, testified that Most had written “The Solution of theSocialistic Question,” “The Movement in Old Rome, or Cæsarism,” “TheBastile at Platzensee,” and other works, including “The Science of War.”It appeared that these Anarchistic books were not, as a rule, handled bybooksellers.

Edward Deuss, city editor of theArbeiter-Zeitung, told the grand jurythat the dynamite book—Most’s “Science of War”—was usually sold bymen at picnics and similar gatherings, and that a book-store would be thelast place to look for it. The men who peddled this literature were volunteerswho made no money out of the sales.

This evidence was corroborated by other persons. The plan seemed tobe to scatter Most’s works quietly among the people, thus avoiding any ofthe difficulties or dangers which might follow from open and undisguisedsale. The main source of supply was manifestly theArbeiter-Zeitungoffice. The books were easy to get: nearly all the arrested Anarchists hadcopies of the dynamite book in their possession. One of the most persistentcolporteurs was Muntzenberg. The hundreds of copies of incendiary booksand pamphlets were passed around from one man to another, and it is outof the question to attempt to estimate the amount of injury they have done.The evidence upon this point—so much, at least, as came from the office oftheArbeiter-Zeitung—was unsatisfactory. This, however, was to have beenexpected when the character and peculiar beliefs of the witnesses is considered.For instance, Gerhardt Lizius, an editorial writer on this paper,after being questioned, without satisfactory results, about the interiorarrangements of theArbeiter-Zeitung and various articles about thepremises, was asked to define Anarchy and Socialism.

“A Socialist,” he said, “wants the State to regulate everything, whilewe don’t want any authority whatever. We want the people to associate[379]themselves for production and consummation (of the highest good), accordingto their own desires.”

“How does it happen that capital is in your way?” asked Mr. Grinnell.

“Because the capitalist has taken something from us that is not his,that we have created.”

“What is the manner the Anarchists have adopted in reaching thatwhich they have not got now?”

“We want to get it any way we can—peaceably if we can, and forciblyif we must.”

“Even to the extent of a capitalist’s life?”

“Yes.”

“Do you believe in the use of dynamite?”

“Yes.”

“You say that you should not divide your property with your neighbor.Why should the capitalist?”

“We don’t want him to divide anything. We want him to make itpublic property. He has got as much right to it as we have. Everybody,according to our view, should have the right of life, liberty and the pursuitof happiness. That means that I should have the right to the means oflife, and that means, of course, that we should have the right to everythingthat nature gives us, so that every man, if he wants, can work, and everybodymake a living. If he don’t want to work, then of course he shouldnot make a living.”

“TheArbeiter-Zeitung was an Anarchistic paper?”

“Yes.”

“Did theArbeiter-Zeitung divide its things?”

“There was nothing to divide there. We didn’t make any money.”

“Supposing that you and I should want the same thing—how wouldyou settle that question?”

“Well, I guess there can be more than one of these things made.”

“I might want a cow that you would want, or a horse; you might wantthe same thing—how would you settle that matter?”

“I work for it and get it.”

“I thought you did not believe in that?” continued Mr. Grinnell.

“You did not hear me say anything of the kind. I said that we shouldhave the right to work so that we could make a living. We didn’t wantanything without work.”

“Now, you figure that a man who has got a hundred thousand dollarsby reason of having worked hard, stands in your way; isn’t that your idea?”

“Yes.”

“Suppose I have got ten cows and you don’t get any; you have beenlazy and haven’t earned your ten cows. Now, how do you get half of mycows?”

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“You are looking at this thing from the standpoint of the present systemof society. It is impossible for any of you gentleman, if you are not Socialistsand don’t understand what Socialism is, to get at the idea at all as tohow things are run. You have to look at it from the standpoint ofSocialism.”

“Your idea is to have society without any law?”

“The Government is only for the oppression of people. We wouldhave to organize for some purposes.”

“Supposing this Government should get something in its mails that youwould happen to want, should you have a right to take it?”

“No, sir.”

“Suppose you did take it, what would be done with you?”

“No man is supposed to take anything that does not belong to him.”

“You would have law to punish people, wouldn’t you?”

“No, sir.”

Being asked if he had seen about theArbeiter-Zeitung office any implementsof warfare, Lizius answered in the negative—not even pistols oranything of that kind.

“Do you believe that the man who threw the bomb over there [meaningthe Haymarket] did right?”

“Yes, sir.”

“And that it was a righteous act in shooting down the policemen?”

“Yes, sir.”

The reason he advanced for his belief was that it was an act of self-defense;that the police, according to his knowledge, had attacked thecrowd with clubs before the bomb was thrown. This sort of misinformationseems to have been spread among the ignorant Anarchists, and Lizius,when he said he believed it, knew better and simply adopted it as anexcuse for their acts.

“Do you believe in the existence of a God?” asked one of the jurymen.

“No, sir.”

“Have you any regard for law at all?”

“No, sir.”

“Have you any regard for the obligation of an oath taken before thegrand jury?”

“No, sir.”

“You have been sworn here ‘by the ever-living God.’ You have noregard for that oath, have you?”

“No, sir.”

“Have you told the truth?”

“Yes, sir.”

“How did you come to tell the truth?”

“I am not in the habit of lying. There is no cause for it.”

[381]

ANARCHIST AMMUNITION—II.From Photographs.

[382]

“If you had a good cause, would you lie? Would you lie to save a life?”

“If it hung upon such a slender thread as that, I would.”

“Would you, if you thought it would help the cause of Anarchy?”

“I don’t see how it could.”

Among the many witnesses examined in the grand jury room wasErnst Legner. It will be remembered that the defense, at the trial,claimed that this man had been spirited away by the prosecution. Thiswas done, of course, with a view to damaging the case of the State beforethe jury. Now, the facts are these: Legner’s name was placed on theback of the indictment somehow—I do not know why. Certainly neitherthe State nor the defense could have used him, and he would have beeneven less valuable for the prisoners than for the prosecution. Legner wasa man who was sure of nothing. His testimony before the grand jury wascontinually and invariably qualified by the statement that he “could not bepositive;” that he “was not sure.” For instance, here is some of histestimony:

Did he meet Chris Spies at that meeting? He could not say. “I sawhim that night, but I couldn’t say whether I saw him there. I don’t recollect.I couldn’t say positive. I couldn’t say anything positive about that.”

This answer prompted Mr. Grinnell to ask: “Since when have yougrown so unpositive?”

“Well, in that way, I guess ever since,” was his lucid reply.

“You remember me, don’t you, down at the Central Station, talkingwith you?”

“No, sir.”

“Don’t you remember coming in, seeing me and your brothercome in?”

“Well, that was in the City Hall.”

“Well, that is what we call Central Station. You saw me there, didyou?”

“Yes, sir.”

“You remember your brother told you he had advised you to keepaway from those people, and advised you to tell the truth about this transaction?”

“Yes, sir.”

“And you then and there told me that you saw Chris Spies right nearthat wagon that night?”

“Well, I might have seen him, but I won’t say anything positive onthat.”

“Have you seen him since then?”

“Yes, sir, I did.”

“When?”

“I saw him yesterday.”

[383]

“And he talked—you spoke to him about this case then, didn’t you?”

“I only spoke to him—I told him that he looked pale, and that was allthe speaking, and he went off. I was going west, and he was going east.”

“Now, why should there be any confusion in your mind to-day whereyou saw him that night?”

“Well, I saw him that night, but I could not say positive whether Isaw him there or not, at the meeting.”

“You said a moment ago that you looked around, and you thought yousaw him right there?”

“Well, yes. That is where I said; I could not say positive; I saw him,but I could not say positive.”

This sort of fire was kept up for some time, but the witness alwaysdodged behind “I could not say positive.” He was asked how long it wasafter August Spies got through speaking when he (Spies) left, but the onlyanswer was: “Well, that is something I don’t know certain.”

Now, why should the State want such a witness, or what interest could ithave in spiriting him away? He certainly developed a remarkable wantof memory, and with his testimony before the grand jury the defendants,if they had put him on the stand, could not have utilized himon their side. If he knew anything, as would seem to be the case, judgingfrom his brother’s advice to tell everything and some statements he hadpreviously made to the State’s Attorney, it all must have been in favor ofthe State. It is a justifiable conclusion that Chris Spies, on meeting himthe day preceding his appearance before the grand jury, must haveinfluenced him to testify the way he did. The truth about the wholematter is that the defendants would not have touched Legner had he beenprocurable, and if he went out of the city it must have been at theirinstigation. The above samples of his testimony show that his appearanceon the stand would have made him dead timber to either side.

A good deal was also said about the absence of Mr. Brazleton, anInter-Ocean reporter, from the witness-stand. He was not produced by theState because many of his statements were not of a positive character.

As there were so many other witnesses who had paid special attentionto the incendiary character of the speeches, and remembered distinctly thevarious details in connection with the Haymarket meeting, there was nooccasion to use Brazleton as a witness. All the others who were put on thestand gave fuller particulars and corroborated each other in all essentialpoints. Had the general information of the others been of the same natureas that of Brazleton, it might have been well to have used him as a witness,but, with so much direct testimony as the State possessed, his evidence wasnot necessary. The defense simply sought to make a point on his absence—thatis all.

A great deal has been said with reference to Schnaubelt. There is[384]no doubt that he threw the fatal bomb. The defense at the trial of Spiesand the others sought, however, to discredit such a belief. They assertedthat there was not an iota of evidence to sustain such an opinion, and fortheir part they did not believe it.Per contra, it may be said that if he wasinnocent he took the wrong course to show it. Schnaubelt was arrested byOfficers Palmer and Boyd, of the Central Station. Before the grand juryPalmer testified as follows:

HON. JOSEPH E. GARY.
From a Photograph.

“I was told that he was working at 224 Washington Street, rooms 5 and6. I went up there and foundhim and brought him to theCentral Station. That wason the 6th of this month.”

“Did he have whiskers,or not?”

“His face was shavedclean, except a mustache.”

“You had been lookingfor a man with whiskers?”

“Yes. I was told by hisemployer that he shaved hiswhiskers off the morningafter the riot.”

“Did he say anything toyou about having shavedhimself?”

“I asked him why heshaved, and he said he alwaysdid it in the summertime.”

“Do you know what thesize of his whiskers was?”

“About six or eightinches long.”

“Did you have any talkwith him when you brought him to the Central Station?”

“Yes. I asked him if he was at the scene of the riot on the Tuesdaynight previous, and he said he was. I asked him where he was. He saidhe was up on the wagon. I asked him where he was when the bomb wasthrown. He said he was on the wagon half a minute before the bomb wasthrown, but he had got off, and when it exploded he supposed he was aboutfifty feet from the wagon.”

“He was let go that morning?”

“Yes.[385]”“Tell us about his place of work and what you found out yesterday?”

“Captain Schaack sent a couple of men to me yesterday to find out ifwe could get this man again. I took them over to where I had found himpreviously. His employer told me that after he got away from me on the6th of this month [May] he came back and finished the day’s work, and hehad not shown up from that time to this. His tools were there, and he didnot call for his money. His sister had called for the money several daysafter he quit, but he did not give it to her.”

“He had a good job, didn’t he?”

“He was a machinist, working at a turning-lathe.”

Schnaubelt was described as having sandy whiskers, about six feettall, weighing about 190 pounds, large and bony, not very fleshy, and abouttwenty-four years of age.

Lieut. John Shea, then in charge of the Central Station, testified to thesame facts and that the police had been unable to find the man in the city.

At the time there were no strong circumstances connecting Schnaubeltwith the massacre, but suspicious evidence ought to have held him in custodyfor a day or two until all his antecedents could have been inquiredinto. His release was a sad mistake, and the fact that he hastened out ofthe city shows the fear he had of being directly connected with the throwingof the bomb. The evidence of various parties points to him as theguilty party, and it was fortunate for him that he escaped.

C. M. Hardy, a leading attorney of Chicago, testified to a conversationwhich he had had with Spies the day before the Haymarket tragedy.

During this conversation, which occurred accidentally in a restaurant,“Spies,” to use the words of the witness, “turned and said to me laughingly,‘Are you with us?’ ‘Well,’ I said, ‘If you mean that I am in favorof the laborer getting well paid for his labor, I am with you, but no furtherthan that.’ ‘Well,’ he said, still laughing, ‘you had better be, for we aregoing to raise h——l,’ and then went on.”

On the 28th of May the grand jury concluded its labors and returnedinto court fifteen indictments for murder, conspiracy and riot, against Spies,Parsons, Fischer, Engel, Lingg, Fielden, Schwab, Neebe, Schnaubelt andsome lesser lights in the Anarchistic circle.

The trial began on the 19th of June. No case ever brought before theChicago courts excited so much interest or brought out a greater crowd.Not one tithe of the throng of people who were eager to see the notoriousdefendants were able to find place in the court-room.

Judge Joseph E. Gary presided, and with his suave, dignified bearingand his prompt manner of handling legal details and technicalities, he impressedall with the conviction that, while the Anarchists would have a fulland fair trial, no trifling with the law would be permitted. The case wasone which not alone interested Chicago, but touched the stability and welfare[386]of every city of any considerable size in the United States. The eyesof the whole country were riveted on Chicago, and the outside world waseagerly watching the results of a case, the first in America, to determinewhether dynamite was to be considered a legal weapon in the settlement ofsocio-political problems in a free republic.

PORTRAITS OF THE JURY.—I.

Time was when our system ofgovernment was looked upon abroad as an experiment of doubtful nature,but when it had passed the experimental period it was pointed to by foreignfriends as furnishing no pretext for Socialistic or Anarchistic outbursts ofviolence, and as supplying no favorable conditions for the growth even ofAnarchistic doctrines. In a speech before the French Legislative Assembly,De Tocqueville once said, pointing to America: “There shall you seea people among whom all conditions of men are more on an equality eventhan among us; where the social state, the manners, the laws, everything isdemocratic; where all emanates from the people and returns to the people,and where, at the same time, every individual enjoys a greater amount of[387]liberty, a more entire independence, than in any other part of the world, atany period of time; a country, I repeat it, essentially democratic—the onlydemocracy in the wide world at this day, and the only republic trulydemocratic which we know of in history. And in this republic you willlook in vain for Socialism.”

PORTRAITS OF THE JURY.—II.

Still, Anarchy found lodgment in America through men exiled under therigorous baiting of their own country—men whose early education hadbeen set against all government and whose prejudices operated against thestudy of our institutions. In the violent culmination of their doctrinesat the Haymarket the point was reached where it became necessary todemonstrate that it is a rank growth and has no excuse in a republic inwhich the utmost liberty is allowed consistent with the rights of life andproperty.

When, therefore, this trial opened, both the Judge and the State’s Attorneyfelt that a great responsibility had been laid upon their shoulders,[388]and that the whole civilized world would sit in judgment upon the mannerin which they performed their duty. They entered into the case with norevengeful feelings, but held firmly to their course, mindful of the rights ofthe defendants, but determined to maintain law and justice. The case wascalled on the day indicated, in the main court-room of the Criminal Courtbuilding, and the moment the State’s Attorney had announced his readinessto commence proceedings, the defendants’ counsel entered a motion for aseparate trial of each of the prisoners. This was argued and overruled.

On the morning of June 21, at ten o’clock, everything was in readinessfor the trial proper, and the work of selecting the jury was entered upon.Within the bar of the court sat the eminent counsel of both sides. On theleft, in front of the bench, there was State’s Attorney Grinnell, surroundedby his assistants, Francis W. Walker and Edmund Furthmann, and SpecialState’s Counsel George C. Ingham, and on the right of the bench sat thedefendants’ attorneys, Capt. W. P. Black, W. A. Foster, Sigismund Zeislerand Moses Salomon, flanked by the prisoners and their relatives. Theremaining space within the bar was occupied by attorneys of the city asspectators, and the rest of the court-room was filled with a motley throng,including here and there representatives of the fair sex drawn by personalinterest or moved by morbid curiosity. The prisoners were dressed in theirbest, each with a button-hole bouquet.

During the preliminary proceedings, as we have noted elsewhere, Parsonshad joined his associates, and his bronzed appearance, from out-doorexposure, was in marked contrast with that of his pale-looking companions.

The task of selecting a jury proceeded, but it was not an easy thing tofind men unbiased and unprejudiced. Four weeks were consumed in thiswork, but finally twelve “good men and true” were chosen, as follows:F. S. Osborne, Major James H. Cole, S. G. Randall, A. H. Reed, J. H.Brayton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, C. B. Todd, C. H.Ludwig, T. E. Denker and H. T. Sandford.

So notable was the trial, and so tremendous the interests involved, thatthe reader will naturally want to know something of thepersonnel of thejury whose verdict vindicated and guaranteed law and order in America:

CHAPTER XX.

Judge Grinnell’s Opening—Statement of the Case—The Light of the 4thof May—The Dynamite Argument—Spies’ Fatal Prophecy—The Eight-hour Strike—TheGrowth of the Conspiracy—Spies’ Cowardice at McCormick’s—The “Revenge”Circular—Work of theArbeiter-Zeitung and theAlarm—The Secret Signal—A FrightfulPlan—“Ruhe”—Lingg, the Bomb-maker—The Haymarket Conspiracy—TheMeeting—“We are Peaceable”—After the Murder—The Complete Case Presented.

IT was on Thursday, the 15th of July, that the preliminary work was finallyended and the court was ready for a formal statement of the case.This statement was made by State’s Attorney Grinnell, and his arraignmentof the defendants was such a clear, convincing and masterful argument—giving,as it did, the whole history of the Anarchist conspiracy, andforeshadowing eloquently and in detail all the proof which was to be gotbefore the jury—that I will print here a verbatim copy of his speech,believing that the reader will find nowhere else so business-like a statementof what these prisoners did and how they did it.

During the delivery of Mr. Grinnell’s remarks the crowded court-room,prisoners and sympathizing Anarchists, wounded policemen, judge, jurorsand representatives of the press hung upon his words with a keen interestwhich has seldom been duplicated in the annals of American jurisprudence.

Mr. Grinnell said:

HON. JULIUS S. GRINNELL.
From a Photograph.

CHAPTER XXI.

The Great Trial Opens—Bonfield’s History of the Massacre—How theBomb Exploded—Dynamite in the Air—A Thrilling Story—Gottfried Waller’s Testimony—AnAnarchist’s “Squeal”—The Murder Conspiracy Made Manifest by ManyWitnesses.

ON Friday, July 16, the day following the delivery of the State’s Attorney’sargument, the first witness was called. The defendants appearedflushed with excitement, and the throng in the court-room was eager inexpectancy of the State’s evidence. Some of the officers disabled at theHaymarket were among the interested spectators. All were in a flutter ofsuppressed excitement.

“Felix D. Buschick,” called the State’s Attorney.

The sound re-echoed through the room and floated out through the openwindows. Buschick advanced with trepidation and took the witness-stand.Every neck was craned to catch a glimpse of him as he arose. He was adraughtsman, and his testimony had reference simply to maps and plansshowing the location of the Haymarket Square, the surrounding streets andalleys, the spot where the bomb was thrown, and the location of the DesplainesStreet Station.

InspectorJohn Bonfield followed next. He stated that he wasInspector of Police, had been on the force ten years, and had been in commandof the men ordered to rendezvous at Desplaines Station on the nightof May 4. His testimony then proceeded as follows:

“I got there about six o’clock. There were present Capt. Ward, Lieuts.Bowler, Penzen, Stanton, Hubbard, Beard, Steele and Quinn, each in chargeof a company. During that day our attention was called to a circular callinga meeting at the Haymarket that evening. I saw the Mayor that afternoon,then went to Desplaines Street Station and took command of the forcesthere, all told about one hundred and eighty men. We stayed in the stationuntil between ten and half-past ten. The men then formed on Waldo Place.We marched down north on Desplaines Street. Capt. Ward and myselfwere at the head, Lieut. Steele with his company on the right, and Lieut.Quinn on the left; the next two companies that formed in division front,double line, were Lieut. Bowler on the right, Stanton on the left; next companyin single line was Lieut. Hubbard. Lieuts. Beard and Penzen’s orderswere to stop at Randolph Street and face to the right and left. We marcheduntil we came about to the mouth of Crane Brothers’ alley. There was atruck wagon standing a little north of that alley and against the east sidewalkof Desplaines Street, from which they were speaking. There wereorders issued in regard to the arms of the men and officers.”

Being asked what those orders were, defendants’ counsel objected, butthe objection was overruled. Bonfield continued:

[405]

“The orders were, that no man should draw a weapon or fire or strikeanybody until he received positive orders from his commanding officer.Each officer was dressed in full uniform, with his coat buttoned up to thethroat and his club and belt on, and the club in the holder on the side.Capt. Ward and myself had our weapons in our hand; pistols in pockets.As we approached the truck, there was a person speaking from the truck.Capt. Ward turned slightly to the right and gave the statutory order to disperse:‘I command you, in the name of the people of the State of Illinois,to immediately and peaceably disperse.’ As he repeated that, he said, ‘Icommand you and you to assist.’ Almost instantly, Mr. Fielden, who wasspeaking, turned so as to face the Captain and myself, stepped off from theend of the truck toward the sidewalk and said in a loud tone of voice, ‘Weare peaceable.’ Almost instantly after that I heard from behind me ahissing sound, followed, in a second or two, by a terrific explosion. Incoming up the street, part of the crowd ran on Desplaines toward Lake, buta great portion fell back to the sidewalks on the right and left, partly lappingback onto our flanks. Almost instantly after the explosion, firing fromthe front and both sides poured in on us. There were from seventy-five toa hundred pistol shots fired before a shot was fired by any officer. There wasan interval of a few seconds between that and the return fire by the police.On hearing the explosion I turned around quickly, saw almost all the menof the second two lines shrink to the ground, and gave the order to closeup. The men immediately re-formed. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn with theircompanies charged down the street; the others formed and took both sides.In a few moments the crowd was scattered in every direction. I gave theorder to cease firing and went to pick up our wounded. Mathias J. Deganwas almost instantly killed. The wounded, about sixty in number, werecarried to the Desplaines Street Station. Seven died from the effects ofwounds.”

After identifying circulars calling the Haymarket meeting and demandingrevenge, he continued:

“As we approached there were about five or six on the truck. Did notsee the direction of the bomb; it came from my rear. I was about ten feetfrom the wagon. The rear rank of the first company and the second companysuffered the most. During the evening or during the continuance ofthe meeting I received reports as to what was going on, from officersdetailed for that purpose.”

On cross-examination, his testimony was as follows:

“I was the highest officer on the ground that night. The whole forcewas under my special charge and direction. As we marched down, thedivisions of police occupied the full width of the street from curb to curb.Around the corner of Desplaines and Randolph there were a few personsscattered, apparently paying no attention to the meeting; the crowd attendingthe speaking was apparently north of that alley. The speakers’ wagonwas not more than five or six feet north of that alley. Fielden, when speaking,was facing to the north and west, was facing us when my attentionwas especially called to him; there were about one thousand people there;don’t remember whether it was moonlight; there were no street lamps lit;there was a clear sky. As we marched along, the crowd shifted its position;the speaking went right on. My experience is, if the police were marching[406]in parade, the crowd would get to the sidewalk to look on; if to disperse acrowd or mob, the natural thing would be for them to run away. I sawFielden that night for the first time. As Capt. Ward turned to the wagonto give the order to disperse, I saw the men were still advancing, and Iturned to the left, gave the command to halt, and then came up alongside ofCapt. Ward. Capt. Ward stood within a few feet of the south end of thattruck, which stood lengthwise of the sidewalk, the tongue end north. Thefront rank of the first division was near up to the north line of the alley,probably not more than ten or fifteen feet from the wagon. Before Capt.Ward had finished his command I was beside him. Capt. Ward spoke asloud as he could speak. Between my calling the halt and the explosion ofthe bomb, I don’t think it was a minute. As the Captain finished, Fieldenstepped from the truck and faced us, and, stepping on the street, he turnedto the sidewalk or curb, which is perhaps ten inches above the street, andsaid: ‘We are peaceable.’ Within two or three seconds the explosion followed.I did not hear anything said by Fielden from the truck. When hestepped on the street I could have reached out and touched him. He didnot say: ‘This is a peaceable meeting.’ When I heard the hissing soundFielden was in the act of getting to the sidewalk.”

Gottfried Waller, a former associate of the defendants, testified throughan interpreter. He stated his occupation, residence, etc., and proceeded asfollows:

“On the evening of the 3d of May I was at Greif’s Hall, 54 West LakeStreet; got there at eight o’clock; went there pursuant to an advertisementin theArbeiter-Zeitung: ‘Y—Come Monday night.’ Before that notice thereis the word ‘Briefkasten,’ which means letter-box. This notice was a signfor a meeting of the armed section at Greif’s Hall. I had been there oncebefore, pursuant to a similar notice. There was no other reason for mygoing there. I had seen no printed document before. I spent no time inthe saloon at Greif’s place. I attended a meeting there in the basementwhich extends throughout the length of the building. The ceiling of basementis about seven or eight feet above the floor. I called the meeting toorder at half-past eight. There were about seventy or eighty men. I waschairman. I don’t know of any precautions taken about who should comeinto the meeting. Of the defendants there were present Engel and Fischer—noneof the other defendants.”

On a question as to what was said at that meeting after it had beencalled to order, objections were raised on behalf of six of the defendantsother than Engel and Fischer, and overruled. Waller then resumed:

“First there was some talk about the six men who had been killed atMcCormick’s. There were circulars there headed ‘Revenge,’ speakingabout that; then Mr. Engel stated a resolution of a prior meeting as towhat should be done, to the effect that if, on account of the eight-hour strike,there should be an encounter with the police, we should aid the men againstthem. He stated that the Northwest Side group had resolved that in suchcase we should gather at certain meeting-places, and the word ‘Ruhe’ publishedin the Letter-box of theArbeiter-Zeitung should be the signal for usto meet. The Northwest Side group should then assemble in Wicker Park,armed. A committee should observe the movement in the city, and if a[407]conflict should occur the committee should report, and we should first stormthe police stations by throwing a bomb and should shoot down everythingthat came out, and whatever came in our way we should strike down. Thepolice station on North Avenue was referred to first. Nothing was saidabout the second station—just as it happened. I then proposed a meetingof workingmen for Tuesday morning on Market Square. Then Fischersaid that was a mouse trap; the meeting should be on the Haymarket andin the evening, because there would be more workingmen. Then it wasresolved the meeting should be held at 8P.M. at the Haymarket; it wasstated that the purpose of the meeting was to cheer up the workingmen sothey should be prepared, in case a conflict would happen. Fischer wascommissioned to call the meeting through hand-bills; he went away to orderthem, but came back after half an hour and said the printing establishmentwas closed. It was said that we ourselves should not participate in themeeting on the Haymarket; only a committee should be present at theHaymarket and report in case something happened, as stated before.Nothing was said as to what should be done in case the police interferedwith the Haymarket meeting. We discussed about why the police stationsshould be attacked. Several persons said, ‘We have seen how the capitalistsand the police oppressed the workingmen, and we should commence totake the rights in our own hands; by attacking the stations we would preventthe police from coming to aid.’ The plan stated by Engel was adoptedby us with the understanding that every group ought to act independently,according to the general plan. The persons present were from all thegroups, from the West, South and North sides.”

A question being raised as to what was said about attacking the policein case they should attempt to disperse the Haymarket meeting, he replied:

“Mr. Waller,” asked the State, “did you ever have any bombs?”

This was objected to by the defense, but after a full argument the objectionwas overruled. Waller resumed:

“Formerly, about half a year ago, I had one. It was made out of aneight-inch gas or water pipe. I did not investigate what it was filled with.Got it from Fischer, the defendant, on Thanksgiving day of last year, atThalia Hall.”

“What did he say to you, if anything, when he gave it to you?”

Another objection was raised, but it was overruled. Waller continued:

“I should use it. There were present members of the Northwest Sidegroup and several men of the Lehr und Wehr Verein when he gave methat bomb.”

Asked as to a public meeting on Thanksgiving day, Waller answered inthe affirmative, stating that the meeting was held at Market Square. Afterexplaining that the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were known notby names, but by numbers, he said:

An effort was made to have Waller’s testimony all stricken out, but themotion was overruled. He was subjected to a rigid cross-examination, buthe did not waver in any of his statements. He proceeded as follows:

[410]

THE GREAT TRIAL.Scene in the Criminal Court.

[411]

Bernhard Schrade, another confidant of the Anarchists, stated that hehad resided in this country nearly five years and had been a member of theLehr und Wehr Verein. He was present at the meeting in the basementof Greif’s Hall, on the evening of May 3, and found the meeting in orderwhen he got there. His testimony was as follows:

Schrade was shown a book of Most’s and stated that he had seen itsold at meetings of workingmen. On cross-examination he testified:

“I know Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Neebe and Schwab only by sight;never had any business or conversation with any of them. Lingg and Ibelonged to the same Carpenters’ Union, but we were not on terms offriendship. None of the defendants are members of the L. u. W. V., to myknowledge. I paid attention to all that was done while I was at the 54West Lake Street meeting. I was at the Sunday meeting from half-pastnine until half-past eleven. The discussion was, that if the police made anattack upon workingmen we would help the workingmen to resist it, and ifthe firemen helped, we would cut the hose. Nothing was said about dynamiteor bombs at any of the meetings. Nothing was said about a meetingat any particular night to throw bombs. It was not agreed to throw bombsat the Haymarket meeting. While at the Haymarket I had no bomb; Idon’t know dynamite. I knew of no one who was going to take a bomb to thatmeeting. When I left the Haymarket meeting everything was quiet; I didnot anticipate any trouble. I had seen the signal ‘Y’ before. It was understoodthat the meetings were to be called by that kind of notice. I left the[413]Haymarket meeting only on account of the approach of the storm. Therewere about two hundred people there when I left.”

Edward J. Steele, Lieutenant of Police at the West Chicago AvenueStation on May 4th, gave some details as to marching to the Haymarket,and stated that he had been in command of a company of twenty-eightmen. He further testified:

“Two or three seconds after that—Captain Ward’s command to themeeting to disperse—the shell was thrown in the rear. It exploded on theleft of my company. There was then also a smaller report in the rear ofme, like a large pistol shot, and at that time the crowd in front of us andon the sidewalks fired into us immediately; by immediately I mean twoor three seconds after. The crowd fired before the police did. Mine andQuinn’s were the front companies. My men had their arms in their pocketsand their clubs in their belts; their hands by their side. I was six oreight feet from the speakers’ wagon when the command to halt was given.Prior to that I could hear speaking going on in front of us. I heard somebodysay, ‘Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty and we will doours.’ I could not say who made the remark. The sound came from infront of us as we were marching. Ward spoke in a loud tone of voice tothe speakers on the wagon when he commanded them to disperse. Therewere three or four men on the wagon. I saw Mr. Fielden there. I did nothear him make any response to Ward’s declaration. After the pistol shotsfrom the crowd we returned the fire. Fielden stepped off the wagon,turned to the sidewalk, and I lost sight of him. When we got some fewfeet north of Randolph Street, the crowd in front of us separated to theright and left. I heard nothing said by the crowd. The bomb lit in therear of the left of my company, and the right of Lieut. Quinn’s, betweenthat and the next company behind us. When I heard the explosion I wasfacing north. The word ‘fire’ was not given by anybody, but we beganfiring when they fired on us. The explosion of the bomb affected abouttwenty-one of our men in the two companies, and the firing commenced atonce.”

On cross-examination, Lieut. Steele stated:

“My experience is that where the police make a descent upon a riotousgathering, a mob, the latter scatter to all sides, so as to get out of the way.But when we pass through a peaceful, quiet body of men, they separateto the sides instead of rushing down the alleys and out the other way. Ido not mean to say that the remark about the bloodhounds coming wasmade by the speaker from the wagon. Mr. Fielden was on the sidewalkwhen the bomb exploded. Capt. Ward was just a step or two in front ofme when he gave the order to disperse. Any loud exclamation made byMr. Fielden, either in the wagon, or getting out of the wagon, or immediatelyafter he got out, I would have heard. I did not hear him make any.”

Martin Quinn, Lieutenant of Police, had a company of twenty-five menon the left of Lieut. Steele, and when they marched to the Haymarket theyhad their clubs in their belts and their pistols in their pockets. He heardthe remark: “Here they come now, the bloodhounds. Do your duty, men,[414]and I’ll do mine.” The man who was speaking at the time they came upwas Fielden. Quinn’s testimony then runs as follows:

“Just as he was going down, he said: ‘We are peaceable.’ Some personhad hold of his left leg. He reached back, and just as he was going downhe fired right where the Inspector was, Capt. Ward and Lieut. Steele.After that I dropped my club, took my pistol and commenced firing infront. The crowd formed a line across the street in our front, and immediatelywhen that bomb was fired, and almost instantaneously with it thatshot from the wagon, they commenced firing into our front and from theside, and then from the alley. I fired myself. Fourteen men of my companywere injured. I lost sight of Fielden as he got on the sidewalk. Icould not distinguish which was first, the explosion of the bomb or the shotfired by Fielden. There was another very loud report immediately afterthis first explosion. I did not know what it was. The bomb explodedabout the same instant that the remark, ‘We are peaceable,’ was made.And at the same time he fired that shot. Ward at that time had not quitefinished his expression. The pistol was aimed in a downward direction,towards where Ward, Steele and Bonfield stood. After I was looking tothe front, and had discharged my weapon, I looked back and saw the explosionof the bomb—it was just the same as you would take a bunch of firecrackersand throw it around, just shooting up in all directions, in the rear.Some of the men were lying down, some of them lying dead, some crippledaround. All along on Desplaines Street the lamps were dark. Where thespeaker was there was a torch on the wagon, and also the lamp was litthere. I had emptied my pistol. Then I turned around to look at theresult of the explosion. Then I went over in under the wagon, and wherethe speaker was, and I found a pistol there that was loaded. I picked it upand emptied it myself afterwards. It was a thirty-eight Smith & Wesson.I saw Fielden fire only that one shot. It was not aimed at the man whohad hold of his leg. There were Ward, Bonfield and Steele there right ina bunch, close by together, and it should have hit some one of them.”

The cross-examination did not change the testimony; he only added toits force, and with reference to Fielden only modified it so far as to say:

“I would not swear that it was or was not Fielden who fired the pistol,but it was a speaker, that I know, that fired at the instant he finished saying,‘We are peaceable.’ While standing in the wagon, in the presence ofthe police force and all the audience, he fired a revolver right where Lieut.Steele was and Capt. Ward, and the right of Lieut. Steele’s company; firedright into them. The torch was still on the wagon at that time, and thestreet lamp near by was lighted.”

James P. Stanton, Lieutenant of Police, had charge of eighteen men andsaw the shell coming through the air. He shouted to his men: “Look out,there is a shell,” and just then it exploded. It fell just four feet from wherehe stood, and his men were scattered upon the street. All but one or twoof his command were wounded. He himself was injured, his body beinghit in eleven different places with pieces of the shell, and he was confinedto a bed at the hospital for two weeks and a half, after which he was takenhome.

[415]

H. F. Krueger, a police officer, heard the cry, “Here they are now,the bloodhounds!” from the wagon at the Haymarket, and thought it wasFielden who uttered it. “I saw Fielden,” said he, “pistol in hand, takecover behind the wagon and fire at the police. I returned his fire and wasmyself immediately shot in the knee-cap. I saw Fielden in the crowd andshot at him again. He staggered, but did not fall, and I lost him. Therewere no pistol-shots fired before the bomb exploded.” This testimony wasin every detail corroborated by John Wessler, another police officer, thenext witness, and by Peter Foley, an officer.

Luther Moulton, of Grand Rapids, Michigan, an officer of the Knightsof Labor, testified to a conversation which he had had with August Spieswhen the latter went to Grand Rapids to deliver a lecture, on February22, 1885. Spies told the witness that the only manner in which the laborerscould get a fair division of the product of their labor was by force andarms. He said they had three thousand men organized in Chicago, withsuperior weapons of warfare. There might be bloodshed, Spies said tohim, for that happened frequently in revolutions. If they failed, it wouldbe a punishable crime. If they succeeded, it would be a revolution.George Washington would have been punished had he failed. “I amquite certain,” Moulton said, “that the term ‘explosives’ was used in connectionwith arms.” On cross-examination Moulton stated that the GrandRapids police had furnished him the means to come to Chicago. All ofMoulton’s material statements were repeated on the stand by Geo. W.Shook, who had been present at the conversation referred to.

James Bowler, Lieutenant of Police, in command of twenty-seven men,testified that he did not recognize any one firing.

“After the explosion I said to my men: ‘Fire and kill all you can.’ Idrew my own revolver; I had it in my breast coat side pocket. In marching,I heard the words: ‘Here come the bloodhounds,’ said by somebodyclose to the wagon. I fired nine shots myself. I reloaded. While marching,[416]the men had their arms in their pockets. I noticed the lamp at Crane’salley was out.”

On cross-examination he stated that he heard the remark about bloodhounds,but did not know who uttered it. He continued:

“There was a kind of light on the wagon, a kind of a torch. I sawfiring close by the wagon after the explosion, but not from in the wagon. Isaw no one either in the wagon or getting out of the wagon do any firing.I saw Mr. Fielden coming off of the wagon very plainly.”

Several officers testified to the scene about the wagon, and ThomasGreif, the occupant of the premises 54 West Lake Street, described thebasement where the “Ypsilon” meeting was held. Following him wasproffered more direct evidence that Fielden had fired the shot, and thenJames Bonfield took the stand, and described the search that was made intheArbeiter-Zeitung office. Said he:

On cross-examination witness testified as follows:

“I am in the detective branch of the police force. I arrested Spies andSchwab in the neighborhood of nine o’clock. I found Spies in the frontoffice. He was to the left of the door as I entered. My recollection is, hewas talking to somebody. Schwab was over to the right, and was sittingdown. That was on the second floor. I think I went up two flights ofstairs. There were three or four men in the office besides those two.There was no resistance by either of the gentlemen. Had no warrant fortheir arrest. I don’t know of any complaint having been made against thembefore any magistrate. While I was talking to Spies and Schwab Spies’brother came in. I placed him under arrest too. I took them with me.I took them to police headquarters. We went on foot. It was in the backpart of the room that I found that revolver. The main part of the roomin which I arrested them was perhaps twelve feet deep, and then there wasa wing that ran back further. The box I mentioned was on the floor, andagainst the south wall. One could see it readily on entering the room. Ifound that box on my third visit. I don’t remember having seen it on myfirst visit. That third visit was some time in the afternoon, perhaps twoor three o’clock. On my second visit I went over to the printer, to pickout the type similar to the one in the ‘Revenge’ circular. I went to thecomposing room. The printer’s name is John Conway. That was neartwelve o’clock. On my fourth visit I took away a lot of red flags and suchstuff as that. When I made the arrest of Spies and Schwab thatmorning Mrs. Schwab was present. I should think, by the looks ofthings, they were transacting business, or ready for it. When I was in the[418]composing-room there were several men there. I found the red flagsprincipally in what they termed the library in that building. It was, Ithink, in the rear part, on the second floor. Twenty or twenty-one compositorsof theArbeiter-Zeitung were arrested during that day. I was notpresent at the time. I found that copy of the ‘Revenge’ circular on one ofthe desks in the front room. I was there when the form and the type ofthe circular were found. We had no search warrant at the time any ofthem were taken. I do not know to whom that revolver belongs. I tookSpies and Schwab into the front room of the Central Station. LieutenantShea sent out for the key. In the meantime we searched Spiesand took the personal effects away from him. I took Mr. Spies’keys out of his pocket—everything I found, little slips of paperand the like. I literally went through him. I had no warrant foranything of that kind. I took those reporters to see Spies down to thecell-house in the basement of the Central Station. The cell-house is verynear the center of the building, and fronts on the inside court between thecounty and city building. I went down with the reporters about eight ornine o’clock. Spies, Schwab and Fielden were in separate cells. Spiessaid the action taken at the Haymarket was premature. It was done by ahot-head that could not wait long enough. I cannot use the words. Thatis the sentiment, and perhaps the words. Fielden said the police came upthere to disperse them, and they had no business to. He claimed that theyhad a right to talk and say what they pleased, under the Constitution, andthey should not be interfered with. I don’t think it was ever questionedwhether the meeting was a peaceable and quiet meeting. I don’t think thathe ever claimed that it was either quiet or disorderly. The fulminating capwhich I found in that box did not look fresh and bright. It looked as thoughit might have lain there a good while. When Chief Ebersold came into theoffice at Central Station he was quite excited, and talked to Spies andSchwab in German and made motions, and I got between them, and I toldhim this was not the time or place to act that way. I took the liberty toquiet him down a little. He used a word which I understood to compare aman to a dog or something lower.”

The incendiary speeches that were made by some of the defendants atthe riot at McCormick’s were testified to by different newspaper men, andthe scenes at the riot described by officers and others, the whole showingvery distinctly the direct connection of Spies with the outrage, and the mannerin which he incited the mob to violence.

CHAPTER XXII.

“We are Peaceable”—Capt. Ward’s Memories of the Massacre—A Nestof Anarchists—Scenes in the Court—Seliger’s Revelations—Lingg, the Bomb-maker—Howhe cast his Shells—A Dynamite Romance—Inside History of the Conspiracy—TheShadow of the Gallows—Mrs. Seliger and the Anarchists—Tightening theCoils—An Explosive Arsenal—The Schnaubelt Blunder—Harry Wilkinson and Spies—AThreat in Toothpicks—The Bomb Factory—The Board of Trade Demonstration.

DURING the progress of the trial the court-room was thronged daily.The prisoners sat radiantly throughout the whole proceedings as ifsupremely certain of acquittal, and they manifested great pride in theboutonnieres which were handed in every morning by admiring friends.As the testimony of the State’s witnesses proceeded, the defense raisedinnumerable objections to the admission of parts particularly criminative,and at times hours were consumed in arguments on the points involved.The objections were almost invariably overruled, and exceptions taken.Having finished the evidence then at hand with reference to the McCormickriot, the State resumed the Haymarket massacre.

William Ward, Captain of Police at the Desplaines Street Station, amember of the force since 1870, a resident of Chicago for thirty-six yearsand a veteran of the Rebellion, was subjected to a long and interestingexamination. He first stated the facts with reference to marching to theHaymarket and his order to the meeting to disperse, corroborating the testimonyof Inspector Bonfield in every particular, and then concluded asfollows:

The cross-examination resulted as follows:

“I had a detail there that night from the Central Police Station undercommand of Lieut. Hubbard. At the time I gave the command to disperse[420]I was right close to the rear part of the wagon, close to the outside wheel,southwest of the wheel. I could almost touch it; could have touched itwith my club. Some of the men carried their pistols in the breast pocket ofthe coat, some the hip pocket. At the time I gave the command, InspectorBonfield stood at my left; Lieut. Steele was in the rear of me, might havebeen a little to the right. There were four to six persons on the wagon.Fielden was standing on the south end of the truck, facing southwest,facing me, when I commenced to speak, until I was through. Then he gotoff the truck, on the southeast end of it, on the corner toward the sidewalk.All I could understand of what Mr. Fielden said was: ‘We are peaceable.’I did not see Fielden after that. There was no pistol-firing of anykind by anybody before the explosion of the bomb. I was several feet inadvance of the front rank of the police in marching down, sometimes eightor ten feet in advance; sometimes not so far. The only utterance from anysource that I can recall that was heard by me, before the bomb exploded,was that of Fielden, ‘We are peaceable,’ that he spoke to me, or looking rightat me when he spoke. It was a little louder than ordinary, than if he wasaddressing me. I think the accent was on the last word, ‘We arepeaceable.’I don’t remember whether I related this utterance of Fielden on theoccasion of the Coroner’s inquest when I testified there. I think Steele’sline was about on a line with the center of the alley. Quinn’s line hadswung a little further forward. A block and a half south of there, therewere eight or ten electric lights on the front of the Lyceum Theater, andthey lit up the street considerably. I don’t remember whether there wasa torch-light or any other light on the truck.”

Michael Hahn, a tailor working on Halsted Street, stated that he wasat the Haymarket and received an injury in his back, one in his thigh, andone in the leg:

“I went to the hospital that same night. Dr. Newman removed somethingfrom my person that night; that is what he said; he showed it to me.It was some kind of a nut. (Witness is handed an ordinary iron-threadednut.) I guess that was about the size. I left the hospital two weeks after.I think that is the same nut.”

Reuben Slayton, a policeman on the force fourteen years, testified thathe arrested Fischer:

“I searched him and found that gun (producing and exhibiting a revolver).It is a 44-caliber; was loaded when I found it; self-acting,I found this file ground sharp on three edges (producing it), and that beltand sheath (producing same). The belt and sheath were buckled on him;the file in the sheath, revolver stuck into the slit in the belt, and he had tencartridges in his pocket. He also had this fulminating cap in his pocket.It was brighter when I found it. He said he carried that revolver becausehe carried money, and going home nights to protect himself. I took himto the Central Station. He said he had worked at theArbeiter-Zeitung asa compositor for two years. When I arrested him he was coming down thestairs. I was going up into the building. I felt this revolver and took himback up, and searched him and took these things from him. The belt wasunder his coat. You could not see the pistol and this stuff. I also arrestedFielden at his house the same day, May 5th, in the morning, at No. 110[421]West Polk Street. When I locked him up at the Central Station, he tookthe bandage off his knee and put it on. I asked him where he got itdressed. He told me when he got shot he came down the alley and tooka car and went to, I think he said, Twelfth and Canal Streets—had hisknee dressed there that night.”

On cross-examination, Officer Slayton stated that he met with no resistancefrom Fischer or Fielden and that he found no munitions of war atthe latter’s house. He had no warrant, he said, for their arrest.

Theodore Fricke, business superintendent of theArbeiter-Zeitung, onceits book-keeper, testified to Spies’ handwriting on the manuscript containingthe word “Ruhe,” and identified several other documents as in Spies’handwriting. He continued:

SPIES’ MANUSCRIPT OF
THE FAMOUS “RUHE” SIGNAL.
Engraved direct from the Original.

“TheArbeiter-Zeitung is the property of a corporation. Fischer was astockholder, so was I, so is Spies and Schwab. I was employed by thiscorporation. Parsons is not a stockholder. Neebe belongs to this corporation.I haveknown Neebeabout twoyears; I sawhim at picnicsand in our office.Therewas a libraryin the buildingbelongingto the InternationalWorking People’sAssociation—aSocialisticassociationcomposedofgroups, known by names. I belonged to the group ‘Karl Marx,’ whichmet at No. 63 Emma Street. Before that I belonged to the NorthwestSide group, which met at Thalia Hall, No. 633 Milwaukee Avenue. Hirschbergerwas the librarian. I know Fischer; he belonged to the NorthwestSide group. Engel belonged to the same. Spies formerly belonged to theNorthwest Side group, later to the American group. Parsons belongedto the American group. Schwab, I guess, to the North Side group, I don’tknow for sure. I don’t know about Lingg. I guess Neebe belonged to theNorth Side group. These groups, except the Northwest Side group, had acentral committee, which met at No. 107 Fifth Avenue. The NorthwestSide group was not represented. They had strong Anarchistic principles.Fielden, I guess, belonged to the American group. This book here(Johann Most’s book) I saw at the library in theArbeiter-Zeitung building.I have seen that book sold at picnics by Hirschberger, at Socialistic picnicsand mass-meetings. At some of those meetings Spies, Parsons and Fieldenwere present; sometimes Neebe, sometimes Schwab, maybe Fischer.”

[422]

Counsel for defendants objected to this line of inquiry, because, as theysaid, it is not shown that any of the defendants knew or participated in theselling, or that they had anything to do with, or that they saw the selling.This led to some words between court and counsel:

“Y—COME MONDAY EVENING.”
ReducedFac-simile, engraved direct
from the Original Manuscript.

Fricke then identified copies of theAlarm, Parsons’ paper, theArbeiter-Zeitung,theFackel, the Sunday edition of that paper, and theVorbote, itsweekly edition, of various dates from May 1st to May 5th.

On cross-examination, he testified that he had never seen any of thedefendants sell Most’s books anywhere, not even at the Sheffield, Indiana,picnic, where there were 2,000 people, and that all communications to theArbeiter-Zeitung went through the hands of the editor, Spies.

Edmund Furthmann testified as follows:

“I am assistant in the State’s Attorney’s office. I was in theArbeiter-Zeitungoffice between eleven and twelve o’clock on the 5th of May. Allthe matter shown to Mr. Fricke was obtained by me in the typesetting-room[423]of theArbeiter-Zeitung, and has been in my possession since then. Thetypesetting-room was full of desks and cases of type, and there were severaltables covered with stone, and at every case there was a hook containing alot of manuscript, which I took away. I found the doors locked. I foundsome twenty or twenty-five of the ‘Revenge’ circulars there.”

On cross-examination he said:

“A locksmith opened the door. We had no search warrant. We alsocarried away two mail-bags from there. We placed all this manuscriptinto them. Mr. Grinnell, the State’s Attorney, Officer Haas, Lieut. Kipleyand myself were in the party.”

Eugene Seeger translated a paragraph in theArbeiter-Zeitung of March15 and testified that it read as follows:

“‘Revolutionary Warfare has arrived, and is to be had through thelibrarian, 107 Fifth Avenue, at the price of 10 cents.’

REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF HEADING OF THE FACKEL.

“This appears among what I would call, as a newspaper man, editorialnotices in the local column. These translations here (holding typewritercopy, purporting to be the translation of certain articles), are correct translations.There is an editorial here in theArbeiter-Zeitung of May 4 headed‘Editorial.’ ‘Blood has flowed’ is the first phrase of it. There is anotherarticle on the fourth page of May 3, headed ‘A Hot Conflict.’ In the localcolumn of May 4 a report headed, ‘Lead and Powder is a Cure for DissatisfiedWorkingmen.’ All these articles were also translated by ProfessorOlson, of the Chicago University. We compared notes and foundthe translations correct.”

Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann then read the translation ofMost’s volume.

William Seliger testified:

[425]

PLAN OF THE SELIGER RESIDENCE, USED IN EVIDENCE.

On cross-examination he gave the following testimony:

“I was arrested after the 4th of May. I was kept at the Chicago AvenueStation. The first time fully a week. Then I was on the West Side threeweeks and one day; then I went back to the station of my own accord andstayed there voluntarily. Was locked up there ever since. When firstarrested I made a statement, but not of all that I have testified to-day. Imade a full statement of all that I testified to here, at the Chicago AvenueStation. Capt. Schaack, Mr. Furthmann and some detectives were present.That was after I had been in prison seven days. The day after and thesecond day after. I have made statements in writing, signed by me, threetimes. In the first statement I had not said much. I have done no work,earned no money, during the time I have been in jail. I received moneyfrom Capt. Schaack; once a dollar and a half, at another time five dollars.While I was at liberty I read in the paper that I was indicted for the murderof Degan. I did not know before this case was begun that I was not to betried. I did not know whether I was going to be tried for the murder ofDegan along with Mr. Spies and the other defendants. When the trial wascommenced I did not inquire of any of the officers why I was not broughtout for trial. I did not know I was to be used as a witness instead of beinga defendant at this trial. Capt. Schaack did not tell me anything about mytrial. If I would come in and tell the story which was in the written statement[428]that I have signed—he only told me that it would be the best if Iwould tell the truth, and asked me whether I would tell the truth before thecourt, and I said yes.”

Seliger was then given a breathing-spell, and Mr. Buschick was recalled.Buschick testified with regard to a map of the rear building of No. 442Sedgwick Street, and was excused.

Seliger, continuing on cross-examination, said:

“Lingg, I think, is twenty-one or twenty-two years old. He is not a manof family. He has boarded with me since Christmas last. My house whereI lived on May 4th is about three-quarters of a mile distant from the Haymarket.When Lingg and I, on Tuesday night at eleven o’clock, after wehad seen the word ‘Ruhe’ in the paper, spoke about going over to the WestSide, we meant Zepf’s Hall, or Greif’s Hall, or Florus’ Hall. One of thosehalls was certainly meant, for there is no other place. It was not understoodor agreed between me and any other men who had the bombs thatnight at Clybourn Avenue, that any one of us was to go to the Haymarketmeeting. I know that Capt. Schaack paid my wife money at differenttimes since my arrest. I don’t know how much. I think $20 or $25.Lingg had made the same remark about bombs being the best food forcapitalists and police before that Tuesday afternoon. When he broughtthe first bomb into the house he said they were to be applied on occasionsof strikes, and where there were meetings of workingmen and were disturbedby the police. On that Tuesday afternoon we agreed to go to ClybournAvenue that night, before the bombs were done. It was said that thebombs were to be taken to Clybourn Avenue that evening. I don’t believeit was agreed that the bombs were to be taken anywhere else thanClybourn Avenue. When they were taken to Clybourn Avenue, I don’tknow whether they were to remain there, or were to be taken to furtherplaces. There was no agreement as to where the bombs should be takenafter they got to Clybourn Avenue. I did not hear anything about anagreement that any of the bombs manufactured on the afternoon of May 4thwere to be taken by anybody to the Haymarket; we were not makingbombs to take to the Haymarket and destroy the police. They were to betaken to Clybourn Avenue for use on that evening. I can not say that onesingle bomb was made for use at the Haymarket meeting. They weremade everywhere to be used against capitalists and the police. I cannotsay who had the bomb at the Haymarket on the night of May 4th. I don’tknow anybody who was expected to be at the Haymarket. I became acquaintedwith Lingg in August of last year. I saw Engel once last year inthe office of theArbeiter-Zeitung, and again at the meeting of the NorthSide group. I did not see whether the bombs which I saw last summer attheArbeiter-Zeitung building were loaded. The room where I saw themwas the library-room that belonged to the International Workingmen’sAssociation. The bombs were below the counter. I never saw any bombsin the office of theArbeiter-Zeitung, neither in the editorial room nor theprinting-room, nor in the office of theArbeiter-Zeitung. The office is thefront room. This library-room is in the rear. I saw those bombs in therear room. I don’t know precisely whether that library-room is a part ofthe office, or whether it is rented as a library-room. I believe that itbelonged to theArbeiter-Zeitung. Those drills on Sunday, of which I spoke,[429]were in the daytime. We kept our guns at home, in broad daylight, andin the presence of our neighbors, or any one who might be on the streets,walked to the hall on Sunday and drilled. We had a shooting society.We went to the Sharpshooters’ Park or to the prairie to exercise. Weused to meet and march publicly on the streets with our guns exposed. Wedidn’t try to keep it away from the police force that we had arms anddrilled and marched. I knew that I was indicted for conspiracy and formurder. I did not employ the services of any lawyer. The only lawyersthat I talked with were Mr. Grinnell and Mr. Furthmann.”

On re-direct examination witness stated:

“During the time I was at liberty I went to the West Side to the houseof Mr. Gloom, on Twenty-second Street. I stayed with him two weeksand one day. He is not a Socialist. I went there from fear of revenge bythe Socialists.”

Mrs. Bertha Seliger testified as follows:

On cross-examination Mrs. Seliger stated:

Marshall H. Williamson, reporter for theDaily News, witnessed theprocession of the Socialists in 1885 at the time of the opening of the Boardof Trade building, and was also present at No. 107 Fifth Avenue, fromwhich place they started, and where they finally separated. He heardParsons and Fielden speak from the windows of theArbeiter-Zeitung office.Said the witness:

“Parsons spoke of the police interfering with them in marching on theBoard of Trade that night. He called the police bloodhounds and calledon the mob to follow him in an assault on Marshall Field’s dry goods houseand various clothing-houses, and take from there what he called the necessities[431]of life. They spoke from the second floor. There were about 1,000people in front of the building. Fielden in his speech also called upon themob to follow them, and he agreed to lead them to rob these places or gointo them and take from them what they needed in the way of clothing anddry goods. They both said that the new Board of Trade was built out ofmoney of which they had been robbed; that all the men who transactedbusiness there were robbers and thieves, and that they ought to be killed.Nothing was said in the speeches as to the means or mode of killing. LaterI went up-stairs. I saw Fielden and Parsons and some others whose namesI didn’t know. I didn’t know Spies at that time, but remember of seeing himthere. I asked Parsons why they didn’t march upon the Board of Tradeand blow it up. He said because the police had interfered, and they hadnot expected that and were not prepared for them. I told him I had seenrevolvers exhibited by some in the procession. He told me when they metthe police they would be prepared with bombs and dynamite. Mr. Fieldenwas standing at his elbow at the time. He said the next time the policeattempted to interfere with them, they would be prepared for them. Thatwould be in the course of a year or so. Spies was in the room. It was thefront room of theArbeiter-Zeitung office. Spies was not standing immediatelywith the party. I was shown what they told me was a dynamite cartridge.The package was about six or seven inches long, and an inch and ahalf or two inches in diameter. It was wrapped in a piece of paper. Thepaper was broken. After I had conversed with Mr. Parsons a while, hetook out of the broken place a small portion of the contents. It was of aslightly reddish color, and he again said it was dynamite, and that was whatthey would use when they went against the police; he also said he hadenough of that where he could put his hands on it to blow up the businesscenter of the city. I was shown a coil of fuse about fifteen or twenty feet;also a fulminating cap by which they said dynamite bombs were exploded.The cap was exploded in the room while I was there. It made quite anoise and filled the room with smoke. It was copper and about an inchlong and perhaps one-eighth of an inch in diameter—about the size of a No.22 cartridge cap. Mr. Parsons called for these articles. They were in adrawer in a desk, and Mr. Spies handed them to him to be shown to me.Parsons told me they were preparing for a fight for their rights; that theybelieved they were being robbed every day by capitalists and the thievingBoard of Trade men. He said it must stop. He told me that they hadbombs, dynamite and plenty of rifles and revolvers, and he said their mannerof warfare would be to throw their bombs from the tops of houses andstores, and in that way they could annihilate any force of militia or policebrought against them without any harm to themselves. After this conversationI went down-stairs, where I met Detectives Trehorn and Sullivan. Iwas acquainted with them. I took them up-stairs and renewed the conversationwith Mr. Parsons, and left him talking with the police officers. Theconversation I had had with Mr. Parsons was in effect repeated with thepolice officers in my presence. The officers were in citizens’ clothes. Thered flags in that procession were carried by some women. I was at 54 WestLake Street, in some of the halls there, on several occasions, within a yearbefore the opening of the Board of Trade. That is where I got acquaintedwith Parsons and Fielden. I heard them speak there. That was duringthe winter months of 1884 and 1885. Mr. Fielden, on one occasion, wantedthem to follow him to those clothing stores and grocery stores and some[432]other places and get what they needed to support their families. He toldthem to purchase dynamite. He said that five cents’ worth of dynamitecarried around in the vest pocket would do more good than all the revolversand pistols in the world. Mr. Parsons also told them they were beingrobbed, and offered to lead them to the grocery stores and other places toget what they wanted. That is all I remember of those speeches. I heardthem some eight or ten times. There were never over between ten andtwenty-five people present.”

On cross-examination witness stated:

On re-direct examination, Williamson was asked by the State’s Attorney:“You were about to say something about some interview that you had withParsons in regard to the plans, also in regard to leaders and privates intheir army. Will you please state what that was?”

“Parsons told me there were some 3,000 armed Socialists in the city ofChicago, well armed with rifles and revolvers, and would have dynamiteand bombs when they got ready to use them; that they were meeting anddrilling at various halls in the city. He refused to give me a list of thosehalls. He refused to tell me where they bought rifles. He said the societywas divided into groups, and that they knew each other by twos and threes.He showed me an article in theAlarm, I think, about street warfare. Inthat connection I think he told me it was their intention to occupy the MarketPlace and the Washington Street tunnel, and in that position they couldsuccessfully encounter any force that could be brought against them.”

On re-cross-examination witness related:

“There was nobody present when I had that conversation with Mr.Parsons. I think it was after New Year’s day of 1885, in the winter. I didnot ask him how they managed to drill if they only knew each other bytwos and threes. He said that in that organization of 3,000 no man knewmore than two or three others.”

John Shea, Lieutenant of Police, and at the head of the detective force,testified about the search of theArbeiter-Zeitung office and proceeded:

Fred. L. Buck was called to testify with reference to some experimentshe had made with dynamite which he had received from the detectives’office. He had gone to the lake front with Officer McKeough and anotherofficer and a newspaper reporter and there made several tests, all of whichdemonstrated the immense force of the dynamite.

Lieut.George W. Hubbard, now Superintendent of the force, hadcharge of the company that composed the third division at the Haymarket.Being a large company, it was divided into two, he himself commandingone wing and Sergt. (now Capt.) Fitzpatrick, who was drill master, beingin command of the other.

“I was about four feet behind Stanton’s and Bowler’s companies. Mycompany was about six feet behind me. I could hear the sound of thevoices at the wagon, but couldn’t hear exactly what was said. I saw thebomb when it was about six feet from the ground—a little tail of firequivering as it fell not more than six feet in front of me. The bomb immediatelyexploded, and as far as I could see the entire division in front ofme disappeared, except the two ends; but a great many of them got upagain in a kind of disorder, and then I flanked the left of the division.There was no firing before the explosion of that bomb. The firing beganalmost immediately on both sides of the street and north of me. I, beingon the left, rushed my division of the company right around toward thesidewalk, and commenced answering the charge from that quarter, andFitzpatrick went the other way, to the east, and he commenced shootingright into the crowd on the sidewalk, faced them right and left. In our companywe had our regular revolvers in our pockets, and we had a largerrevolver in the sockets attached to our belts, on the outside. The club inthe socket and the revolver in the socket were both hanging to the left sideof each officer. Pistols and clubs were all in the pockets until the explosionof the bomb.”

[435]

S. J. Werneke, police officer, who was hit with a bullet in the head atthe Haymarket, testified that he heard Engel at 703 Milwaukee Avenue inFebruary, 1886, “advise every man in the audience to join them, and urgedthe people to save up three or four dollars to buy a revolver that was goodenough to shoot these policemen down. I was at the Haymarket in Lieut.Steele’s company. Got hit with a bullet in the head.”

John J. Ryan next took the witness-stand. He testified:

On cross-examination Mr. Ryan stated:

“Those lake front meetings were held publicly in plain view to everybodyin every instance. The largest number of persons I ever saw attend oneof these meetings was not more than 150. The meetings that I attendedusually lasted two or three hours. I heard two or three other persons speakon the lake front at those meetings—Mr. Henry, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Holmes,[436]and, one Sunday, a young Englishman whose name I did not hear; also anIrishman whose name I never heard. The meetings were held about halfpast two. The speeches were made in a loud, clear tone, sometimes veryloud when they would get excited. A policeman who evidently had charge ofthe park was usually around there. It was a general propagation of ideasand doctrines, down there on the lake front. Once I heard Mr. Parsons saythat now was the time to do it. I heard the opinion expressed there thatthe workingmen would have to secure their rights by force, and thereforeshould be prepared for it.”

Fig. 1.————Fig. 2.

1. Package left at Judge Tree’s house.

2. Package left at C. B. & Q. offices.

Harry Wilkinson, a reporter for theDaily News, testified as follows:

[437]

SOCIALISTIC BOMBS,
As illustrated inDaily News of Jan. 14, 1886,
from specimens shown anddescription given by August Spies.

CHART OF STREET WARFARE.
As published inDaily News, Jan. 14, 1886.

On cross-examination Mr. Wilkinson testified:

Gustav Lehman gave his testimony as follows:

“I am a carpenter. On May 4th I lived at 41 Freeman Street. I livedthere six months. Have been in this country and in this city four years. Iwas born in Prussia. I attended a meeting at 54 West Lake Street on theevening of May 3d. Got there a quarter of nine. I went there from myhome by myself. I was about to go to a carpenters’ meeting at Zepf’s Hall,but I met several persons who were going to 54 West Lake Street. I sawa copy of theArbeiter-Zeitung containing the notice ‘Y—Komme MontagAbend.’ It meant that the armed ones should attend the meeting at 54West Lake Street. When I got there the meeting was in session. Somebodymade a motion to post somebody at the door, and then I went out tothe sidewalk, by the door, that no one who was going to the water-closetcould remain there and listen. I was stationed on the sidewalk, where thesteps were leading down, maybe a good half hour. I went into the meetingtwice. I heard that large man, with the blonde mustache, say he wasgoing to have hand-bills printed and distributed. There were present at themeeting Seliger, Thielen, myself, my brother, Fischer, Breitenfeld and theHermanns. That is about all I remember. I don’t know how Engel looks.

[440]

INTERIOR PLAN OF GREIF’S HALL.

On cross-examination Lehman stated:

“The meeting at which Engel spoke was a public, open-door meeting.A notice under the signal ‘Y,’ which was understood to be the call for ameeting at 54 West Lake Street, I have seen once before. I belonged tothe armed section for about three or four months. The meetings of thearmed section at 54 West Lake Street were irregular, governed by such anotice in theArbeiter-Zeitung. I did not see Lingg at 54 West Lake Streetthat Monday night. I don’t know that he was there. As we went home[442]he came up to us from behind on the sidewalk. Whether he was there ornot I cannot say. When I went to Clybourn Avenue Tuesday night, Linggwas not there. Seliger went down in the basement at the meeting at54 Lake Street Monday night. He was there for some time, but I cannottell how long. I am sure about that. We went there together from wherethe carpenters’ meeting was to have taken place. I, my brother, he andseveral others went down together. I am as sure of Seliger’s having beendown there in the basement that night as of any fact that I have testified to.”

Jeremiah Sullivan, a detective, testified:

“I was on the Market Square on the night of the inauguration of theBoard of Trade with Officer Trehorn. When we got down there, there wasquite a large crowd. One or two people were talking in German and tryingto hold the crowd until the speakers came. Mr. Schwab came therefirst, and Parsons and Fielden came, and I believe this man (indicatingLingg). Parsons spoke about the Board of Trade, and showed somefigures how the poor man was robbed. Then he denounced the police asbloodhounds, the militia as servants of the capitalists, robbing the laboringclasses, and invited them all in a body to go there and partake of some ofthose twenty-dollar dishes that they had up at the Board of Trade building.They were to get there by force. Mr. Fielden spoke after him. He denouncedthe police and militia as bloodhounds. At that time there wasa company of militia on Market Square for the purpose of drilling. Mr.Schwab was there at the time, and called the attention of the crowd to themilitia, and they all started off toward the militia. Schwab spoke in German.Officer Trehorn and I went over there and asked the militia to disperse,and they marched up Water Street. Then I came back and listenedto Mr. Fielden, who urged the crowd to force themselves in a body andpartake of those dishes. Then they all marched in a body, some carryingred flags. I saw in the procession Schwab, Parsons, Fielden, and I am notpositive as to that young fellow (Lingg). There was no United States flagin the procession. There was a platoon of police at every crossing. Theprocession stopped at 107 Fifth Avenue. Parsons went in and spoke fromthe window. He denounced the policemen as bloodhounds, and the militiaalso, and stated how they stopped them from going in there and partakingof the food; that a good many of his audience did not have clothes andcould not afford to pay twenty cents for a meal, let alone twenty dollars,and wanted them to go and follow him, and he would make a raid on thosedifferent places, mentioning Marshall Field’s and one or two other places.After him Fielden spoke, and wanted them all to go down with him in abody and he would lead them. I met Williamson, the reporter, just as hewas coming down-stairs, that evening. We went up-stairs with him. Ishook hands with Mr. Fielden and spoke to him. They did not know meas a policeman. Fielden, Parsons and Schwab were there. Spies was at thedesk. Parsons asked Spies for this dynamite. He brought it over, and Parsonstold how it could be used; that if it was thrown into a line of policeor militia it would take the whole platoon. He also exhibited a coil of fuse.I said: ‘You can get that in any quarry. They use that in blasting powder.’He said: ‘It comes in good to load these with—to touch these off with,’referring to dynamite shells. I saw some caps there about the size of a 22-calibercartridge. The substance which he showed was dynamite. Itlooked like red sand. It was shaped about a foot long, and about an inch[443]and a half in diameter. I asked one of them why they didn’t go into theBoard of Trade building. They said that they were not prepared that night;that there were too many of the bloodhounds before them on the street,but the next time they would turn out they would meet them with their ownweapons and worse.”

Moritz Neff testified:

INTERIOR PLAN OF NEFF’S HALL.

CHAPTER XXIII.

A Pinkerton Operative’s Adventures—How the Leading AnarchistsVouched for a Detective—An Interesting Scene—An Enemy in the Camp—Gettinginto the Armed Group—No. 16’s Experience—Paul Hull and the Dynamite Bomb—ASafe Corner Where the Bullets were Thick—A Revolver Tattoo—“Shoot theDevils”—A Reformed Internationalist.

THE examination of witnesses continued from day to day before acrowded court-room. At times tilts between the attorneys and longarguments on knotty legal points varied the proceedings. Every coigne ofvantage occupied by the State was stubbornly contested by counsel for thedefendants. But the prosecution maintained its position and brought outall the material evidence it had accumulated. The theory of the State withreference to conspiracy, murder and “accessory before the fact” was graduallybeing developed with force and effect. Newspaper reporters provedimportant witnesses and rendered the State great service.

The greatest interest at this stage of the trial was taken in the testimonyofAndrew C. Johnson, a Pinkerton detective, who became a memberof the International Workingmen’s Association February 22, 1885, or ratheron March 1, 1885, a few days later, for it was on that day that he got hisred card of membership, bearing his number, and began his series ofreports to the agency.

Among a number of minor particulars, Johnson told how the blowing upof the Board of Trade was proposed on March 29 by Fielden, and indorsedby others. The most interesting part of his story, however, is the descriptionof his admission into the armed group. This took place on August 24,at Greif’s Hall. Said Johnson:

“There were twenty or twenty-three men and two women present. Itwas Monday night. Among them Parsons, Fielden, besides Walters,Bodendick, Boyd and Larson, Parker, Franklin and Snyder. After havingbeen there a short time, a man armed with a long cavalry sword, dressed ina blue blouse, wearing a slouch hat, came into the room. He ordered allthose present to fall in. He then called off certain names, and all thosepresent answered to their names. He then inquired whether there wereany new members who wished to join the military company. Those whodid should step to the front. Myself and two others did so. We wereasked separately to give our names. My name was put down in a book,and I was told my number was 16. Previous to my name being put downthe man asked whether any one present could vouch for me as a true man.Parsons and Bodendick vouched for me. The same process was gonethrough in regard to the other two. The man then inquired of two othermen in the room, whether they were members of the American group, andasked to see their cards, and as they were unable to produce their cards hetold them to leave the room. Two others were expelled. The doors were[446]closed and the remainder were asked to fall in line. For about half anhour or three-quarters we were put through the regular manual drill,marching, counter-marching, turning, forming fours, wheeling, etc. Thatman with a sword drilled us. He was evidently a German. After that hestated he would now introduce some of the members of the first companyof the German organization. He went out and in a few minutes returnedwith ten other men dressed like himself, each one armed with a Springfieldrifle. He placed them in line in front of us and introduced them as membersof the first company of the L. u. W. V., and proceeded to drill themabout ten minutes. After that a man whose name I do not know—he wasemployed by the proprietor of the saloon at 54 West Lake Street—cameinto the room with two tin boxes, which he placed on a table. The drillinstructor asked us to examine them, as they were the latest improveddynamite bomb. They had the appearance of ordinary preserve fruit cans,the top part unscrewed. The inside of the cans was filled with a lightbrown mixture. There was also a small glass tube inserted in the centerof the can. The tube was in connection with a screw, and it was explainedthat when the can was thrown against any hard substance it would explode.Inside of the glass tube was a liquid. Around the glass tube was abrownish mixture which looked like fine saw-dust. The drill instructor toldus we ought to be very careful in the selection of new members of the company,otherwise there was no telling who might get into our midst. Afterthat a man named Walters was chosen as captain, and defendant Parsonsfor lieutenant. We decided to call ourselves the International Rifles. Thedrill instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some other hall, aswe were not quite safe there, and added, ‘We have a fine place at 636Milwaukee Avenue. We have a short range in the basement, where wepractice shooting regularly.’ Parsons inquired whether we couldn’t rentthe same place, and the drill instructor said he didn’t know. Then thetime for the next meeting of the armed section was fixed for the followingMonday. Parsons and Fielden drilled with us that evening. They werepresent also with a number of others at the next meeting, on August 31, at54 West Lake Street. Capt. Walters drilled us for about an hour and ahalf. Then we had a discussion as to the best way of procuring arms.Some one suggested that each member pay a weekly amount until he hadenough to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Parsons suggested:‘Look here, boys; why can’t we make a raid some night on themilitia armory? There are only two or three men on guard there, and it iseasily done.’ This suggestion was favored by some members, but aftersome more discussion the matter of the raid on the armory was put off untilthe nights got a little bit longer.”

The witness, whose testimony was very lengthy, refreshed his memoryfrom copies of reports which he had made at the time. On cross-examinationhe was asked why the reports were countersigned by L. J.Gage. He replied that he did not know why they were so countersigned,but he found that they were. The history he had to tell bore chiefly uponthe facts leading up to the riot at the Haymarket.

Joseph Gruenhut, a factory and tenement-house inspector of the HealthDepartment of the city, had known Spies for six years, Parsons aboutten years, Fielden and Schwab about two years, more or less.

[447]

On cross-examination Mr. Gruenhut stated that he had heard noreference to any attack to be made on the first of May, and in the re-directexamination he said, with reference to Spies’ attitude on the eight-hourmovement:

“At the start he said he did not believe they would get it, and then itwould not amount to anything anyhow; it was only a palliative measure—notradical enough. As I recollect, I brought him a list of the different organizationsin Chicago, and we were trying to pick out those which neededorganization, and the packers and a great many others were directly organizedby these men for the eight-hour movement. We were in constant consultationabout organizing those trades which had not been organized before.I don’t suppose he ever said that he was in favor of the eight-hour movement.I don’t know that he was ever enthusiastically in favor of the eight-hourmovement, but he was enthusiastically in favor of the eight-hourmovement that we had talked about on Monday. There never had been ageneral eight-hour mass-meeting. There had been a mass-meeting representingthe great assemblies, at the Armory, but not the Central LaborUnion. It was a Socialistic organization; was not represented there. InOctober, 1885, there had been a mass-meeting of the Socialistic organizationsin favor of the eight-hour movement at West Twelfth Street TurnerHall. I was not there. At the time I had that conversation with Mr. Spiesand the others present about a mass-meeting to be held, we did not knowwhere the meeting was to be held at all. We only considered the advisabilityof holding a mass-meeting on the question of the eight-hour movementin the open air. There are only three or four places where you can hold[448]such a meeting; either the lake front or Market Square or the Haymarket.At that time I am sure I saw Spies, Rau and Neebe almost every day, butI could not tell whether the meeting was agreed upon on Saturday or Monday,night or day; but there was a general agreement upon having one generalmass-meeting in the open air. It was not sure whether the meetingwas to be in the forenoon, afternoon or night, but at last we came to theconclusion it ought to be at night. My recollection is that Spies said toWilkinson, at the time of that conversation, that the military associationswere open and free to everybody; that they meet, advertise their meetings,have picnics and advertise them, and meet in halls, even in open ground, atSheffield, or out on the prairie. That proposed mass-meeting was to be aneight-hour meeting and an indignation meeting over the killing of men atMcCormick’s at the same time. Parsons and Spies, during conversationswithin the twelve months before the bomb was thrown, said that armingmeant the use of dynamite bombs by individuals; all men should individuallyself-help, as against a squad of policeman or company of militia, sothat they need not be an army.”

F. H. Newman, a physician, attended some of the officers wounded atthe Haymarket, and identified an iron nut extracted from Hahn. He hadalso examined some ten or twelve officers, and had found some bullets andfragments of a combination of metals much lighter than lead. “Thefragments were also much lighter,” he said, “than the bullets, varyingvery much in size, from perhaps what we would call 22-caliber up to45-caliber. The bullets also varied in size. This piece of metal Itook from the heel of Officer Barber. It made a ragged wound and wasburied in the bone; crushed the bone considerably, fractured it in severalplaces. I examined the wounds of one officer who had a large raggedwound in the liver. He died within a few hours. It could have been awound produced by a bullet, if the bullet was very ragged, spread out considerably,as they do sometimes.”

Maxwell E. Dickson, a newspaper reporter, had had several interviewswith Parsons. He said:

ADOLPH LIESKE.

Beheaded Nov. 17, 1885.—From Photographfound in the possession of Anarchist Bodendick,on back of which was written: “Revengeis Sweet.”

On cross-examination Mr. Dickson said:

“Parsons said to me that when the social revolution came, it would bebetter for all men; it would place every man on an equality. He picturedme personally as a wage slave, referring to my position as a newspaperreporter, and that all reforms had to be brought about through revolution,and bloodshed could not be avoided. I frequently heard him give expressionto such ideas in friendly conversation, in which the social outlook ofthe country was talked over, and Parsons frequently insisted that anymethod would be justifiable to accomplish the object which he advocatedas the intended result of a social revolution. Parsons once stated to methat if it became necessary they would use dynamite, and it might becomenecessary. Parsons never expressed any distinct proposal to inauguratethe revolution at any particular time, or by the use of any particular force.He simply spoke of the social revolution as the inevitable future. I am notcertain as to whether the paper which Parsons gave me, which containedthose diagrams, was a copy of theAlarm or of some other paper. Thisarticle here in theAlarm of July 25, 1885 (indicating), under the title,‘Street Fighting—How to Meet the Enemy,’ is, to the best of my recollection,the article to which my attention was called by Mr. Parsons at thetime. I am positive these diagrams here (indicating) are the same as inthe article given me by Parsons.

[451]

“The position of these parties in meetings that I have attended, sinceJanuary 18, 1885, when they spoke of the industrial condition, was that theypredicted a social revolution, and they also advised the workingmen tobring about that revolution. It was Mr. Fielden on the lake front—I cannotfix the date—who used language of that import, advised the men to goforward and get that which did belong to them by force.”

Paul C. Hull, a reporter of theDaily News, attended the Haymarketmeeting and heard Fielden speak. He testified as follows:

PARSONS’ HANDWRITING.
The Manuscript of an Advertisement calling
a Meeting of the “American Group.”

On cross-examination Mr. Hull said:

“The firing of the revolvers startled me. I considered my positiondangerous and tried to get around the corner. A few moments before theexplosion of the bomb a threatening cloud came up, and Mr. Spies said themeeting would adjourn to 54 West Lake Street, I believe. At no timeduring the meeting was I as near as eight or ten feet from the speaker. Idon’t believe I heard Fielden say, in a loud voice, ‘There come the bloodhounds!Now you do your duty and I’ll do mine,’ when the police werecoming up. I remember that Mr. Fielden said ‘in conclusion,’ after I gotmy position on the stairs again, and when the police were forming andmarching below. I was confused at the time I wrote my reports. (Afterexamining his report in a copy ofDaily News of May 5th, 1886:) I havesaid nowhere in this report that the crowd fired upon the police. I did saythat the police required no orders before firing upon the crowd. I wrotethis up about an hour after the occurrence. After describing the explosionof the bomb, I used this language in my report: ‘For an instant after theexplosion the crowd seemed paralyzed, but, with the revolver shots crackinglike a tattoo on a mighty drum, and the bullets flying in the air, themob plunged away into the darkness with a yell of rage and fear.’ Myrecollection is that the bomb struck the ground about on a line with thesouth line of the alley. The bomb apparently fell north from the pointwhere I first saw it in the air. I judge it came from the south, going west-northwest.”

[453]

A PICNIC OF THE “REDS” AT SHEFFIELD.
1. Experimenting with Dynamite. 2. Getting Inspiration. 3. Engel on the Stump.
4. “Hoch die Anarchie!”5. Mrs. Parsons addressing the Crowd.
6. Children peddling Most’s Literature. 7. A Family Feast.

[454]

Whiting Allen, another reporter, was present at the Haymarket meetingin company with Mr. Tuttle, another newspaper man, and heard someof the speeches. Said the witness:

“Parsons was speaking when we got there. About the only thing thatI could quote from his speech is this: ‘What good are these strikes goingto do? Do you think that anything will be accomplished by them? Doyou think the workingmen are going to gain their point? No, no; theywill not. The result of them will be that you will have to go back to workfor less money than you are getting.’ That is his language in effect. Atone time he mentioned the name of Jay Gould. There were cries from thecrowd, ‘Hang Jay Gould!’ ‘Throw him into the lake!’ and so on. Hesaid, ‘No, no; that would not do any good. If you would hang Jay Gouldnow, there would be another, and perhaps a hundred, up to-morrow. Itdon’t do any good to hang one man; you have to kill them all, or get ridof them all.’ Then he went on to say that it was not the individual, butthe system; that the government should be destroyed. It was the wronggovernment, and these people who supported it had to be destroyed. Iheard him cry, ‘To arms!’ I cannot tell in what connection. The crowdwas extremely turbulent. It seemed to be thoroughly in sympathy withthe speakers; was extremely excited, and applauded almost every utterance.I staid there some ten or fifteen minutes. I then left and went toZepf’s Hall. Later I came back again, when Fielden was speaking.When the bomb was thrown I was in the saloon of Zepf’s Hall, standingabout the middle of the room at the time. I did not see any of the defendantsthere. They were not there to my knowledge. When I was down atthe meeting, I pointed out to Mr. Tuttle Mr. Parsons, Fielden, Spies, anda man that I presume was Mr. Schwab, but was not certain. The generaloutline was that of Mr. Schwab. I could not get a full view of his face.That must have been half past nine.”

Charles R. Tuttle said he did not remember much of what Parsonsspoke:

“Parsons made a series of references to existing strikes—one was theSouthwestern strike—and to Jay Gould, the head of that system of railways,and the winding up of the peroration in connection with that createda great deal of excitement and many responses from the audience. Hethen spoke of the strike at McCormick’s, and detailed the suffering of thepeople who had wives and children, and who were being robbed by onewhom I took to be Mr. McCormick, although I cannot say that was theidea; who were being robbed, anyway, by capitalists. And he said it wasno wonder that these persons were struggling for their rights, and then saidthat the police had been called on by the capitalists to suppress the firstindications of any movement on the part of the working people to stand upfor rights, and he asked what they are going to do. One man—I believethe same one who had spoken when he referred to Gould—stuck up hishand with a revolver in it, and said, ‘We will shoot the devils,’ or somesuch expression, and I saw two others sticking up their hands, near to him,who made similar expressions, and had what I took to be at the timerevolvers.”

Edward Cosgrove, a detective connected with the Central Station, wason duty at the Haymarket. He gave the substance of some of the speeches,and, referring to Spies, said:

“Then he talked about the police, the bloodhounds of the law, shootingdown six of their brothers, and he said: ‘When you are ready to dosomething, do it, and don’t tell anybody you are going to.’ A great numberof the crowd cheered him loudly. The enthusiastic part of the crowd[455]was close to the wagon. Sometimes there would be some on the outskirts.I did not hear all of Spies’ speech and only part of Parsons’. Parsonstalked of statistics—about the price laboring men received. He said theygot fifteen cents out of a dollar, and they were still on the hunt for theother eighty-five. He talked of the police and capitalists and Pinkertons.He said he was down in the Hocking Valley region, and they were onlygetting twenty-four cents a day, and that was less than Chinamen got.And he said his hearers would be worse than Chinamen if they didn’t armthemselves, and they would be held responsible for blood that would flowin the near future. There was a great deal of cheering close to the wagonduring his speech. I was in Capt. Ward’s office when the police werecalled out. I came down the street at the time the police did. When thepolice came to a halt, I was on the northwest corner of Randolph and Desplaines.I heard no firing of any kind before the explosion of the bomb,but immediately after that. I can’t tell from what source the pistol shotscame, whether the police fired first or the other side. I reported at thestation from time to time what was going on at the meeting.”

On cross-examination Cosgrove said:

“I was twice at the station reporting. My second report was that Mr.Parsons said they would be held responsible for the blood that would flowin the streets of America in the near future. The police remained at thestation after this report. I didn’t hear any part of Fielden’s speech. WhenI came out before the police quite a number of the crowd had gone away.When I saw Schwab he was about forty feet south of the south sidewalk ofRandolph Street, on Desplaines. I saw Schwab about half past eight, or alittle later, at the wagon. My impression is that I saw Mr. Schwab nearthe close of Parsons’ speech, but I am not sure. When I saw him at thewagon it was about the time Mr. Spies came back the second time tospeak.”

Timothy McKeough, a detective, was present when the meeting opened.

“Spies got on the wagon and called out twice: ‘Is Mr. Parsons here?’He received no answer, and said: ‘Never mind, I will go and find him myself.’Somebody said: ‘Let us pull the wagon around on Randolph Streetand hold the meeting there.’ Mr. Spies said: ‘No, that might stop thestreet-cars.’ He started away then, and Officer Myers and myself followedhim as far as the corner. There was a man with him who, I think, wasSchwab, but I am not very sure about that, and in about fifteen minutes hereturned, and when I got back he was addressing the meeting, talkingabout what happened to their brethren the day before at McCormick’s.He had been down to McCormick’s and addressed a meeting, and theywanted to stop him; tried to pull him off the car because he was a Socialist;that while he was talking a portion of the crowd started towardMcCormick’s and commenced to throw stones, the most harmless amusementthey could have; how wagons loaded with police came down theBlack Road and commenced firing into the crowd. Somebody halloaed out:‘Let us hang him,’ and he said: ‘My friends, when you get ready to doanything, go and do it, and say nothing about it.’ About that time Parsonsarrived and Spies introduced him, saying Parsons could talk better Englishthan he, and would probably entertain them better. The crowd in theneighborhood of the wagon appeared very much excited when Spies spoke[456]about the shooting down of workingmen at McCormick’s. Parsons quotedfrom some book on labor statistics, which he thought his hearers probablyhad not read, because they didn’t have the money to buy it or leisure toread it, as they had to work too much. He said out of every dollar thelaboring man makes for capitalists he only gets fifteen cents, and they areon a still hunt for the other eighty-five. He had been down to the coalmines, and, according to labor statistics, they received 24½ cents for theirdaily labor on the average during a year. That was just half as much asthe Chinaman would get, and he said: ‘If we keep on we will be a greatdeal worse than Chinamen. I am a tenant and I pay rent to a landlord.’Somebody asked, ‘What does the landlord do with it?’ Parsons said the landlordpays taxes, the taxes pay the sheriff, the police, the Pinkertonites andthe militia, who are ready to shoot them down when they are looking fortheir rights. He said: ‘I am a Socialist from the top of my head to thesoles of my feet, and I will express my sentiments if I die before morning.’The crowd near the wagon loudly cheered him. Later I heard Mr. Parsonssay, taking off his hat in one hand: ‘To arms! to arms! to arms!’ ThenI went over to Desplaines Street Station and reported to Inspector Bonfield.When I came back Fielden was speaking. He criticised MartinForan, the Congressman that was elected by the working people. Speakingabout the law, he said the law was for the capitalists. ‘Yesterday,when their brothers demanded their rights at McCormick’s, the law cameout and shot them down. When Mr. McCormick closed his door againstthem for demanding their rights, the law did not protect them.’ If theyloved their wives, their children, they should take the law, kill it, stab it,throttle it, or it would throttle them. That appeared to make the crowdnear the wagon more excited, and I made another report to Inspector Bonfield.I saw Spies, Parsons and Fielden on the wagon. I saw Schwab onthe wagon in the early part of the evening, and a man named Schnaubelt.”

Henry E. O. Heineman, a reporter of the ChicagoTribune, testified:

CHAPTER XXIV.

Reporting under Difficulties—Shorthand in an Overcoat Pocket—AnIncriminating Conversation—Spies and Schwab in Danger—Gilmer’s Story—The Manin the Alley—Schnaubelt the Bomb-thrower—Fixing the Guilt—Spies Lit the Fuse—ASearching Cross-Examination—The Anarchists Alarmed—Engel and the ShellMachine—The Find at Lingg’s House—The Author on the Witness-stand—Talkswith the Prisoners—Dynamite Experiments—The False Bottom of Lingg’s Trunk—TheMaterial in the Shells—Expert Testimony—Incendiary Banners—The ProsecutionRests—A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe Discharged.

WHEN the public began to see the character of the evidence against theAnarchists, sentiment crystalized into a feeling that no fair-mindedjuror could be led astray by specious pleas or sophistical arguments intovoting for an acquittal of any one of the defendants. The facts of the conspiracyhad been brought out with startling boldness, and with every witnessthe points against the prisoners were fortified with added effect. Oneof the strongest witnesses as to the incendiary utterances of the speakers atthe Haymarket meeting was G. P. English, then a reporter for the ChicagoTribune, but at present private secretary of Mayor Roche. Another wasM. M. Thompson, who testified as to a conversation between Spies andSchwab.

Mr. English testified as follows:

On cross-examination Mr. English said:

“It was a peaceable and quiet meeting for an out-door meeting. Ididn’t see any turbulence. I was there all the time. I thought the speechesthey made that night were a little milder than I had heard them make foryears. They were all set speeches, about the same thing. I didn’t hear[461]any of them say or advise that they were going to use force that night.Before I went to the meeting my instructions from theTribune office wereto take only the most incendiary part of the speeches. I think when Mr.Parsons spoke about the Cincinnati meeting he said he had been at Cincinnatiand seen the procession. I heard the announcement to the crowd todisperse, distinctly. I did not hear Mr. Fielden say: ‘There come thebloodhounds now; you do your duty and I’ll do mine.’ I heard nothing ofthat import at all.”

M. M. Thompson testified:

“I am at present employed in the dry-goods business of Marshall Field& Co. Prior to the 4th of May last I was running a grocery store at 108South Desplaines. I was at the Haymarket Square on the evening of May4th. I walked west on Randolph Street about half past seven o’clock, andsomebody handed me a circular headed ‘Revenge,’ and signed ‘Your Brothers.’About twenty-five minutes to eight I got to the corner of Desplainesand Randolph. I met Mr. Brazleton of theInter-Ocean. We talked aboutfifteen minutes. I asked the time. It was ten minutes of eight. Brazletonpointed out to me Mr. Schwab, who came rushing along Desplaines Streetin a great hurry. I then went over to the east side of Desplaines Street. Iwalked up Desplaines Street near the corner of Lake, and came back againto the alley back of Crane Bros’. and stood just back of that alley. Then Isaw Spies get up on the wagon and he asked for Parsons. Parsons didn’trespond. He then got down, and Schwab and Spies walked into that alleyat Crane Bros’., near which the wagon was situated. The first word I heardbetween Schwab and Spies was ‘pistols;’ the next word was ‘police.’ Ithink I heard ‘police’ twice, or ‘pistols’ twice. I then walked just a littlenearer the edge of the alley, and just then Spies said: ‘Do you think one isenough, or hadn’t we better go and get more?’ I could hear no answer tothat. They then walked out of the alley and south on Desplaines Street,and west on the north side of Randolph to Halsted, and cut across thestreet and went over to the southwest corner; they were there about threeminutes, came out of that crowd again and came back. On the way back,as they neared Union Street, I heard the word ‘police’ again. Just then Iwent past them, and Schwab said: ‘Now, if they come, we will give it tothem.’ Spies replied he thought they were afraid to bother with them.They came on, and before they got up near the wagon they met a thirdparty, and they bunched right together there, south of the alley, and appearedto get right in a huddle; and there was something passed betweenSpies and the third man—what it was I could not say. This here (indicatingpicture of Schnaubelt, heretofore identified) is, I think, the thirdman; I think his beard was a little longer than in this picture; this is thepicture of the third man. I saw the third man on the wagon afterwards.Whatever it was that Spies gave him, he stuck it in his pocket on the right-handside. Spies got up on the wagon, and I think that third man got upright after him. I noticed him afterwards sitting on the wagon, and that hekept his hands in his pockets. I stayed there until Mr. Fielden commencedto speak; then I left.

On cross-examination Thompson said:

August Huen, a printer in the employ of Wehrer & Klein, set up theGerman part of the circular headed “Attention, Workingmen!” and testifiedthat the last line read, “Workingmen, arm yourselves and appear infull force.” Mr. Fischer wrote it. On cross-examination, he testified thatan hour after the form had been given to the pressman the last line wastaken out.

Hugh Hume, a reporter for theInter-Ocean, testified:

On cross-examination Mr. Hume said that Spies saw him write downanswers to the questions and knew that he wanted the interview for publication.

Harry L. Gilmer proved a strong witness and testified as follows:

On cross-examination Gilmer testified to having resided formerly in DesMoines, Iowa, Fort Dodge, Iowa, Kansas City, Mo., and in various localitiesin Chicago. He then proceeded as follows:

Martin Quinn was recalled and testified to finding, at Engel’s house,a machine for making bombs.

“Engel said it had been left there by some man about four or fivemonths previous to that time. Mrs. Engel gave a description of the manwho left the machine down at the basement door, as a man with long blackwhiskers and pretty tall. Mr. Engel said he thought he knew the man,and he thought the machine was made for the purpose of making bombs.There had been a meeting at Turner Hall, where this man had made aspeech about the manufacture of bombs, and the next thing was, thismachine was brought over, and Engel had said to him he wouldn’t allowhim to make any bombs in his basement; so the man went away. Engeldidn’t know where he was.”

[469]

John Bonfield was recalled and testified to being at the CentralStation when Officer Quinn brought Engel and the machine there. Bonfield,being asked by State’s Attorney Grinnell to explain the purpose ofthe apparatus, said:

“This is a blast furnace in miniature—a home-made one. This uprightpart could be lined with fire-clay. This shoulder, some two and a halfinches from the bottom, could be filled in around with clay, leaving theholes open. This, in a blasting furnace, would be known as a tweer. It isfilled up to a considerable height with clay to protect it from the hot fireinside, and the pressure of air is applied through those pipes, one or bothof them, as may be necessary. When the fire is extinguished or removed,the debris or slag that comes from the metal, and the ashes and cindersfrom the material used for fuel, can be taken outthrough the trap at the bottom. The spout isfor the purpose of passing out the melted metal.It is stopped with a plug of clay, and when theplug is removed the metal is poured through thattube.”

ENGEL’S BLAST FURNACE.
From a Photograph.

Louis Mahlendorf testified as follows:

“I am a tinner by trade, at 292 MilwaukeeAvenue, since two years. I know the defendantEngel since about eight years. I made this machine(referring to blasting-machine) for Engelover a year ago. I cut off the iron and formedit up. Another gentleman, a kind of heavy-setman with long beard, was with him when heordered it. Mr. Engel waited for it. He tookit away with him.”

Hermann Schuettler, a detective connectedwith the East Chicago Avenue Station, gave thefacts with reference to his arrest of Lingg, andhis search of the room on Sedgwick Street, withOfficers Stift, Loewenstein and Whalen:

“We searched a trunk and found a roundlead bomb in a stocking. The trunk was in thesoutheast room. In another stocking I founda large navy revolver. Both revolver and bombwere loaded. I turned them over to Capt. Schaack. We found a ladleand some tools, a cold chisel and other articles. This here (indicating) isthe trunk I found in the room. The letters ‘L. L.’ were on it at the time.I recollect a round porcelain-lined blue cup made out of china that I found,and I believe a file. In the closet underneath the baseboard we found alot of torn-off plaster. The lathing was sawed so you could get your handbetween the floor and the bottom of the laths underneath. I saw thoselead pipes (indicating) lying between the house Lingg lived in and the nexthouse to it, in a small gangway. On the way to the Chicago Avenue StationI asked Lingg why he wanted to kill me. He said: ‘Personally, I havenothing against you, but if I had killed you and your partner I would have[470]been satisfied. I would have killed myself if I had got away with you andyour partner.”

On cross-examination witness stated that he had had no search warrantfor going through Lingg’s trunk.

Jacob Loewenstein, another detective connected with the same station,testified to assisting Schuettler in arresting Lingg and that after they hadvanquished him Lingg said several times: “Shoot me right here, before Iwill go with you. Kill me!” Witness further stated:

“I was with Officers Whalen, Stift, Schuettler, Cushman and McCormick,at Lingg’s room, on May 7, between ten and eleven o’clock. Nobodywas in the house. The door was locked. Finally we pushed in the doorand went in. In a little bed-room in the southeast corner of the house therewas a bed and a wash-stand and a trunk, and a little shelf up in the cornerwith some bottles on it. In the closet there were some shells, and someloaded cartridges, and on the floor some metal and some lead. Those here(indicating box containing shells) are the shells I found in the closet ofLingg’s room. I found those bolts (indicating) in the wash-stand. Thismetal here (indicating) I found in a dinner-box with some loaded dynamitebombs in the trunk. There were four bombs in this box (indicating), gas-pipebombs. The two in the bottom were loaded. When I first openedthe trunk this cover (indicating) dropped down, and with this Remingtonrifle (indicating), which was loaded, fell down. I found a lot of papers andbooks in the top of the trunk. In a gray stocking I found this round dynamitebomb, loaded (indicating). I found two pieces of solder in thatdinner-box. I found a blast hammer and one smaller hammer, a couple ofiron bits and drills, a two-quart pail, with a little substance looking likesaw-dust in the bottom of it, which I found out to be dynamite. I found alittle tin quart basin under the bed with a little piece of fuse in it. In thebottom of the trunk I found two or three pieces of fuse. In the closet wetore off the baseboard, which had been freshly nailed down—the nailswere projecting out a little bit—and found the plaster was torn out all theway around on the baseboard, and there were holes there.”

Joseph B. Casagrande, telephone operator at the East Chicago AvenueStation, but on duty at the Larrabee Street Station on the night of May 4,and John K. Soller, a police officer at the last-named station, testified to acall for a patrol wagon and its leaving at 10:40 o’clock for Desplaines andRandolph Streets with a full load of officers.

John B. Murphy, a physician and surgeon, was called to the DesplainesStreet Station after the Haymarket explosion and remained until threeo’clock in the morning. He was a surgeon at the Cook County Hospital,and when he left the station he proceeded direct to that institution. At thestation Dr. Murphy said that he first dressed Barrett, who was complainingand crying with severe pain.

“He had a very large wound in his side, large enough to admit two fingersright into his liver, and severely bleeding. I could not reach with myfinger the piece of shell that caused the injury. It was a lacerated wound,much larger than could be made by an ordinary pistol bullet. I tampened[471]the liver with gauze to prevent his bleeding to death at the station, and Iwent on to other officers in that way until I dressed in all between twenty-sixand thirty at the station. When we got through with that, at threeo’clock, Dr. Lee remained at the station while I went to the hospital to takecare of those injured most severely, who were to be sent to the hospital.Officers Muller, Whitney, Keller, Barrett, Flavin and Redden are the principalmen that I ordered him to send first to the hospital.”

Dr. Murphy then gave a list of the men and specified the particularcharacter of their wounds.

E. G. Epler, a physician and surgeon practicing at No. 505 SouthCanal Street, testified to having dressed a wound of Fielden between elevenand twelve at night on May 4.

“The wound was on the left side of the left knee joint, the bullet havingpassed in underneath the skin and passed out again five inches from thepoint of entry. He said he was crawling on the pavement trying to getaway from the crowd when he received the injury, and the bullet glancedoff from the pavement and struck him in that position.”

Michael Hoffman, a detective connected with the Larrabee Street Station,gave evidence as to finding nine round bombs and four long ones.

“These two bombs (indicating) I found at the corner of Clyde and ClybournAvenue, near Ogden’s Grove, under the sidewalk. They were empty.I found another one there which was loaded, and which I gave to Capt.Schaack. Gustav Lehman, who was a witness in this case, was with mewhen I found them. I got two coils of fuse, a can of dynamite and a box ofcaps at the same time. I found these two pieces of gas-pipe (indicating)at 509 North Halsted Street, under the house of John Thielen, who wasarrested, with two cigar-boxes full of dynamite and two boxes of cartridges,one rifle, one revolver. The revolver and one box of cartridges were buriedunder the floor of the coal-shed, and two bombs which were loaded, thedynamite and rifle and other box of cartridges were buried under the housein the ground. The can of dynamite which Lehman pointed out to me, andwhich I found near Ogden’s Grove, held about a gallon. This can and thebox of caps were on the stone of the pavement; the bombs were buried inthe ground.”

At this stage of the proceedings I was myself put on the stand. Mytestimony, as taken by the stenographers, was as follows:

On cross-examination I stated that I had never taken Lingg before anymagistrate for examination. There was no complaint entered against him.

Frederick Drews saw some cans underneath the sidewalk at his home,No. 351 North Paulina Street, about three miles from the Haymarket, andtestified to having turned them over to me. His residence was about a mileand a half from Wicker Park.

Michael Whalen, a detective connected with the Chicago Avenue Station,testified to having seen the cans referred to by the preceding witnessin the yard at No. 351 North Paulina Street, and that there were four ofthose cans, one of which they emptied.

Daniel Coughlin, a police officer, testified as to the explosive characterof one of the cans found at North Paulina Street, with a fulminating capand fuse about eight inches long. After igniting the fuse an explosion wascaused which shattered the can, throwing the contents, some kind of vitriol,four or five feet around.

Charles E. Prouty, manager of a gun-store at No. 53 State Street, recalleda visit of Mr. and Mrs. Engel at the store the previous fall.

“They made some inquiries in regard to some large revolvers. Theyfound one there that seemed to be satisfactory, and wanted to know at whatprice they could get a quantity of them, perhaps one or two hundred, andwanted to buy that one and pay for it and present it at some meeting ofsome society. They took the pistol and paid for it. A week or two afterthey returned, said the pistol was satisfactory, and wanted to know if I couldget them a lot. I said I knew of one lot in the East, and would inquire. Iwrote East, and found the lot had been disposed of. They were somewhatdisappointed, but said they had found something else for a little less moneythat would answer the purpose, and with that they left our store. Mrs.Engel comes frequently to our store. She has a little store on the WestSide, and buys fishing-tackle and other things in our line. I sold cartridgesto them in a small way, as she might want them in her store. When I spokeof guns I meant large revolvers, something about seven-inch barrel—I think44 or 45-caliber, at $5.50 apiece. When I stated the price was very cheapthey replied they didn’t care to make profit on them, it was for a society.I remember seeing Mr. Parsons’ face in the store. Never had any dealingswith him.”

William J. Reynolds, in the employ of D. H. Lamberson & Co., gunbusiness at No. 76 State Street, testified:

“I think about February or March of this year Mr. Parsons came to ourstore. He said he wanted to buy a quantity of revolvers—I think forty or[475]fifty. He wanted what is called an old remodeled Remington revolver, 44or 45-caliber. I agreed to write and get a quotation of the revolver. Hecame in again, and I quoted him a price upon it. He did not purchase anyrevolvers, and was in once or twice after that. He seemed undecidedabout it.”

Thomas McNamara, a police officer, testified:

“I found thirty loaded and one empty gas-pipe bombs under the sidewalkon Bloomingdale Road and Robey Street. The loaded bombs werefixed with caps and fuse. They were in an oil-cloth. The corner where Ifound them is about four blocks from Wicker Park. Found them on theafternoon of May 23 last. Three coils of fuse in a tin can and two boxesof dynamite caps—probably about two hundred caps—were also in thepackage.”

Prof.Walter S. Haines examined a number of bomb fragments andtestified as follows:

Prof.Mark Delafontaine testified as follows:

“I am a chemist, teacher of chemistry in the High School in this city.Have been a chemist for over thirty years. I made an examination of thesubstances described by Prof. Haines, compared results with him, and theyagreed as closely as they can. I found the piece of candlestick to be a mixtureof antimony, tin, lead, zinc and a trace of copper. I made experimentswith old lead pipes upon which there was solder. I took a piece of oldlead pipe that had been very much mended, had much solder put on; Imelted it, analyzed it, and the amount of tin contained in the mixture wasabout seven-tenths of one per cent. I don’t know of any one commercialproduct of which the pieces of bomb that I examined could be composed.I never found a sample of lead containing the least traces of tin.”

Michael Whalen, recalled, testified that he gave to Prof. Haines twopieces of lead which I had given to him.

Edmund Furthmann, Assistant State’s Attorney, stated that the pieceof lead he gave to Prof. Haines he had received from Dr. Bluthardt, anddesignated the various halls and places spoken of by various witnesses asbeing all located in Cook County and the State of Illinois.

Theodore J. Bluthardt was then called and gave the following evidence:

James Bonfield, being recalled, stated:

“I found a number of banners at theArbeiter-Zeitung. I found, altogether,about forty banners. I can identify only a few of them as found attheArbeiter-Zeitung.”

State’s Attorney Grinnell here announced that the prosecution rested itscase. Thereupon counsel for the defendants moved that the jury be sentfrom the court-room while they would present and argue, on behalf ofNeebe, a motion that the jury be instructed to find a verdict of not guiltyas to Neebe. Judge Gary refused the motion.

A like motion on behalf of the other defendants, except August Spiesand Adolph Fischer, was also overruled by the court.

CHAPTER XXV.

The Programme of the Defense—Mayor Harrison’s Memories—Simonson’sStory—A Graphic Account—A Bird’s-eye View of Dynamite—Ferguson and theBomb—“As Big as a Base Ball”—The Defense Theory of the Riot—Claiming thePolice were the Aggressors—Dr. Taylor and the Bullet-marks—The Attack on Gilmer’sVeracity—Varying Testimony—The Witnesses who Appeared.

MR. MOSES SALOMON opened the case for the Anarchists on Saturday,July 31. He proceeded to state that the defendants hadsteadily refused to believe that any man on the jury would be willing toconvict any of the defendants because of being an Anarchist or a Socialist.

“Mr. Grinnell,” said Mr. Salomon, “failed to state to you that he had aperson by whom he could prove who threw the bomb, and he never expectedto make this proof until he found that without this proof he was unable tomaintain this prosecution against these defendants; and it was as this caseneared the prosecution end of it that the State suddenly changed front andproduced a professional tramp and a professional liar, as we will show you,to prove that one of these defendants was connected with the throwing ofit. They then recognized, as we claimed and now claim, that that is theonly way they can maintain their case here.”

Mr. Salomon next directed the attention of the jury to the charge againstthe defendants and said:

“As I told you a moment ago, they are not charged with Anarchy; theyare not charged with Socialism; they are not charged with the fact thatAnarchy and Socialism is dangerous or beneficial to the community; but,according to the law under which we are now acting, a charge specific inits nature must be made against them, and that alone must be sustained,and it is the duty of the jury to weigh the evidence as it bears upon thatcharge; and upon no other point can they pay attention to it. Now, gentlemen,the charge here is shown by this indictment. This is the accusation.This is what the case involves, and upon this the defendants and theprosecution must either stand or fall. This indictment is for the murder ofMathias J. Degan. It is charged that each one of these defendants committedthe crime, each defendant individually; and it is charged in a numberof different ways. Now, I desire to call your attention to the law governingthis indictment and to read it to you; and I am presenting the lawto you now, gentlemen, so that you can understand how we view this caseand how the evidence is affected by what the law is.”

Mr. Salomon then read the law touching murder and the statute onaccessories and explained:

MOSES SALOMON.
From a Photograph.

He next read the law with reference toconspiracy and proceeded:

“The proof in this case, with the exceptionof Gilmer’s testimony, showed andshows only that the State has a case withinthose sections which I have last read to you, and no other, if they havea case against them at all. Now, gentlemen, I have read to you thesection of the statute relating to accessories. As I have told you before, itis only the perpetrator and abettor in the perpetration of a crime who,under the decision of almost every supreme court in the United States andEngland, can be held.”

Mr. Salomon touched on one or two minor points and concluded asfollows:

On the Monday following, being the 2d of August, the defense beganits testimony. The first witness introduced wasCarter H. Harrison, thenMayor of Chicago. His evidence was as follows:

[483]

On cross-examination Mr. Harrison stated:

Barton Simonson, a traveling salesman for E. Rothschild & Bros.,wholesale clothing, concluded, after taking supper at his mother’s house,No. 50 West Ohio Street, to take in the Haymarket meeting, and he wentthere and remained throughout the proceedings, until the explosion of thebomb. He testified:

[485]

On cross-examination Mr. Simonson said:

When this witness returned to the store, the firm by whom he was employedat once discharged him, saying that he was one of the worst Anarchistsin the city and they had no use for him.

John Ferguson, a resident of Chicago for seventeen years, and in thecloak business, passed the Haymarket, and, noticing a crowd there, stoppedto listen to the speeches. He was accompanied by an acquaintance. Theystood at the Randolph Street crossing and listened about fifteen minutes toParsons’ speech. Said the witness:

Ludwig Zeller went to the meeting about a quarter past ten, and tooka position at a lamp-post near Crane’s alley. A few minutes thereafter thepolice came, and when they passed him he heard the command of the Captain,but heard no reply from anybody on the wagon or near the wagon.

On cross-examination Mr. Zeller stated:

Carl Richter and F. Liebel gave practically similar stories of the riot.The point which the defense seemed to wish to bring out in their testimonywas that thegravamen lay rather with the police than with the Anarchists.They swore that, although standing close to the famous wagon, they hadheard nothing about “bloodhounds.”

Along this line, also, was the evidence of Dr. James D. Taylor, who gavea practically identical account of the explosion. This gentleman, however,seemed to be certain that the police had attacked the crowd. He had examinedthe scene of the riot on the next day and found that the bulletmarks on the buildings came chiefly from the direction from which thepolice had charged. Quite a point was made by the Anarchists upon thefact that a telegraph pole, which was said to have thoroughly borne out Dr.Taylor’s testimony, had disappeared from the Haymarket. It was insinuatedthat the prosecution had made away with this pole. The fact was that thepole had been very prosaically, and in the common course of business, removedby the telegraph company.

Frank Stenner, Joseph Gutscher and Frank Raab gave their memoriesof the riot, all agreeing closely with the theory of the defense. Wm. Urban,a compositor on theArbeiter-Zeitung, after telling the same story, swore thathe saw something shining—which he believed were revolvers—in thehands of the police as they came up toward the meeting. The story of theexplosion and the murder of the police, from the Anarchists’ point of view,was also detailed by Wm. Gleason, Wm. Sahl, Eberhard Hierzemenzel,Conrad Messer and August Krumm. This last witness, Krumm, also testifiedthat he was lighting his pipe, in company with another man, in Crane’salley, at the time that the bomb was thrown, which, it will be remembered,Gilmer swore had been fired in this alley by Spies and Schnaubelt—andKrumm declared that there was nobody in that little thoroughfare then savehis friend and himself.

This was not the only attack on Gilmer’s veracity. Lucius M. Moseshad known Harry Gilmer six or seven years and would not believe him onoath. John O. Brixey stated on the stand that Gilmer’s reputation was badand that he was not worthy of belief. John Garrick, an ex-deputy sheriff,knew Gilmer and would not believe him on oath. Mrs. B. P. Lee was anotherwho had no confidence in Gilmer’s truth and veracity.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Malkoff’s Testimony—A Nihilist’s Correspondence—More about theWagon—Spies’ Brother—A Witness who Contradicts Himself—Printing the RevengeCircular—Lizzie Holmes’ Inflammatory Essay—“Have You a Match About You?”—ThePrisoner Fielden Takes the Stand—An Anarchist’s Autobiography—The Red Flagthe Symbol of Freedom—The “Peaceable” Meeting—Fielden’s Opinion of the Alarm—“Throttlingthe Law”—Expecting Arrest—More about Gilmer.

THE evidence so far produced for the defendants showed that theircounsel had done everything possible in their efforts to offset thedamaging testimony of the State. They proved themselves not only fertilein resources, but ingenious in the selection of witnesses and in the mannerof presenting their points before the jury. It was no fault of theirs thatthey failed to make “the worse appear the better reason.” They laboredincessantly for the cause of their clients, and they certainly called the bestwitnesses that could be found among the Anarchists and their sympathizers.

Robert Lindinger lived with Carl Richter and accompanied him to theHaymarket meeting. He stood at the mouth of the alley and saw at themeeting Spies, Parsons and Fielden. He did not see the gentleman ontrial (indicating Schwab); had never seen him before in his life, and he(Schwab) was not on the wagon when Spies was there. He did not hear anybodysay, “Here come the bloodhounds,” etc., saw no one in the crowd fireany shots, and saw no pistol in Fielden’s hand. Witness was a cornice-maker,and had been in the country about three years. He was not aSocialist, but read theArbeiter-Zeitung.

William Albright, who stood in the alley with Krumm, stated substantiallythe same facts as given by his companion.

M. D. Malkoff, a reporter for theArbeiter-Zeitung, up to the 5th ofMay, saw Parsons at Zepf’s Hall from five to ten minutes before the explosionof the bomb. Said he:

“He was sitting at the window, north of the entrance door, in companywith Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. The saloon was pretty crowded atthat time. I spoke with Mr. Allen about these parties. I think Mrs.Holmes was standing and Mrs. Parsons was sitting on the window-sill righton the side of Mr. Parsons. I saw them there when I heard the explosionof the bomb.”

On cross-examination Mr. Malkoff said:

A translation of the letter heretofore referred to was introduced in evidence,as follows:

William A. Patterson, a printer, attended the meeting at No. 107Fifth Avenue, on the evening of May 4, in response to an advertisement in[493]theDaily News, and said it was for the purpose of organizing the workingwomen of Chicago. While there, a telephone message came for a speakerat Deering, and a clerk in the office answered it. That was a little aftereight o’clock. They wanted a German speaker, and Schwab’s name wasmentioned. After that, witness said, he did not see Schwab. There wasalso a call for speakers at the Haymarket. Those present at the FifthAvenue meeting were Parsons, Fielden, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Holmes,Schwab, Waldo, Brown, Snyder and some others.

Henry Lindemeyer, a mason, testified through an interpreter. Heoccasionally did calcimining, and, while working at that in theArbeiter-Zeitung,had occasion to place some things on a shelf in the closet off theeditorial room. He missed a brush, and looked for it on a shelf in thatcloset. He found some papers, which he took down, but he did not findhis brush. “I found,” said he, “no bundle, no large package, no dynamiteon the shelf. Saw no indication of greasiness there.”

On cross-examination he testified:

“I have known Spies for seven or eight years. I am on the bond of hisbrother, who is charged with conspiracy growing out of the Haymarkettrouble. I have known Schwab three or four years. Saw him at publicmeetings, at Turner Hall and other halls. I saw Spies nearly every day.He lives in my neighborhood since quite a time. I have been a subscriberto theArbeiter-Zeitung since it is in existence. The closet was in the southeastpart of the room, about four or five feet square, and about eleven ortwelve feet high, as high as the room. There was only one shelf in thecloset. There was a wash-stand in there, under which I kept some things.I had calcimined that room a few weeks before. On the 2d of May I calciminedthe upper floor. On the 5th of May I calcimined the library. Ileft my things in the closet from the 2d to the forenoon of the 5th of May.When the police came I took them to some other place. The things I leftin that closet were my working-clothes and my tools. My hat and my vestI had on the upper part of the shelf, and the rest on the floor. When Iexamined the shelf, I found nothing but a small package of papers, coveringas much space as the size of an open paper, occupying about one-quarterof the shelf. I didn’t feel on the bottom of the shelf to see if there wasany grease on it. There was no grease on there; else I wouldn’t have putmy clothes there. The shelf was about six feet from the ground.”

Edward Lehnert, testifying through an interpreter, said:

“I know Schnaubelt, and saw him at the Haymarket that night aboutten o’clock. I was standing on the west side of Desplaines Street, aboutthirty paces from Randolph, about twenty paces south of the wagon. I sawSchnaubelt about the time when it grew dark and cloudy. I had a conversationwith him at that time, at the place where I stood. The speakingwas still going on. It was before the bomb exploded. August Kruegerwas present. I mean Rudolph Schnaubelt, this man (indicating photographof Schnaubelt).”

“What was the conversation?”

The State objected.

[494]

Mr. Zeisler—“We offer to show by this witness that Schnaubelt statedto Lehnert that he did not understand English; that he had expected aGerman speaker would be present; that no one was present who spokeGerman except Spies; that Spies had already made an English speech, andthat he did not want to stay any longer, and asked Lehnert if he would goalong; that Lehnert thereupon said he did not go in the same direction;and that then Schnaubelt went away with another party. We have beenable to trace Schnaubelt only for a short distance on his way home. Weoffer this conversation with Lehnert for the purpose of explaining Mr.Schnaubelt’s movements after meeting Lehnert.”

The objection was sustained.

William Snyder, indicted for conspiracy in connection with the Haymarketriot, and in jail since the 8th of May, said:

“I am a Socialist, a member of the American group of the Internationalesince it was organized. I am acquainted with all the defendantsexcept Lingg. I saw Parsons and Fielden on Tuesday night, May 4 last,at theArbeiter-Zeitung building on Fifth Avenue. I had gone there pursuantto a notice of a meeting of the American group in the paper. I knewnothing of this meeting of the group before I read the notice in the paper.The meeting was called to order about half-past eight. Before that we hadwaited for some time for Mr. and Mrs. Parsons. They finally came abouthalf-past eight. I was elected chairman. I asked the purpose for whichthe meeting was called. The general topic of consideration was to getmoney from the treasury for the purpose of furthering the organization ofthe sewing girls of this city through Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. Themeeting lasted about half an hour; then nearly all of us went over to theHaymarket meeting. I don’t remember seeing Schwab at that meeting.We walked over.” Witness got on the wagon and when the police came, hesaid, he got down first in front of Fielden. “Fielden did not shoot; hewould have killed me if he had shot; I was south of him.” They bothstarted for the alley, and there witness lost sight of Fielden. He heard noreference to bloodhounds and saw no one shooting except the police.

On cross-examination Snyder said:

Thomas Brown, arrested for conspiracy, belonged to the Internationalefor about a year and a half, and after Parsons had spoken at the Haymarkethe and Parsons went to Zepf’s saloon. When the bomb exploded, theywere sitting there at a table. Fischer was there at the time. On cross-examinationBrown said:

Henry W. Spies, a cigar manufacturer, brother of the defendant, wentto the Haymarket with his brother. When his brother got off the wagon tohunt for Parsons, they went in a northwesterly direction from the wagon,but Schwab was not there.

“Schnaubelt and my brother went together, and I and Legner followedright behind them. After asking, ‘Is Parsons here?’ and descending fromthe wagon, August did not go in the direction of Crane’s Alley, nor intoCrane’s Alley. He went as far as Union Street, and in fact got down on theside of the wagon, pretty near the middle of it. Just at that time the explosiontook place. I asked him what it was. He said, ‘They have got aGatling gun down there,’ and at the same time, as he jumped, somebodyjumped behind him with a weapon, right by his back, and I grabbed it, andin warding off the pistol from my brother I was shot. I don’t know who didthe shooting. I didn’t see August any more until I went home. I went toZepf’s Hall, though, and inquired for him. August did not leave the wagonabout the time the police came, or at any time, and go into the alley. Legnerand myself helped him off the wagon just as the explosion came. Thefiring came from the street.”

On cross-examination the witness testified:

“On the 6th of May I was arrested at my house by Officers Whalen andLoewenstein. I told them when the bomb exploded I was at Zepf’s Hall,walked out and was shot in the door. I told them I was not at the Haymarketat all, from beginning to end. That was not true when I told it tothem. I lied to them. I have told the truth now, when I was under oath.I was afterwards brought down to the Central Station, about the 9th or 10thof May. I was there interrogated by either Mr. Grinnell or Mr. Furthmann,in the presence of Lieuts. Shea and Kipley. I was asked whether I was aSocialist. I don’t believe I said I was not. I asked whether you could tellme what a Socialist was. I said I had been on business at Zepf’s saloon,which is a fact. I told you that I was down there for the purpose of collectinga bill. That was true when I said it. I also told you I was down thereand did a large dealing in cigars. I also stated at that time and place that[496]I was not at the Haymarket from the beginning, but was in Zepf’s saloon,and was shot when I came out of the door at Zepf’s. I also said that I didnot see my brother that evening until he called at the house and asked meif I had a good physician. I now state that what I then said about that wasnot the truth. I was not under oath then, and I knew the treatment whichmy brothers had found.”

August Krueger said:

“I saw there the man represented on this picture (Schnaubelt). WhenI saw him I was standing with Mr. Lehnert on the west side of DesplainesStreet, about thirty to forty feet north of Randolph. I saw that man aboutten o’clock; he came from the northeast. I didn’t know at the time whathis name was, although I knew him well. Mr. Furthmann since told me hisname is Schnaubelt. Schnaubelt stayed there about five minutes. Hewanted to go home, and wanted me to go along, and I went with him downon Randolph Street to Clinton. There I left him; he went further east onRandolph Street, and I turned north on Clinton Street. This is the last Isaw of Schnaubelt. I walked down Milwaukee Avenue and went to Engel’shouse. I reached it about fifteen minutes past ten—I don’t rememberexactly. Mr. and Mrs. Engel were there. I stayed there and drank a pintof beer. Later Gottfried Waller came in and said he came from the Haymarket,and that 300 men were shot by the police, and we ought to go downthere and do something. Engel said whoever threw that bomb did a foolishthing; it was nonsense, and he didn’t sympathize with such a butchery,and he told Waller he had better go home as quick as possible.”

On cross-examination Krueger said he was known as “Little Krueger.”

“I am an Anarchist. I was arrested for a day at the North Side station.I had a conversation there with Capt. Schaack and Mr. Furthmann.I was shown a picture of Schnaubelt at that time. I was asked whether Ihad ever seen that man. I don’t know whether I answered, ‘I might haveseen him,’ or what I answered. I know I had seen him. There were severalother officers present at the conversation; I don’t know their names.I told Mr. Furthmann there that I was not at the Haymarket; I told himI was at Engel’s house. I don’t remember what I stated in regard to thetime when I got to Engel’s house. It may be that I told him that I got toEngel’s house at nine o’clock and staid there until eleven, but I don’tremember.”

Albert Pruesser stated that he telephoned three times to theArbeiter-Zeitungfor a speaker for the meeting at Lake View. The committee fromthe Deering factory wanted Spies. Witness was told that Spies could notcome, and he said it would make no difference if they sent some one else.A quarter of an hour later he telephoned again and received a reply thatSchwab was on the way. He went to meet Schwab at the Clybourn Avenuecar. He met him on the rear platform of the car. That was half pastnine o’clock, or twenty minutes to ten. They went to Radtke’s saloon, 888Clybourn Avenue, remained there ten minutes, and then Schwab went tothe prairie and spoke. He spoke about twenty minutes. When he gotthrough they went and had lunch and beer at Schilling’s saloon. Schwab[497]then took a car for the city. It takes forty-five minutes to reach the cornerof Clark and Washington Streets, and ten minutes to the Haymarket if thereis no interruption. On cross-examination Pruesser stated that he had beena carrier for theArbeiter-Zeitung for a time.

Johann Grueneberg testified that he was an intimate friend of Fischer’s.He went to the printing establishment of Wehrer & Klein at Fischer’s requestand got some circulars with the line: “Workingmen, arm yourselvesand come in full force.” He took them to the compositors’ room in theArbeiter-Zeitung and then took some down to Spies. Fischer, Spies andwitness had some conversation, and then he took an order from Fischer toWehrer & Klein to leave out that line. On cross-examination Gruenebergstated:

Mrs. Lizzie May Holmes, assistant editor of theAlarm for about ayear, detailed what transpired at the meeting of the American group onTuesday evening, May 4th, and stated that she, in company with Mr. andMrs. Parsons and Mr. Brown, went to the Haymarket. Subsequently theywent to Zepf’s Hall. She could not say just where Parsons was in thesaloon when the explosion occurred. She had not heard of the word“Ruhe” at the meeting Tuesday evening.

[498]

On cross-examination she said:

Samuel Fielden was then put on the witness-stand and testified in hisown behalf as follows:

On cross-examination Fielden said:

On re-direct examination Fielden said:

“If I did make the remark about premonitions of danger in my Haymarketspeech, I must have meant that there were so many men strikingjust then for the eight-hour movement that some trouble might possiblyoriginate between the strikers and their employers, as had been the case informer strikes, and, knowing that all men are not very cool, and some menbecome aggravated—their condition may have a good deal to do with it—theysometimes commit acts which the officers of the law, in their capacityas such, are compelled to interfere with. I was speaking of the generallabor question and the issue that was up for settlement during the eight-hourmovement. I had no reference to the presence of dynamite at themeeting. I did not say that John Brown, Jefferson, etc., said that the lawwas their enemy. What I said in regard to them was, that we occupied, inrelation to the present social system, which no longer provided security forthe masses, just about the position that John Brown, Jefferson, Hopkins,Patrick Henry occupied in relation to the government and dictation ofGreat Britain over the Colonies; that they repeatedly appealed to GreatBritain to peaceably settle the differences in regard to the port duties, thestamp act, etc., but when it could not be peaceably settled, they could notsubmit to it any longer, and were compelled to do something else; and itwas always the element of tyranny which incited strife, and as it was in thatcase, so it would be in this. As to the use of the expressions about killing,stabbing, throttling the law, I used them just as a Republican orator, indenouncing the Democratic party, might say, ‘We will kill it,’ or ‘We willthrottle it,’ or ‘defeat it,’ or as one might speak of a candidate for office—‘We[505]will knife him.’ I used those adjectives, as any speaker would, inrushing along, throw in adjectives without thinking much of what their fullimport might be. My remarks that night were intended to call upon thepeople to resist the present social system—not by force, I had no such ideain my mind that night—so that they would be enabled to live; to call theirattention to the fact that by the introduction of labor-saving machinery andthe subdivision of labor less men were continually needed, more productionsproduced, and their chance to work decreased, and that by theirorganizing together they might become partakers in the benefits of civilization,more advantageous and quicker productions.”

Together with the testimony given above, of which, of course, the mostimportant was that of the prisoner Samuel Fielden, were the stories of anumber of other witnesses whose names have been here omitted. The reasonfor this is, that while the statements of these persons were of muchimportance in the trial of the case, to print them all would stretch thisbook of mine out to unconscionable length. It will suffice to say that severalwitnesses testified strongly in support of the Anarchist theory of theepisodes which occurred about the famous wagon at the Haymarket. Halfa dozen others declared that they would not believe Harry W. Gilmer onoath. This statement of the evidence offered is made necessary by thespace at my disposal. I have tried throughout this work to be wholly fairto the defense, and the reader will of course understand that these witnessescorroborated the testimony of others which has been previously given infull in these pages.

CHAPTER XXVII.

The Close of the Defense—Working on the Jury—The Man who Threwthe Bomb—Conflicting Testimony—Michael Schwab on the Stand—An Agitator’sAdventures—Spies in his Own Defense—The Fight at McCormick’s—The DesplainesStreet Wagon—Bombs and Beer—The Wilkinson Interview—The Weapon of theFuture—Spies the Reporter’s Friend—Bad Treatment by Ebersold—The HockingValley Letter—Albert R. Parsons in his Own Behalf—His Memories of the Haymarket—TheEvidence in Rebuttal.

THROUGHOUT the trial the defendants maintained an air of carelessindifference. Occasionally during the presentation of particularly strikingand damaging evidence—notably that of Thompson and Gilmer—theywere noticed to wince, but the flush was only momentary. It wasapparent that the prisoners expected in some manner to extricate themselvesfrom their perilous position, and the casual observer would havesupposed them involved simply in an ordinary trial. Whatever may havebeen their real feelings, they did not betray them. After they had begun toplace evidence on their own behalf before the jury, they even wore acertain air of cheerfulness; and whereas previously a sort of stolidity hadmarked their demeanor, their general bearing now was that of supreme confidence.They evidently felt confident of having made a favorable impressionupon the jury. They possibly calculated upon their havingsuccessfully impeached the evidence of Gilmer and having proven to someextent their own disconnection with the Haymarket explosion. Fielden’splausible explanations also, no doubt, added to their confidence.

Taking the evidence of the State as a complete exposition of the conspiracy,there seemed to be no consolation in that direction; but their hoperested in winning over the jury by raising a reasonable doubt through thepreponderance of offsetting testimony on their own side, and by making thejury believe, by the manner of their conduct under the severe fire of theprosecution, that they sincerely felt themselves innocent of all “guiltyknowledge.”

They played their part well, and their attitude is not at all surprisingwhen their former bloodthirsty propensities are taken into consideration.In an ordinary murder or conspiracy trial Fielden’s statements might havehad some influence in mitigation of extreme punishment, but, overshadowedas it was by overwhelming counter-evidence of complicity in astupendous crime, the jury subsequently determined that it saw no way ofdisconnecting him from the other conspirators.

The defendants pretended they had a host of witnesses beyond those thatthey really required to prove that they had never dreamed there would bea bomb thrown at the Haymarket, but that they only needed to use a few[507]of these witnesses to establish their innocence. Still, they put a very largenumber on the stand. The testimony of all these pretended to show whata harmless set of men the State had arrested and put on trial for theirlives.

The trend of much of the evidence for the defense seemed directedtoward proving the police responsible for the massacre, by having openedfire on a “peaceable gathering;” and, through a brother of the defendantSpies, it was attempted to prove that the enmity of the police towardAnarchists was so great that one of them tried to shoot the defendant inthe back while at the Haymarket. This brother of Spies—Henry—hadbeen wounded in the abdomen, and he endeavored, on the witness-stand,to show that he had received the injury while suddenly pressing down therevolver that was aimed at his brother. The explanation was too lame tobe serviceable.

At this point several witnesses testified to Lingg’s presence at Zepf’sHall early on the night of May 3d. Others strengthened the Anarchistictheory of an alleged police attack at the Haymarket. Still others impeachedthe witness Gilmer’s veracity. Inasmuch as I have previouslygiven in full all the evidence which these people merely corroborated, Ihave not thought it necessary to give here their statements at length.

John Bernett, a candy-maker, said he saw the man who threw thebomb. The thrower was right in front of him. The bomb “went west anda little bit north.”

On cross-examination Bernett said;

“I never could recognize anybody. I told Capt. Schaack and Mr.Grinnell that the man who threw the bomb was in front of me, and I couldnot tell how he did look. When the police came up first I stood right inthe middle of the alley. When the captain of the police ordered them toleave that place, I heard somebody say: ‘Stand; don’t run,’ and there wereabout three or four men, about the middle of the street, west of the wagon,who halloaed out: ‘No; we won’t do it.’ That was said in English. Iheard Fielden say something to the officer who spoke to him, but I couldnot hear it. The crowd began to rush, and rushed me, and I hurried outas fast as I could. I got shot and fell on the sidewalk. I told Mr. Furthmannthat I thought the bomb was fired from about fifteen steps south ofthe alley—I count my steps about two feet and a half. I don’t think it[508]came right from behind the boxes. From the place the bomb was thrownup to the other corner—the house goes up a little further on the other side—thedistance is forty-five feet. The bomb was thrown forty-five feet southof the corner of the alley. I cannot remember how far the boxes were southof the alley that night—there was a lamp-post, and then the boxes came.I remember coming to the Central Station on the 7th of May and talkingto Officer Bonfield in the presence of Mr. Grinnell. I don’t know that Isaid at that time that the bomb was thrown from behind the boxes, but Ithink I am right now. I don’t think I stated afterwards, some weeks ago,that it was thrown some twenty or twenty-five feet south of the alley. Ican’t remember now how many feet I stated the distance was, but I think Ihave got it right now. On the 7th of May I was brought over here byOfficer Bonfield and Officer Haas, so that I could see the defendants. I wasasked if I had ever seen them before, and I said I had seen them all beforeon the lake front and the Haymarket. I told Capt. Schaack that I couldnot describe the man and would not know him if I saw him, and that theman’s back was toward me.”

Michael Schwab was then called in his own behalf, and he made thefollowing statement:

On cross-examination Schwab said:

August Vincent Theodore Spies was next put on the stand to testifyin his own behalf. He said:

[511]

SPIES ADDRESSING THE STRIKERS AT MCCORMICK’S.

[512]

On cross-examination Spies stated:

The letter referred to as that of Most, which was in German, and whichwas dated 1884, was then put in evidence and read, as follows:

The postal card referred to was also put in evidence and read, asfollows:

Albert R. Parsons made the following statement in his own behalf:

“I have resided in Chicago for thirteen years. I was born June 20, 1848.On Sunday, May 2, I was in the city of Cincinnati, Ohio. Came back fromthere to Chicago on Tuesday morning, May 4th, between seven and eighto’clock. I caused a notice calling for a meeting of the American group at107 Fifth Avenue, on the evening of May 4th, to be inserted in theDailyNews of that evening. In the evening I left my house in company withMrs. Holmes, my wife and two children, about eight o’clock. We walkedfrom home until we got to Randolph and Halsted Streets. There I met tworeporters that I have seen frequently at workingmen’s meetings. One ofthem was a reporter whose name I don’t know; the other was Mr.Heineman of theTribune. There Mrs. Holmes, my wife and children andmyself took a car and rode directly to the meeting at 107 Fifth Avenue.We arrived there about half-past eight and remained about half an hour.After the business for which the meeting had been called was about through,some one, I understood it was a committee, came over from the Haymarketand said that there was a large body of people and no speakers there exceptMr. Spies, and myself and Mr. Fielden were urged to come over to addressthe mass-meeting. After finishing up the work, we adjourned and walkedover. Fielden and myself crossed the river through the tunnel. Therewere three or four others present, but I don’t remember their names. Ithink it was after nine o’clock when I reached the meeting on DesplainesStreet near the Haymarket. Mr. Spies was speaking. I managed tosqueeze through the crowd, was assisted upon the wagon at once by somegentlemen standing about, and within a minute or two Mr. Spies concluded,stated that I had arrived and would address the meeting, and asked theirattention while I was talking. I suppose I spoke about three-quarters ofan hour. At the close of my speech I got down from the wagon. I think Iwas assisted by Henry Spies, who was standing by the wagon. Then Iwent to the wagon which stood about fifteen or twenty feet north of the[522]speakers’ wagon, on which my wife and Mrs. Holmes were seated, listeningto us. I got into that wagon, asked them how they were enjoying themselves,etc., and while talking with them, about ten minutes later, a coolnessin the atmosphere attracted my attention. I looked up and observed whiteclouds rolling over from the north, and as I didn’t want the ladies to getwet, I went on to the speakers’ wagon and said: ‘Mr. Fielden, permit meto interrupt you a moment.’ ‘Certainly,’ he said. And I said: ‘Gentlemen,it appears as though it would rain. It is getting late. We might aswell adjourn anyway, but if you desire to continue the meeting longer, wecan adjourn to Zepf’s Hall, on the corner near by.’ Some one in the crowdsaid: ‘No, we can’t; it is occupied by a meeting of the furniture workers.’With that I looked and saw the lights through the windows of the hall, andsaid nothing further. Mr. Fielden remarked that it did not matter; he hadonly a few words more to say. I went over again to where the ladies were,helped them off the wagon and told them to go down to this corner place,and we would all get together and go home. They walked off, and someone detained me for a moment; then I followed them and met near the edgeof the crowd a man whom I knew very familiarly—Mr. Brown. I askedhim to have a drink with me, as the speaking had made me hoarse, and wemoved off a little in the rear of the ladies, to the saloon. There had beenno appearance of the police, no explosion or any disturbance up to thattime. As I entered the saloon I noticed some four or five gentlemen standingat the bar. There were possibly as many as ten people sitting at tableson the other side next the wall, and about five or six men standing in thecenter of the floor talking to each other, among whom I noticed Mr. Malkoff,talking to a gentleman whom I did not know, but I supposed he was areporter. He was upon the witness-stand in this trial. I believe it was Mr.Allen. The ladies took seats about ten feet from the door, in the saloon, atthe end of the first table, with their backs to it, looking into the street. Isaid something to them, and I believe just then I introduced some one toMrs. Parsons. Afterwards I went to the bar with Brown, and we had aglass of beer and a cigar. Then I turned around and noticed Mr. Fischersitting at one of the tables and said a few words to him and sat down at thetable for a few moments. Then I think I went around to where the ladieswere, and I was standing near them looking out and wondering if the meetingwould not close, anxious to go home. All at once I saw an illumination.It lit up the whole street, followed instantly by a deafening roar, and almostsimultaneously volleys of shots followed, every flash of which, it seemed tome, I could see. The best comparison I can make in my mind is that itwas as though a hundred men held in their hands repeating revolvers andfired them as rapidly as possible until they were all gone. That was thefirst volley. Then there were occasional shots, and one or two bulletswhistled near the door and struck the sign. I was transfixed. Mrs. Parsonsdid not move. In a moment two or three men rushed breathlessly inat the door. That broke the apparent charm that was on us by the occurrencein the street, and with that I called upon my wife and Mrs. Holmesto come with me to the rear of the saloon. We remained there, possibly,twenty minutes or so.”

On cross-examination Parsons said:

“I was born in Montgomery, Alabama. Since I came to Chicago Iworked as a type-setter for the first eight or nine years; then for a year and[523]a half myself and wife had a suit business on Larrabee street; then for abouta year and a half myself and wife made ladies’ wrappers and suits, and Iwent out soliciting orders. For the last two years, since October, 1884,I was editor of theAlarm. It was a weekly paper for about a year, andthen a semi-monthly. I wrote down the memorandum of my utterances onthe night of May 4th, which I used in giving my testimony as to my speech,from time to time, as they occurred to me, and in looking over Mr. English’sreport. When I referred to the methods which the ChicagoTimes and theChicagoTribune and Tom Scott advised against striking workingmen, I toldthem they should defend themselves against such things in any way theycould, by arming, if necessary. I did not mention dynamite at that meeting.I possibly mentioned it at other meetings. I said nothing about bombs thatnight, neither as a defensive means, or something to use against them. Idid not, when I said that the present social system must be changed inthe interest of humanity, explain to them how the social change should bebrought about, because I did not know myself. I think I told the audiencethat the existing order of things was founded upon and maintained by force,and that the actions of the monopolists and corporations would drive thepeople into the use of force before they could obtain redress. I might havestated that—I am not sure. I did not tell them that the ballot was uselessfor them because the majority was against them. That is not correct; theworkingmen are vastly in the majority. I did not tell them that night thatthe only way they could obtain their rights was by overturning the existingorder of things by force. I could not tell whether there were any strikerspresent that night. There were very few Socialists present. I am aSocialist. I am an Anarchist, as I understand it.”

W. A. S. Graham, a reporter with no Anarchistic tendencies, had interviewedHarry Gilmer at the City Hall as to what he had seen at the Haymarketand who threw the bomb.

Harry Gilmer was then recalled by the defendants and stated that hehad seen the gentleman (pointing to Graham) at the Central Station, andthat he (Graham) asked him if he could identify the man who threw thebomb. Gilmer had answered that he could if he saw him. Witness did notsay during the conversation that he saw the man throw the bomb, but thatthe man had his back to him and had whiskers. Witness did not say thatthe man was of medium size with dark clothes, and that he saw him lightthe fuse and throw the bomb.

Mr. Graham was recalled and stated that the man (Gilmer) just on thestand had told him that he saw the man light the fuse and throw the bomb,and that he could identify him if he saw him. Gilmer told him that theman was of medium height, and thought he had whiskers and wore a softblack hat, but had his back turned toward him. On cross-examination witnesssaid:

“I had this conversation about four o’clock in the afternoon of May 5th.I talked with him about three or four minutes. He said nothing about therebeing more than one man at that location, a knot of men, or anything of thatkind. He said that one man lighted the fuse and threw the bomb; he did[524]not say anything about how it was lighted, whether with a match or a cigar,I did not ask him that. He said he was standing in Crane’s alley when itwas done.

This closed the evidence for the defense, and by agreement severalnewspaper articles and an address of Victor Hugo to the “Rich and Poor”were introduced. The State then proceeded to put in rebutting testimony.

Daniel Scully, a justice of the peace, was first examined. He statedthat at the preliminary examination, held on the 25th of May, Officer Wesslerhad not stated in his testimony that Stenner was the man who firedthe shot from the wagon; neither had Officer Foley so stated.

“Did he, at that time, give a description of the man who fired the shotover the wagon that night as a stout man with heavy whiskers, saying atthe same time that if he ever saw him again he thought he could identifyhim?” “Yes, sir. Stenner was discharged upon that examination.”

Inspector John Bonfield met Mr. Simonson, a witness in this case, atthe police station on the night of the Haymarket riot. The man was introducedto him by Capt. Ward as a member of the firm of J. V. Farwell & Co.

“We three stood together outside of the railing. Mr. Simonsonopened the conversation by remarking to me that he understood that thehorses belonging to the Police Department were getting used up with theconstant work they had, and that either Mr. Farwell or the firm—I understoodhim to say Mr. Farwell—that their horses were at our service in casewe needed any horses. I told him that our teams had stood the work sofar very well, but that if the troubles continued for any length of time wewould likely need assistance and would call upon him if occasion demandedit, thanking him for his offer. He then spoke about the trouble at McCormick’sand on Centre Avenue and Eighteenth Street that afternoon, andsaid the police ought to have dispersed those crowds; not to have allowedthem to collect. I did not, in the course of that conversation, tell him thatI would like to get a crowd of 3,000 without any women and children, andin that case would make short work of them, or anything to that effect.”

The most important part of the work done by the State at this phase ofthe proceedings was the strong indorsement of Harry W. Gilmer’s veracitywhich was produced before the jury. To the credibility of this witness, andto their acquaintance with, and respect for him, the following persons testified:Judge Tuthill of the Superior Court, Chas. A. Dibble, John Steele,Michael Smith, Benjamin F. Knowles, Chester C. Cole, ex-Judge of theSupreme Court of Iowa, Edward R. Mason, Clerk of the U. S. Circuit Court atDes Moines, Samuel Merrill, President of the Citizens’ National Bank ofDes Moines, Canute R. Matson, Sheriff of Cook County, Sylvanus Edinburn,W. P. Hardy, John L. Manning, an attorney, and many others.Many of these witnesses had known Gilmer in Iowa for many years; otherswere old acquaintances of his in Chicago; all of them swore that he wasworthy of belief.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Opening of the Argument—Mr. Walker’s Speech—The Law of the Case—Wasthere a Conspiracy?—The Caliber of the Bullets—Tightening the Chain—APropaganda on the Witness-stand—The Eight-hour Movement—“One Single Bomb”—TheCry of the Revolutionist—Avoiding the Mouse-trap—Parsons and the Murder—Studying“Revolutionary War”—Lingg and his Bomb Factory—The Alibi Idea.

THE evidence being now all in, Francis W. Walker, Assistant State’sAttorney, on the morning of August 11th, began his address to thejury. Although his argument was an exceedingly lengthy one, he held hisaudience and the jury to the closest attention from the first word to thelast. Mr. Walker began by an examination of the law, defining what ismeant by the term “reasonable doubt,” which he believed would be one ofthe arguments used by the defense. Following this he read the statutesshowing what murder is, and what an accessory, under the laws of Illinois.Under the statute, as he proved, an accessory is to be held as a principal.Following this he reviewed at some length Mr. Salomon’s statement, inthat gentleman’s opening speech, that the prisoners had been guilty, ifthey were guilty at all, of no crime more serious than conspiracy. Mr.Walker held that the fact that murder had followed the conspiracy provedthe conspirators murderers. His logic was clear, cogent and unanswerable.Its effect could be seen in the gloomy attention which the doomed Anarchistspaid to his fatal chain of reasoning.

Leaving the authorities to one side, Mr. Walker addressed himself tothe facts made manifest by the evidence. He said:

Mr. Walker went into the peculiar fact that the bullets found in the[526]bodies of the officers were 22 and 44-caliber; the officers carried 38-caliber.The witnesses who had appeared for the defense in this case were armedwith pistols of the first-named sizes.

He read to the jury many remarkable extracts from Most’s writings,pointing out the peculiar and criminal teachings of that Anarchist leader,and showing how Spies and the others had in every detail of their connectionwith the police, after the Haymarket murders, followed the printedadvice given.

FRANCIS W. WALKER.
From a Photograph.

Following is one of the extracts from Most’s book:

“Shield your person as long as there is a possibility to preserve it for future deeds, butwhen you see that you are irredeemably lost, then use the short respite to make the most ofit for the propaganda of your principles. We have regarded it our duty to give you theseinstructions, the more so as we see from day to dayeven people who are expert in revolutionary mattersviolating even the plainest rules. May theirlives be the last which are necessary in this regard.

“I read you, gentlemen, this, so thatwe may start out from the proper standpointand position, before we argue as tothe merits of the testimony of the defendants’witnesses in this case. Who arethey? Who is their advisor? Why, theyhave started out in social life agreeing toswear to perjury. They belong to theSocial Revolution. There is not one ofthem, gentlemen, that bears upon his facethe stamp of sensibility or of heart, andthere can be no argument made whenthey talk about the motive to justify murderand the advice of murder, only fromthe malignant heart. Here they picturemurder and gloat over it. They feastover the description of how to poisoneasiest, as the hyena does over the corpse of the dead.

“Most laughs in his own book. He tells to the ‘mere compositor’:‘Use a dagger with grooves in it; the poison will stay on it the morereadily.’ And a file is adopted for the purpose.

“Gentlemen, we have found without any further analysis the reason whythe defendant Parsons converted the witness-stand into a propaganda. Ittook him an hour by the clock here to repeat the substance of the speechthat he delivered in less than three-quarters of an hour upon the MarketSquare. He endeavored to deny the conspiracy by an alibi; and I meanby that the conspiracy upon the night of May 4th. He only said he was inCincinnati on Sunday, and did not get back until Tuesday morning. Theynever asked him if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant. They did not ask Schwabif he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant. The only defendant that they have askedas to his personal knowledge of ‘Ruhe’ is the defendant Fielden—the onlyone, the only one from the beginning to the close of this case.

“Was there a conspiracy? There has been a conspiracy existing in thiscommunity to overthrow the law of the State of Illinois by force, for years[527]and years. In 1885, upon the anniversary of the birth of George Washington,in the city of Grand Rapids, the arch-conspirator in this case—becausehe is the one that is the most contemptible—said in the city of Grand Rapids—Irefer you now to the testimony of Mr. Moulton and George Schook:‘There are three thousand men, armed, in the city of Chicago, secretlydrilled. They are known by numbers and not by names. Whoever wishesto join may join, but before you have joined you cannot know their secrets,Mr. Moulton. There will be a revolution when the eight-hour movementtakes place. We will favor the eight-hour not because we believe in it, butbecause it will assist us in the social revolution, and the eight-hour movementwill occur on or about the 1st of May, 1886. If I fail, I shall behanged.’ And then the man that puts the word ‘Ruhe’ for the purposeof this case on the shoulder of Fischer, compares himself to George Washington,and in his grotesque and horrible vanity says: ‘I am a rebel, and ifI don’t succeed I shall be hanged.’

“On October, 17, 1885, in the city of Chicago, at the West Twelfth StreetTurner Hall, August Spies again, in a public meeting, admitted the greatconspiracy and again foreshadowed the coming revolution on the first ofMay; and this was published by his coördinate editor in theAlarm, at thesame office, 107 Fifth Avenue, Mr. Parsons.

“The defendant Spies has been upon the stand. He only denied as toa conspiracy, and never whispered a word of denial except when he got tothe word ‘Ruhe.’ Without explanation he could never escape the effectof that word, and his explanation is the evidence of his guilt; he tried toput that on Fischer.

“August Spies was introduced at this point and offered the following resolutions: Whereas,a general move has been started among the organized wage-workers of this country for theestablishment of an eight-hour work-day, to begin on May 1, 1886; whereas, it is to beexpected that the class of professional idlers, the governing class who prey upon the bone andmarrow of the useful members of society, will resist this attempt by calling to their assistancethe Pinkertons, the police and State militia: Therefore, be it

“Resolved, That we urge upon all wage-workers the necessity of procuring arms before theinauguration of the proposed eight-hour strike, in order to be in a position of meeting our foewith their own argument, force.

“Here is shown the sincerity of these men in their endeavor to amelioratethe laborer—as they call it, the wage-worker.

Following this Mr. Walker reviewed Parsons’ utterances in theAlarm,quoting many of them. He argued that it was this sort of language andthe dynamite bomb at the Haymarket which accounted for the failure of theeight-hour movement in the United States.

Coming to August Spies, he read from theArbeiter-Zeitung the followingcharacteristicmorceau:

Mr. Walker here read the text of the “Revenge” circular, both theEnglish and German versions, as given in a previous chapter, and continued:

In the same manner he went through the evidence proving the guilt ofSchwab, Fielden and Neebe.

Mr. Walker then made a close examination of the evidence in rebuttal,and closed his magnificent address with a high tribute to the valor of thepolice and their services to law and order.

CHAPTER XXIX.

The Argument for the Defendants—“Newspaper Evidence”—Bringingabout the Social Revolution—Arson and Murder—The Right to Property—Evolutionor Revolution—Dynamite as an Argument—The Arsenal at 107 Fifth Avenue—Was it allBraggadocio?—An Open Conspiracy—Secrets that were not Secrets—The CaseAgainst the State’s Attorney—A Good Word for Lingg—More About “Ruhe”—The“Alleged” Conspiracy—Ingham’s Answer—TheFreiheit Articles—Lord Coleridge onAnarchy—Did Fielden Shoot at the Police?—The Bombs in the Seliger Family—CircumstantialEvidence in Metal—Chemical Analysis of the Czar Bomb—The Crane’sAlley Enigma.

ON the morning of August 12, Mr. Sigismund Zeisler opened his argumenton behalf of the defendants. In view of the desperate conditionof his case Mr. Zeisler made an able and ingenious plea. His argumentoccupied a whole day.

During the morning hour, he elaborated at some length upon his theoryof the law, and claimed that it was not only necessary to establish that thedefendants were parties to a conspiracy, but it was also necessary to showthat somebody who was a party to that conspiracy had committed an act inpursuance of that conspiracy. Besides that it was essential that the Stateshould identify the principal. This, he held, was the law of the State and ofthe land and of the Constitution of the United States. If the principal isnot identified, then no one could be held as accessory. Upon this theorythe case should stand or fall, and it was for this reason that the defenseendeavored to impeach the testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, as that testimony,he maintained, was vital for the case. Mr. Walker, he said, hadstated that there was a conspiracy to inaugurate the social revolution onthe 1st of May, citing in support of the claim the conversation betweenSpies and Moulton at Grand Rapids, a resolution adopted at the WestTwelfth Street Turner Hall in October, 1885, and a conversation betweenSpies and Reporter Wilkinson; but after showing the general drift of thoseconversations and the tenor of the resolutions, Mr. Zeisler contended thatthe reports of these matters in the newspapers at the time could not beaccepted as evidence, as newspapers are frequently given to misstatements.Then, referring to the testimony given by the parties named, he said:

SIGISMUND ZEISLER.
From a Photograph.

Mr. Zeisler held that in the progress of the civilized world a social revolutionwas inevitable, not by the use of dynamiteor force, but by the peaceable forcesat work among the people.

“Now, the attorneys for the State talkto you about the social revolution, and tryto make you believe that the social revolutionmeans bombs and dynamite, and killingand arson and murder and all crimes thatwe know of. Mr. Fielden on the stand gavethe proper expression. Asked whether hebelieved in the revolution, he said: ‘Yes,in the evolutionary revolution.’ And I tellyou, gentlemen of the jury, this social revolutionis coming—this social revolution inthe sense in which Webster defines the wordSocialism.”

Mr. Zeisler next said that they had notdenied that the defendants had declaredthat they would head a procession to go andsack Marshall Field’s or Kellogg’s store, because it was a fact, but asked ifafter such advice any one of them had taken the lead in any such procession.“No, sir,” he said. “They went and armed themselves with beer.That is what they did.” On the night of the Board of Trade opening,Parsons and Fielden proposed to lead the crowd to attack the groceries andclothing houses, but what did they do? They gracefully retired into theroom of theArbeiter-Zeitung office and were interviewed by a reporter aboutthe terrible effects of a fulminating cap. Did any one come up and inquirewhy they had not led the procession to those places? They did not, aseverybody understood what was meant. Mr. Zeisler continued:

Mr. Zeisler then touched on the preparation of bombs and dynamitefor that social revolution, referring to the evidence showing the finding ofdynamite and bombs in theArbeiter-Zeitung office. He held that Linnemeyer,who calcimined the closet in which the bag of dynamite was found,had proven that there was nothing of the kind there when he went in tosearch for a brush just immediately preceding the arrival of the police. Healso pointed to a contradiction in the testimony of one of the officers thatthe dynamite was found on a floor below that of the closet, in a room not[538]used by Spies and not occupied by him at the time of the police search,but in the counting-room, and then the subsequent correction by the officer,on being recalled by the State, that the package was found in Spies’ editorialroom. In reference to the bombs there was no secrecy, and Spiesadmitted that he had one more bomb than the police had discovered. Thatinformation was volunteered on the witness-stand, and the possession ofthose bombs explained.

“That is the testimony in regard to the arsenal of dynamite and bombsand weapons of destruction at 107 Fifth Avenue, and Mr. Spies braggedabout three thousand revolutionists ready to throw bombs and to annihilatethe police. What was it? Braggadocio; the same object which all thesepeople had in advocating the use of force, in calling upon workingmen toarm themselves, to organize, to buy weapons and all that sort of thing; andthe purpose for which they did it openly and publicly was the same purposeMr. Spies had in bragging that there were three thousand revolutionists—toscare the capitalists, to scare them into yielding to the demands of theworkingmen, to try to induce them to make concessions to the laboringclasses, as Mr. Fielden said in his speech on the night of May the 4th. Andremember, gentlemen of the jury, that it has been testified to by all thewitnesses who spoke in regard to the speeches and articles of these men,that they always made the same argument. Now, Mr. Fielden made thesame argument a hundred times before. ‘The employers will not like tosee dissatisfied workingmen in the community, and the laborer can get somerelief if the employers find that there are dissatisfied workingmen in thecity.’ That was the reason why they told them, ‘Arm yourselves andorganize.’ That was the reason why Mr. Spies bragged about the threethousand revolutionists and about the bombs ready to be thrown; that wasthe reason why he told Mr. Wilkinson all about their plans.”

Mr. Zeisler ridiculed the idea that a social revolution was to have beeninaugurated with the dozens of bombs made by Lingg, and held there hadbeen no preparation for it. Coming to the question of conspiracy, he said:

“What is a conspiracy? What were you used to understand by theword conspiracy all your lifetime? Isn’t in the first place secrecy the testof a conspiracy? Was there anything secret about the doings of thesemen, or about their teachings and writings? When they vented their feelingsat 54 West Lake Street at the meeting of the American group and toldthe people to go to Marshall Field’s and Kellogg’s, and offered to head theprocession, told them about their rights, told them to use force, told themto arm themselves and to organize, the next morning the daily press of thecity of Chicago, which reaches five hundred thousand people, and the State’sAttorney’s office, and the Mayor’s office, and the office of every authority inthe city of Chicago, were informed of it.”

The speaker then proceeded to define conspiracy, and said that to constitutea conspiracy “they must agree with one another to do an unlawfulact; one must have communicated the purpose to another, and the othersmust have consented to it.” Nothing of this kind had been done. Theyhad simply propounded principles and expressed truths from their standpoint.

[539]

“You remember the testimony of Officer Trehorn, who saw the dynamiteand the caps and the fuse on the night of the inauguration of the Board ofTrade building, and who the next morning says he went to LieutenantBedell of the Cottage Grove Avenue Station and told him all about it. Ifthat was a conspiracy, and that conspiracy has existed for three years, whyhas the State’s Attorney, or his predecessor in office, yet not prosecutedthose who are parties to that conspiracy? The law of the State of Illinoismakes it his duty to prosecute every crime which comes to his knowledge.He may plead that he has not known of it. If he did not, then it was culpablenegligence that he did not know it. If he will answer to you that aslong as those people did not do any overt act there was no reason for himto interfere, then I say as long as these people have not done any overt actthere was no conspiracy. There is no way of escaping this consequence,gentlemen of the jury; to every logical mind it is clear. Either the State’sAttorney himself must plead guilty to the charge of the murder of Mathias J.Degan, or every one of these defendants who cannot be shown to haveactually thrown or lighted the bomb must be acquitted. If it was not conspiracythen, if they had committed a crime up to the 4th of May for whichit was the duty of the State’s Attorney to prosecute them, then what havethey added to make their doings murder—to make them amenable to thelaw on a charge for the highest and gravest offense, the most heinous crimeknown to law?”

Mr. Zeisler next turned his attention to the special conspiracy enteredinto by a number of persons at No. 54 West Lake Street and held that ofall the defendants it had only been shown that Engel and Fischer werepresent. He denied that Lingg was there or that any evidence had beenintroduced to prove it. He scored Waller and reviewed some of his testimony,taking occasion to call the attention of the jury to the fact that theman testified that the signal word “Ruhe” was not mentioned in connectionwith the Haymarket meeting. Next he alluded to the places where someof the witnesses for the State and some of those present at 54 West LakeStreet had been on the night of May 4, and spoke of Engel being at homeenjoying a social glass of beer, and the others widely scattered. “The onlyevidence of a conspiracy was that of Seliger, who testified that Lingg hadasked him if he should throw a bomb. Fischer and others who saw theword ‘Ruhe’ in theArbeiter-Zeitung did not go to Wicker Park, but wentelsewhere. What does Waller’s testimony say? It says that on the appearanceof the word ‘Ruhe’ all should go to their meeting-places in theoutskirts of the city, and that none of them were to be at the Haymarketexcept the observation committee.”

Mr. Zeisler maintained that he had shown that there was no conspiracy,no general conspiracy, and insisted that the alleged conspiracy of May 3had no reference whatever to the Haymarket meeting; that the throwing ofthe bomb at the Haymarket meeting was in direct contradiction of theagreement by the conspirators of May 3, and if one of them had done it,he would have done contrary to the conspiracy. He then spoke of the objectof the Haymarket gathering and said:

“It was called for the purpose of denouncing the atrocious act of thepolice in shooting down their brethren at the McCormick factory. Thatwas the only purpose of the meeting, as Mr. Waller testified. Of coursehis testimony is the one that the State relies upon mostly. Now, what wasthe occasion of calling such a meeting to denounce the act of the police?It was the meeting at McCormick’s factory.”

The counsel then reviewed the testimony with reference to the meetingnear McCormick’s factory, pointing to the fact that no one had testified towhat Spies had actually said on that occasion, and maintained that not asingle witness had been produced to prove that Spies had then and thereincited men to riot. Witnesses for the State, he said, had shown that Spiescontinued talking after many of the men had started toward McCormick’sfactory. Did any one suppose he would thus quietly continue speakingthere if he had precipitated that riot? Mr. Zeisler did not excuse the menfor stoning the factory—it was wrong—but he did not believe that gavethe right to the police to shoot at those excited people. Coming back tothe Haymarket, he read some of the testimony on the side of the State toshow that it was an ordinary, peaceable meeting, and then said that on theday Spies wrote the “Revenge” circular Parsons was on his way back fromCincinnati and Fielden in a suburban town in a quarry. He next proceededto show that there was no connection with the printing of the “Revenge[541]”circular and the Monday night meeting, and said Spies knew nothingabout the call for that meeting. He closed by saying that the circularmeant simply the same thing that Fielden and Parsons meant in theirspeeches on the evening of May 4, and that meaning, he said, he had madeplain in the earlier part of his address.

Mr. George C. Ingham, special counsel for the State, followed next.His argument was clear, concise and to the point. He opened by citing thelaw in the case, reading numerous authorities with reference to conspiraciesand commenting thereon at some length. One authority he read was “Russellon Crimes,” to show that it was simply putting in the shape of astatute that which the common law already declares to be an offense, andthen cited a case which arose not many years ago upon that very statute:

“Johann Most, in the city of London, was indicted, because while therehe published a paper advocating the assassination of the crowned heads ofother countries. He was indicted under that statute, and he was convictedby a jury. The case went to their highest court, and I wish now to readyou what the Justice of that court says as to what is meant by a solicitationto murder.”

The opinion of Lord Coleridge was read, and Mr. Ingham continued:

“You, gentlemen, will remember that that paper (Die Freiheit) is nowpublished in the city of New York. The sentence is not given in the reportI read. The custom is in England that before a sentence is pronounced,in case an appeal is taken, that is first passed upon, and after that thesentence is pronounced. That case was decided in 1881. Shortly afterthat John Most came to America. They probably thought the best thingthey could do with him was to pass upon him a light sentence and shiphim. At any rate they landed him here, and he started hisFreiheit paperin New York.”

Mr. Ingham next read the case ofCox vs.The People, from the IllinoisReports, and continued:

GEORGE C. INGHAM.
From a Photograph.

Mr. Ingham then read the testimony of Walter S. Haines, one of thechemists, and proceeded:

CHAPTER XXX.

Foster and Black before the Jury—Making Anarchist History—The EightLeaders—A Skillful Defense—Alibis All Around—The Whereabouts of the Conspirators—The“Peaceable Dispersion”—A Miscarriage of Revolutionary War—AverageAnarchist Credibility—“A Man will Lie to Save his Life”—The Attack on Seliger—TheCandy-man and the Bomb-thrower—Conflicting Testimony—A Philippic againstGilmer—The Liars of History—The Search for a Witness—The Man with the MissingLink—The Last Word for the Prisoners—Captain Black’s Theory—High Explosivesand Civilization—The West Lake Street Meeting—Defensive Armament—Engeland his Beer—Hiding the Bombs—The Right of Revolution—Bonfield and Harrison—TheSocialist of Judea.

MR. W. A. FOSTER was the next speaker, and he made a very strongcase for his clients—the strongest that could be made in face ofthe many disadvantages under which he labored in view of the evidenceagainst the Anarchists. He is a fluent, easy and graceful talker and heldhis facts well in hand. He began in a deliberate manner, and grew attimes, as he proceeded, quite eloquent in his exposition of the virtues of thedefendants. He was pointed and caustic sometimes, but he never seemedto lose the purpose of making a strong impression on the jury. The openingof his argument was largely devoted to showing that the Haymarketmeeting was not riotous or boisterous, but that it had been called for apeaceable purpose. Then he said:

WILLIAM A. FOSTER.
From a Photograph.

Mr. Foster then adverted to some points in the management of the case,and touched at some length on the fact that Gilmer had not testified beforethe grand jury. He proceeded as follows:

Mr. Foster continued his attention to Gilmer at considerable length,making, however, no new points against him, and then proceeded:

Mr. Foster went into a long and searching examination of the evidence,arguing out the more important facts developed, and closing with an eloquentappeal to the sympathies of the jury. His speech was effective andimpressive.

On the next morning—Tuesday—Capt. Black began his argument forthe defense, and was listened to by the jury with marked attention. He isa forcible speaker and dwelt upon the testimony favorable to his side withearnestness and emphasis. He traversed necessarily a good deal of theground covered by his colleagues, but he clothed his argument in captivatinglanguage, and made a striking and effective appeal for his clients.The following will show the points he made:

CAPT. WILLIAM P. BLACK
From a Photograph.

I begyou to remember also that hand-bombsare not things of Socialistic devising.It may be that one or another, here andthere, professing Socialistic tenets, hasdevised some improvements in theirconstruction, or has made some advanceswith reference to their composition;they have not invented them. Thehand-grenade has been known in warfarelong ere you and I saw the light.The two things have come together—thehand-grenade, charged no longerwith the powder of old days, but chargedwith the dynamite of modern science.It is a union which Socialists are notresponsible for. It is a union led upto by the logic of events and the necessitiesof situations, and it is a union thatwill never be divorced. We stand amazedat the dread results that are possibleto this union; but as we look back overhistory we know this fact, contradictoryas it may seem, strange as it may firststrike us, that in the exact proportionin which the implements of warfare have been made effective or destructive,in that precise proportion have wars lost the utmost measure oftheir horror, and in that precise proportion has death by war diminished.When gunpowder came into European warfare there was an outcry againstit. All the chivalry which had arrogated to itself the power and glory ofbattle in martial times sprang up against the introduction of gunpowder, anagency that made the iron casque and shield and cuirass of the plumedknight no better a defense than the hemp doublet of the peasant. But now,instead of wars that last through thirty years, that are determined by thepersonal collision of individuals, that desolate nations, the great civilizednations of the world hesitate at war because of its possibilities of evil, anddiplomacy sits where once force alone was intrenched. The moral responsibilityfor dynamite is not upon Socialism.”

Captain Black insisted that the sole question before the jury was whothrew the bomb, for the doctrine of accessory before the fact, under which[555]it was sought to hold the defendants, was nothing but the application to thecriminal law of the civil or common law doctrine that what a man does byanother he does himself. When the prosecution charged that the defendantsthrew it, their charge involved that the bomb was thrown by the procurementof these men, by their advice, direction, aid, counsel or encouragement,and that the man who threw it acted not alone for himself, or uponhis own responsibility, but as a result of the encouragement or procurementof these men. He held that the State must show that the agent of thedefendants did the deed, and that it is not sufficient to show that thedefendants favored such deeds. Upon this point counsel spoke at somelength. Next he took up the case of one of the talesmen examined withreference to his taking a place on the jury, who swore that, having been forthree years connected with the office of the Prosecuting Attorney in theState of New York, he found in himself that the habit of thought and lifeto which he had there devoted himself had created in him a predispositionto believe every accused man guilty, which, in his own deliberate judgmentbefore God, disqualified him from sitting as an impartial juror in a criminalcase. The application of this case to the attachés of the State’s Attorney’soffice who had appeared before the jury was made the most of.

After going over the evidence as to the other conspirators Capt. Blackcame to the case against Fischer and Engel. He said:

Proceeding to discuss the Haymarket meeting, he held that there was[558]no law that could take away the right of the people to meet and considergrievances. When it was proposed to adopt the Constitution, in 1787, theStates were so careful to preserve the rights of the people that severalamendments were put in. Capt. Black spoke of our forefathers, whohad made the name of the revolutionist immortal, and referred to themeetings that had to be held as a preliminary to the great struggle.It had been charged against these men that they were guilty of misdemeanorsfor holding meetings, and they had been prosecuted for crimes.Before the Constitution could receive the approbation of the States, it hadbeen necessary that the amendment providing that no laws should bepassed by Congress abridging free speech should be inserted. Such a provisionhad been incorporated in the first Constitution of Illinois in1818, and renewed in the subsequent Constitutions of 1848 and 1870. TheHaymarket meeting had been called for the common good. Those men believedthat a great wrong had been done, a great outrage committed, and therights of the citizens in that assemblage had been invaded by an unlawful,unwarrantable and outrageous act.

“Bonfield, in his police office, surrounded by his minions, one hundredand eighty strong, armed to the teeth, knew that the meeting was quietlyand peacefully coming to its close. Nay, he had said so to Carter Harrison.When Parsons had concluded, Mayor Harrison went to the station and toldBonfield that it was a quiet meeting, and Bonfield replied, ‘My detectivesmake me the same report.’ Yet Carter Harrison did not get out of hearingbefore Inspector Bonfield ordered his men to fall in for that death march.Who is responsible for it? Who precipitated that conflict? Who madethat battle in that street that night? The law looks at the approximatecause, not the remote. The law looks at the man immediately in fault; notat some man who may have manufactured the pistol that does the shooting,the dynamite that kills, the bomb that explodes. I ask you, upon youroath before God, in a full and honest consideration of this entire testimony,who made the Haymarket massacre? Who is responsible for that collision?If Bonfield had not marched there, would there have been any death?Would not that meeting have dissolved precisely as it proposed to do?Did the bomb-thrower go down to the station where the police were andattack them? A bomb could have been thrown into that station with evenmore deadly effect than at the Haymarket itself. There they were, massedtogether in close quarters, in hiding, like a wild beast in its lair ready tospring. Did the bomb-thrower move upon them? Was there here a designto destroy? God sent that warning cloud into the heavens; these menwere still there, speaking their last words; but a deadlier cloud was comingup behind this armed force. In disregard of our constitutional rights ascitizens, it was proposed to order the dispersal of a peaceable meeting.Has it come to pass that under the Constitution of the United States andof this State, our meetings for the discussion of grievances are subject tobe scattered to the winds at the breath of a petty police officer? Can theytake into their hands the law? If so, that is Anarchy; nay, the chaos ofconstitutional right and legally guaranteed liberty. I ask you again,charging no legal responsibility here, but looking at the man who is morally[559]at fault for the death harvest of that night, who brought it on? Would ithave been but for the act of Bonfield?”

Captain Black went on to say that as long as the Mayor was there Bonfieldcould not act, but as soon as Harrison had gone the officer could notget to the Haymarket quick enough. The police, the speaker urged, hadbeen searching the files of theArbeiter-Zeitung and theAlarm for years toput before the jury the most inflammatory articles. After alluding to Christas the great Socialist of Judea, who first preached the Socialism taughtby Spies and his other modern apostles, he compared John Brown and hisattack on Harper’s Ferry to the Socialists’ attack on modern evils, concluding:

“Gentlemen, the last words for these eight lives. They are in yourhands, with no power to whom you ace answerable but God and history,and I say to you in closing only the words of that Divine Socialist: ‘As yewould that others should do to you, do you even so to them.’”

CHAPTER XXXI.

Grinnell’s Closing Argument—One Step from Republicanism to Anarchy—AFair Trial—The Law in the Case—The Detective Work—Gilmer and his Evidence—“WeKnew all the Facts”—Treason and Murder—Arming the Anarchists—TheToy-shop Purchases—The Pinkerton Reports—“A Lot of Snakes”—The Meaningof the Black Flag—Symbols of the Social Revolution—TheDaily News Interviews—Spiesthe “Second Washington”—The Rights of “Scabs”—The Chase intothe River—Inflaming the Workingmen—The “Revenge” Lie—The Meeting at theArbeiter-Zeitung Office—A Curious Fact about the Speakers at the Haymarket—TheInvitation to Spies—Balthasar Rau and the Prisoners—Harrison at the Haymarket—TheSignificance of Fielden’s Wound—Witnesses’ Inconsistencies—The OmnipresentParsons—The Meaning of the Manuscript Find—Standing between the Living andthe Dead.

STATE’S ATTORNEY GRINNELL took Wednesday and a part ofThursday in which to deliver his argument. He indulged in no flightsof oratory, but presented a review of the case at once able, convincing andunassailable. He began as follows:

Mr. Grinnell at this point went into a very lengthy discussion of the lawin the case. He showed conclusively that in a conspiracy the men who hadadvised and abetted the commission of the crime were fully as guilty as theman who had actually made himself the instrument of their deed. Inasmuchas the instructions given by the court to the jury are really a conciseand complete statement of the points of law which Mr. Grinnell and theother attorneys for the State urged, I have taken the liberty to omit thatpart of the address.

Coming to the facts in the case, Mr. Grinnell, in his examination of theattempt made by the defense to impeach Gilmer’s testimony, said:

Following this, Mr. Grinnell took up the case against each of the conspiratorsas follows:

The blades of heroes fence it round;
Where’er it springs is holy ground.
From tower and dome its glories spread;
It waves where lonely sentries tread.

It makes the land as ocean free,
And plants an empire on the sea—
Always the banner of the free,
The starry flower of liberty.

CHAPTER XXXII.

The Instructions to the Jury—What Murder Is—Free Speech and itsAbuse—The Theory of Conspiracy—Value of Circumstantial Evidence—Meaning ofa “Reasonable Doubt”—What a Jury May Decide—Waiting for the Verdict—“Guiltyof Murder”—The Death Penalty Adjudged—Neebe’s Good Luck—Motion for a NewTrial—Affidavits about the Jury—The Motion Overruled.

ON the conclusion of State’s Attorney Grinnell’s review of the argumentsmade by the defense, Judge Gary proceeded to charge thejury. The hour was after the noon recess of Thursday, August 19, and thepresentation and reading of the instructions consumed a goodly portion ofthe afternoon. When the court had finished the jury retired, and the fate ofeight men was in their hands.

The instructions given were as follows on behalf of the people:

[582]

The instructions given on behalf of defendants were as follows:

Upon the conclusion of the reading of the instructions in behalf of thedefendants, which were read after the instructions on behalf of the people,the court of its own motion gave to the jury the following instruction:

The jury the next day reported to the court that they had agreed upona verdict. The members were accordingly brought in, and the clerk of thecourt read the verdict as follows:

[586]

“We, the jury, find the defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab,Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel andLouis Lingg guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indictmentand fix the penalty at death. We find the defendant Oscar W. Neebeguilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indictment, and fixthe penalty at imprisonment in the penitentiary for fifteen years.”

This was a great surprise to the defendants, and their counsel at onceentered a motion for a new trial. The hearing of the motion was postponeduntil the next term, and on the 1st of October arguments were submitted.The grounds upon which the motion was based were numerous. Theyfirst related to a refusal of some, and a modification of several other instructionsat the hands of the court asked for by the defendants; a claimthat jurors had been summoned by the officers with the avowed view toconviction; improper language by the State’s Attorney in his closing argument;erroneous rulings of the court in regard to the competency of jurors,and the refusal of separate trials for the defendants. Other grounds touchedon a statement made by one of the members of the jury, Mr. Adams, priorto the trial, with reference to the Haymarket massacre, showing prejudiceagainst the defendants, backed by an affidavit as to what he said; anaffidavit of one Mr. Love, that he met Gilmer on the night of May 4, shortlyafter eight o’clock, and went to a saloon with him, where they and anotherperson drank beer and talked until 9:20 o’clock, and also a further reasonthat the defendants had discovered some new evidence, to back which anaffidavit was submitted from John Philip Deluse, dated August 24, 1886,concerning a mysterious individual who had called at his saloon, in Indianapolis,Ind., in May, 1886.

The argument of counsel on each side, on the points raised, consumedseveral days, and finally, on the 7th of October, 1886, Judge Gary, in anelaborate and exhaustive opinion, overruled the motion.

The defendants then entered a motion in arrest of judgment, and thiswas also overruled.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

The Last Scene in Court—Reasons Against the Death Sentence—Spies’Speech—A Heinous Conspiracy to Commit Murder—Death for the Truth—The Anarchists’Final Defense—Dying for Labor—The Conflict of the Classes—Not Guilty, butScapegoats—Michael Schwab’s Appeal—The Curse of Labor-saving Machinery—NeebeFinds Out what Law Is—“I am Sorry I am not to be Hung”—Adolph Fischer’sLast Words—Louis Lingg in his own Behalf—“Convicted, not of Murder, but of Anarchy”—AnAttack on the Police—“I Despise your Order, your Laws, your Force-proppedAuthority. Hang me for it!”—George Engel’s Unconcern—The Developmentof Anarchy—“I Hate and Combat, not the Individual Capitalist, but the System”—SamuelFielden and the Haymarket—An Illegal Arrest—The Defense of Albert R.Parsons—The History of his Life—A Long and Thrilling Speech—The Sentence ofDeath—“Remove the Prisoners.”

AFTER motion in arrest of judgment had been overruled by JudgeGary, Spies was asked if he had anything to say why sentence ofdeath should not be passed upon him. The prisoner rose, with pallidcheeks and distended eyes, and advanced toward the bench with a hesitatingtread. The moment he faced the court he recovered his equanimityand proceeded with much deliberation to give his reasons why he should notbe sent to death on the gallows. He spoke in a firm, almost a menacingtone of voice, and seemed bent on posing as a martyr to the cause of thelaboring classes. In his very opening sentence he desired to have that understood.“In addressing this court,” he said, “I speak as the representativeof one class to the representative of another. I will begin with thewords uttered five hundred years ago, on a similar occasion, by the VenetianDoge Falieri, who, addressing the court, said, ‘My defense is your accusation.The cause of my alleged crime is your history.’” He then referredto his conviction, holding that there was no evidence to show that he hadany knowledge of the man who threw the bomb, or that he had had anythingto do with its throwing. There being no evidence to establish hislegal responsibility, he maintained, his “conviction and the execution of thesentence would be nothing less than willful, malicious and deliberate murder,as foul a murder as may be found in the annals of religious, political or anysort of persecution.” He charged that the representative of the State had“fabricated most of the testimony which was used as a pretense to convict,”and that the defendants had been convicted “by a jury picked outto convict.”

“I charge,” he continued, “the State’s Attorney and Bonfield with theheinous conspiracy to commit murder.” Having thus proved the truth ofthe old adage that “no rogue e’er felt the halter draw with good opinion ofthe law,” Spies next paid his compliments to the Citizens’ Association, theBankers’ Association and the Board of Trade, attributing to them the[588]inspiration for the attack on the Haymarket meeting, and he proceeded togive an account of his movements on the night of that meeting in the companyof Legner. He again repeated that, “notwithstanding the purchasedand perjured testimony of some,” the prosecution had not established thedefendants’ legal responsibility, and insisted that those who had broughtabout their conviction were the “real and only law-breakers.” When he approachedthis part of the subject Spies’ anger scarcely knew any bounds.He rose in a towering passion and characterized the proceedings of the trialas “rascalities perpetrated in the name of the people.” He continued:

“The contemplated murder of eight men, whose only crime is that theyhave dared to speak the truth, may open the eyes of these suffering millions;may wake them up. Indeed, I have noticed that our conviction has workedmiracles in this direction already. The class that clamors for our lives, thegood, devout Christians, have attempted in every way, through their newspapersand otherwise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case. Bysimply designating the defendants as ‘Anarchists,’ and picturing them as anewly-discovered species of cannibals, and by inventing shocking and horrifyingstories of dark conspiracies said to be planned by them, these goodChristians zealously sought to keep the naked fact from the working peopleand other righteous parties, namely: That on the evening of May 4 twohundred armed men, under the command of a notorious ruffian, attacked ameeting of peaceable citizens! With what intention? With the intentionof murdering them, or as many of them as they could. I refer to the testimonygiven by two of our witnesses. The wage-workers of this city beganto object to being fleeced too much—they began to say some very truethings, but they were highly disagreeable to our patrician class; they putforth—well, some very modest demands. They thought eight hours’ hardtoil a day, for scarcely two hours’ pay, was enough. This lawless rabblehad to be silenced! The only way to silence them was to frighten them,and murder those whom they looked up to as their ‘leaders.’ Yes, theseforeign dogs had to be taught a lesson, so that they might never again interferewith the high-handed exploitation of their benevolent and Christianmasters. Bonfield, the man who would bring a blush of shame to the managersof the Bartholomew night—Bonfield, the illustrious gentleman witha visage that would have done excellent service to Doré in portrayingDante’s fiends of hell—Bonfield was the man best fitted to consummate theconspiracy of the Citizens’ Association of our patricians. If I had thrownthat bomb, or had caused it to be thrown, or had known of it, I would nothesitate a moment to state so. It is true a number of lives were lost—manywere wounded. But hundreds of lives were thereby saved! But forthat bomb there would have been a hundred widows and hundreds oforphans where now there are few. These facts have been carefully suppressed,and we were accused and convicted of conspiracy by the realconspirators and their agents. This, your honor, is one reason why sentenceshould not be passed by a court of justice—if that name has any significanceat all.”

Spies then adverted to the fact of his having published articles on themanufacture of dynamite and bombs, and wanted to know what other newspapersin the city had not done the same thing. He forgot to show, however,[589]that other papers had never urged the people to use dynamite to thedestruction of the lives and property of the people.

Spies claimed that his only offense was in espousing the cause of “thedisinherited and disfranchised millions,” and asked what they had said intheir speeches and publications.

“We have interpreted to the people their condition and relations insociety. We have explained to them the different social phenomena andthe social laws and circumstances under which they occur. We have, byway of scientific investigation, incontrovertibly proved and brought to theirknowledge that the system of wages is the root of the present social iniquities—iniquitiesso monstrous that they cry to heaven. We have furthersaid that the wage system, as a specific form of social development, would,by the necessity of logic, have to make room for higher forms of civilization;that the wage system must prepare the way and furnish the foundation fora social system of coöperation—that is,Socialism. That whether this orthat theory, this or that scheme regarding future arrangements wereaccepted, was not a matter of choice, but one of historical necessity, andthat to us the tendency of progress seemed to beAnarchism—that is, a freesociety without kings or classes—a society of sovereigns in which theliberty and economic equality of all would furnish an unshakable equilibriumas a foundation and condition of natural order.”

After some further explanation of Socialism, he said:

“I may have told that individual who appeared here as a witness thatthe workingmen should procure arms, as force would in all probability betheultima ratio, and that in Chicago there were so and so many armedmen, but I certainly did not say that we proposed to inaugurate the socialrevolution. And let me say here: Revolutions are no more made thanearthquakes and cyclones. Revolutions are the effect of certain causes andconditions. I have made social philosophy a specific study for more thanten years, and I could not have given vent to such nonsense! I do believe,however, that the revolution is near at hand—in fact, that it is upon us.But is the physician responsible for the death of the patient because heforetold that death?”

If the opinions of the court were good, Spies held there was “no personin this country who could not be lawfully hanged,” and maintained thatthey ought to be exempted from responsibility because they had sought tobring about reforms. Then he turned to the labor movement and pronouncedhis anathema against the wealthy classes.

He then scored the capitalistic class, and referred to the strikes in theHocking Valley, East St. Louis, Milwaukee and Chicago. Reverting againto the prosecution, he continued:

“‘These men,’ Grinnell said repeatedly, ‘have no principle; they arecommon murderers, assassins, robbers,’ etc. I admit that our aspirationsand objects are incomprehensible to some, but surely for this we are not tobe blamed. The assertion, if I mistake not, was based on the ground that[591]we sought to destroy property. Whether this perversion of facts wasintentional, I know not. But in justification of our doctrines I will say thatthe assertion is an infamous falsehood. Articles have been read here fromtheArbeiter-Zeitung andAlarm to show the dangerous character of thedefendants. The files of theArbeiter-Zeitung andAlarm have been searchedfor the past years. Those articles which generally commented upon someatrocity committed by the authorities upon striking workingmen were pickedout and read to you. Other articles were not read to the court. Otherarticles were not what was wanted. The State’s Attorney, upon those articles(who well knows that he tells a falsehood when he says it), assertsthat ‘these men have no principle.’”

What a perversion of facts! Some of the articles did comment on somealleged atrocity, but those taken at various dates and published in a precedingchapter show that force by the use of dynamite was continuallybeing agitated. However, in his criticism of the prosecution Spies seemedto overlook a great many points. He repeated what he had said to the Congregationalministers at the Grand Pacific Hotel, on the 9th of January, 1886,with reference to Socialism, and then stated that he had seen Lingg onlytwice before he was arrested, but had never spoken to him. WithEngel he had not been on speaking terms for at least a year, and Fischerhad gone about making speeches against him. The article in theArbeiter-Zeitungwith reference to the Board of Trade demonstration, he claimed, hehad not seen until he had read it in the paper. In conclusion he said:

Michael Schwab had very little to say, but what he did say was that itwas “idle and hypocritical to think about justice” having been done to them.He criticised the acts of the prosecution in securing his conviction “forwriting newspaper articles and making speeches,” and contended that theyhad engaged in no conspiracy, as “all they did was done in open daylight.”He seemed rather vindictive toward Mr. Furthmann for having had thearticles in theArbeiter-Zeitung translated, and excused his own inflammatoryutterances by holding that after the mayoralty election, in the spring of1885, Edwin Lee Brown, president of the Citizens’ Association, had urgedthe people, in a public speech, “to take possession of the Court-house byforce, even if they had to wade in blood.” Schwab touched on the laborproblem, drawing largely from his own experience while living among thepoor in Europe, and then spoke of the condition of laborers in Chicago,holding that they lived in miserable, dilapidated hovels, owned by greedylandlords. He continued:

“What these common laborers are to-day, the skilled laborer will beto-morrow. Improved machinery, that ought to be a blessing for the workingman,under the existing conditions turns for him to a curse. Machinerymultiplies the army of unskilled laborers, makes the laborer more dependentupon the men who own the land and the machines. And that is the reasonthat Socialism and Communism got a foothold in this country. The outcrythat Socialism, Communism and Anarchism are the creed of foreigners, is abig mistake. There are more Socialists of American birth in this countrythan foreigners, and that is much, if we consider that nearly half of allindustrial workingmen are not native Americans. There are Socialisticpapers in a great many States, edited by Americans for Americans. Thecapitalistic newspapers conceal that fact very carefully.”

In conclusion Schwab said:

“If Anarchy were the thing the State’s Attorney makes it out to be,how could it be that such eminent scholars as Prince Krapotkin and thegreatest living geographer, Elisée Reclus, were avowed Anarchists, even[593]editors of Anarchistic newspapers? Anarchy is a dream, but only in thepresent. It will be realized. Reason will grow in spite of all obstacles.Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human development hasalready reached its culminating point? I know that our ideal will not beaccomplished this or next year, but I know that it will be accomplished asnear as possible, some day, in the future. It is entirely wrong to use theword Anarchy as synonymous with violence. Violence is one thing andAnarchy another. In the present state of society violence is used on allsides, and therefore we advocated the use of violence against violence,but against violence only, as a necessary means of defense. I never readMr. Most’s book, simply because I did not find time to read it. And if Ihad read it, what of it? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Biblenevertheless. I have not the slightest idea who threw the bomb on theHaymarket, and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use violence onthat or any other night.”

Oscar Neebe followed. In his opening sentence he very correctlydiagnosed the situation when he said: “I have found out during the lastfew days what law is. Before I didn’t know.” He, more than all theother defendants, except Parsons, ought to have known the law. He wasa citizen, and as such he should have known the law of the land long beforehe engaged in the inculcation of force. He spoke of his having presidedat Socialistic meetings, having headed the Board of Trade procession, andhow he happened to drive to the office of theArbeiter-Zeitung after learningon May 5 that Spies and Schwab had been arrested.

The rest of his statement consists simply of abuse of the prosecution,laudation of his own acts in endeavoring to ameliorate the condition of theworkingmen and in continuing the publication of theArbeiter-Zeitung afterMay 4, and a disavowal of his having distributed the “Revenge” circular.In speaking of his having organized the Beer-brewers’ Union and attendeda meeting at the North Side Turner Hall to announce the result of hisconference with the bosses, he said:

Adolph Fischer rose with some signs of nervousness and proceededslowly and deliberately with his protest. “I was tried here in this room,”he said, “for murder, and I was convicted of Anarchy.” He objected mostvigorously to the charge that he was a murderer, and insisted that he hadhad nothing to do with the throwing of the bomb. He confessed to havingmade arrangements for the Haymarket meeting, to having been present,but urged that it had not been called for the purpose of committing violenceor crime. He said he had been present at the Monday evening meeting,]of which Waller was chairman, but aside from volunteering to have hand-billsprinted for the Haymarket meeting he had not done anything. Hehad invited Spies to speak at the Haymarket, and in the original copy hehad had the line put in, “Workingmen, appear armed!” His reason forthis was, he said, that he “did not want the workingmen to be shot down inthat meeting as on other occasions.” He then entered into some details asto his movements on the night of the Haymarket gathering and againlaunched into a protest against the jury’s verdict. He said that the verdictagainst him was because he was an Anarchist, and “an Anarchist,” he explainedwith a defiant toss of his head, “is always ready to die for hisprinciples.” He concluded as follows:

“The more the believers in just causes are persecuted, the more quicklywill their ideas be realized. For instance, in rendering such an unjust andbarbarous verdict, the twelve ‘honorable men’ in the jury-box have donemore for the furtherance of Anarchism than the convicted have accomplishedin a generation. This verdict is a death-blow to free speech, free press andfree thought in this country, and the people will be conscious of it, too.This is all I care to say.”

[595]

LINGG’S SUICIDE BOMBS.—From a Photograph.

Made of gas-pipe, six inches in length, and with a notched bolt, as shown, inserted in the bottom ofeach. These were found in Lingg’s cell, and are similar to the bomb with which he took his life. The fuseis so short that explosion ensues in one second after lighting, making them fitted for self-destruction only.

[596]

Louis Lingg was in no gentle frame of mind when he advanced to enterhis objection at the bar of the court. After a thrust at the court, he saidthat he had been accused of murder and been convicted; and “whatproof,” he defiantly asked, “have you brought that I am guilty?” Heacknowledged that he had helped Seliger to make bombs; “but,” he stoutlymaintained, “what you have not proven—even with the assistance of yourbought ‘squealer,’ Seliger, who would appear to have acted such a prominentpart in the affair—is that any of those bombs were taken to the Haymarket.”He referred to the testimony of the experts as simply showingthat the Haymarket bomb bore “a certain resemblance to those bombsof his,” and that was the kind of evidence, he held, upon which he hadbeen convicted. He had been convicted of murder, but it was Anarchyon which the verdict was based. “You have charged me with despising‘law and order,’” he said. “What does your ‘law and order’ amount to?Its representatives are the police, and they have thieves in their ranks.”He then opened fire on me because the detectives I had sent out had brokeninto his room, as he claimed, to effect his arrest, and insisted that he hadnot been at the Monday night meeting, but at Zepf’s Hall, at that time,which I had stated to be false.

Lingg next turned his attention to Mr. Grinnell, and accused him ofhaving “leagued himself with a parcel of base, hireling knaves, to bringme to the gallows.” Then the Judge came in for a scoring. “The Judgehimself,” he held, “was forced to admit that the State’s Attorney had notbeen able to connect me with the bomb-throwing. The latter knows howto get around it, however. He charges me with being a ‘conspirator.’How does he prove it? Simply by declaring the International Workingmen’sAssociation to be a ‘conspiracy.’ I was a member of that body, sohe has the charge securely fastened on me. Excellent!” He concluded asfollows:

“I tell you frankly and openly, I am for force. I have already toldCaptain Schaack, ‘If they use cannon against us, we shall use dynamiteagainst them.’ I repeat that I am the enemy of the ‘order’ of to-day, andI repeat that, with all my powers, so long as breath remains in me, I shallcombat it. I declare again, frankly and openly, that I am in favor of usingforce. I have told Captain Schaack, and I stand by it, ‘If you cannonadeus, we shall dynamite you.’ You laugh! Perhaps you think, ‘You’ll throwno more bombs,’ but let me assure you that I die happy on the gallows, soconfident am I that the hundreds and thousands to whom I have spokenwill remember my words; and when you shall have hanged us, then, markmy words, they will do the bomb-throwing! In this hope do I say to you:‘I despise you. I despise your order, your laws, your force-proppedauthority.’ Hang me for it!”

George Engel appeared the least concerned of all when it came histurn to respond to the court’s question as to any reasons he might haveagainst the infliction of the death penalty. He opened by setting forth hisarrival in America in 1872 and gave some reasons which had prompted himto espouse Anarchy. It was “the poverty, the misery of the workingclasses.” People here in a free land, he said, were “doomed to die of starvation.[597]”He had read the works of Lassalle, Marx and George, and afterstudying the labor question carefully he had come, he said, to the conclusionthat “a workingman could not decently exist in this rich country.”He had sought to remedy the inequalities through the ballot-box, but aftera time, he said, it had become clear to him “that the working classes couldnever bring about a form of society guaranteeing work, bread and a happylife by means of the ballot.” He had labored for a time in the interest ofthe Social-Democratic party, but, finding political corruption in its ranks,he had left it.

“I left this party and joined the International Working People’s Association,that was just being organized. The members of that body havethe firm conviction that the workingman can free himself from the tyrannyof capitalism only through force—just as all advances of which historyspeaks have been brought about through force alone. We see from thehistory of this country that the first colonists won their liberty only throughforce; that through force slavery was abolished, and just as the man whoagitated against slavery in this country had to ascend the gallows, so alsomust we. He who speaks for the workingmen to-day must hang. Andwhy? Because this republic is not governed by people who have obtainedtheir office honestly. Who are the leaders at Washington that are to guardthe interests of this nation? Have they been elected by the people, or bythe aid of their money? They have no right to make laws for us, becausethey were not elected by the people. These are the reasons why I havelost all respect for American laws.”

Engel then alluded to the displacement of labor by machinery and heldthat the amelioration of the workingmen’s condition could only be effectedthrough Socialism. As to his conviction, he declared that he was not at allsurprised. He had learned long ago that the workingman had no morerights here than anywhere else in the world. His crime, he insisted, consistedsimply in having labored to “bring about a system of society bywhich it is impossible for one to hoard millions, through the improvementsin machinery, while the great masses sink to degradation and misery.” Hebelieved that inventions should be free to all and touched on the aims ofAnarchy. In his opinion “Anarchy and Socialism were as much alike asone egg is to another.” Whatever difference existed was in tactics.

Samuel Fielden entered into a long disquisition on the troubles of theworking classes all over the world, and covered much of the ground traversedby him when on the witness-stand. He spoke of his having been in Englanda Sunday School superintendent, a local preacher of the MethodistChurch, and an exhorter, and then chronicled his change of convictions afterhis arrival in the United States in 1868. He branched out into an expositionof Socialism and cited instances of the oppression practiced on workingpeople by capitalists. He then reviewed some of the points in the testimonyagainst him and sought to show wherein his speeches at variousmeetings had been incorrectly reported in the newspapers. He had neithersaid at the Haymarket meeting, “Here come the bloodhounds,” nor had hefired a revolver. He claimed that the meeting had been a peaceable one,and held that there had been no indication of trouble, and that his languagehad not been incendiary. He said:

“I am charged with having said, ‘Stab the law.’ No one claims but thatit was in connection with my conception of the meaning of Foran’s speech,and the word ‘stab’ is not necessarily a threat of violence upon any person.Here at your primary elections you frequently hear the adherents of differentcandidates state before the primaries are called that they will ‘knife’ so andso. Do they mean that they are going to kill him, stab him, take his lifeaway from him? They are forcible expressions—very emphatic expressions.They are adjectives which are used in different ways to carry conviction,and perhaps make the language more startling to the audience, inorder that they may pay attention.”

In speaking of his arrest he said:

“I didn’t attempt to run away. I had been out walking around thestreet that morning, and there was plenty of opportunity for me to havebeen hundreds of miles away. When the officer came there I opened thedoor to him. He said he wanted me. I knew him by sight and I knewwhat was his occupation. I said: ‘All right; I will go with you.’ I havesaid here that I thought, when the representatives of the State had inquiredby means of their policemen as to my connection with it, that I should havebeen released. And I say now, in view of all the authorities that have beenread on the law and regarding accessories, that there is nothing in the evidencethat has been introduced to connect me with that affair. One of theChicago papers, at the conclusion of the State’s Attorney’s case, said thatthey might have proved more about these men, about where they were andwhat they were doing on the 2d and 3d of May. When I was told that[599]Captain Schaack had got confessions out of certain persons connectedwith this affair, I said: ‘Let them confess all they like. As long as theywill tell only the truth, I care nothing for their confessions.’”

Fielden next dwelt upon his treatment at the Central Station, and criticisedthe searching of houses without warrant. With reference to the trialhe said:

“We claim that the foulest criminal that could have been picked up inthe slums of any city of Christendom, or outside of it, would never havebeen convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here, if he had notbeen a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged classes. We claimthat we are convicted, not because we have committed murder. We areconvicted because we were very energetic in advocacy of the rights of labor.I call your attention to a very significant fact—that on this day, at this timewhen the sentence of death is going to be passed on us, the Stock-yardsemployers have notified their employés that they will be required to work tenhours next Monday or they will shut down. I think it is a logical conclusionto draw that these men think they have got a dangerous element out of theway now, and they can return again to the ten-hour system. I know that Ihad considerable to do with the eight-hour question, although I only spokeonce in that neighborhood, every man there being a stranger to me—but Iwent down there in March previous and made an eight hour speech andformed the nucleus of an eight-hour organization there, and the Stock-yardssucceeded in starting the eight-hour system, though they have not been ableto keep it up in its entirety. We claim that we have done much.”

He predicted that it would be a grand day when everybody adoptedSocialism, and then touched on his own case, denying that he had enteredinto a conspiracy. Fischer, Lingg and Engel, he said, were men withwhom he had not associated for a year, and therefore, he maintained, hecould not have been conspiring with them. He had never, he said, seen adynamite bomb till he saw one in the court-room, and had never known thatdynamite was kept at theArbeiter-Zeitung office. In concluding his speechFielden said:

Your honor, I have worked at hard labor since I was eight years ofage. I went into a cotton factory when I was eight years old, and I haveworked continually since, and there has never been a time in my historythat I could have been bought or paid into a single thing by any man or forany purpose which I did not believe to be true. To contradict the lie thatwas published in connection with the bill by the grand jury charging uswith murder, I wish to say that I have never received one cent for agitating.When I have gone out of the city I have had my expenses paid.But often when I have gone into communities, when I would have todepend upon those communities for paying my way, I have often comeback to this city with money out of pocket, which I had earned by hardlabor, and I had to pay for the privilege of my agitation out of the littlemoney I might have in my possession. To-day as the beautiful autumnsun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of every free man, I stand herenever to bathe my head in its rays again. I have loved my fellow-men asI have loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty and injustice.[600]The nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It willlive to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any good, Ifreely give myself up. I trust the time will come when there will be abetter understanding, more intelligence, and above the mountains ofiniquity, wrong and corruption, I hope the sun of righteousness and truthand justice will come to bathe in its balmy light an emancipated world.”

Albert R. Parsons consumed a great deal of time in the delivery of hisspeech. He began by declaring that the trial had been conducted with“passion, heat and anger,” and pronounced the verdict as one of “passion,born in passion, nurtured in passion, and the sum totality of the organizedpassion of the city of Chicago.” For that reason he asked for a suspensionof sentence and a new trial. He said:

“Now, I stand here as one of the people, a common man, a workingman,one of the masses, and I ask you to give ear to what I have to say.You stand as a bulwark; you are as a brake between them and us. Youare here as the representative of justice, holding the poised scales in yourhands. You are expected to look neither to the right nor to the left, but tothat by which justice, and justice alone, shall be subserved. The convictionof a man, your honor, does not necessarily prove that he is guilty.Your law-books are filled with instances where men have been carried tothe scaffold and after their death it has been proven that their executionwas a judicial murder. Now, what end can be subserved in hurrying thismatter through in the manner in which it has been done? Where are theends of justice subserved, and where is truth found in hurrying sevenhuman beings at the rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffoldand an ignominious death? Why, if your honor please, the very method ofour extermination, the deep damnation of its taking-off, appeals to yourhonor’s sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor. A judge may also bean unjust man. Such things have been known.”

Parsons acknowledged being an Anarchist and proceeded to show theends Anarchy sought. Then he asked:

“Now, what is this labor question which these gentlemen treat withsuch profound contempt, which these distinguished ‘honorable’ gentlemenwould throttle and put to ignominious death, and hurry us like rats toour holes? What is it? You will pardon me if I exhibit some feeling? Ihave sat here for two months, and these men have poured their vituperationsout upon my head, and I have not been permitted to utter a singleword in my own defense. For two months they have poured their poisonupon me and my colleagues. For two months they have sat here and spatlike adders the vile poison of their tongues, and if men could have beenplaced in a mental inquisition and tortured to death, these men would havesucceeded here now—vilified, misrepresented, held in loathsome contempt,without a chance to speak or contradict a word. Therefore, if I showemotion, it is because of this, and if my comrades and colleagues with mehere have spoken in such strains as these, it is because of this. Pardon us.Look at it from the right standpoint. What is this labor question? It isnot a question of emotion; the labor question is not a question of sentiment;it is not a religious matter; it is not a political problem; no, sir, itis a stern economic fact, a stubborn and immovable fact.”

[601]

He entered into a long explanation of the capitalistic system and pointedto the troubles experienced by the laboring classes under the present conditions.He spoke of capitalistic combinations and “corners,” touched onlandlordism, discoursed on the eight-hour movement, and then reviewedsome of the evidence against him. Referring to theAlarm, of which hehad been editor, he said:

“Why, the very article that you quote in theAlarm, a copy of which Ihave not, but which I would like to see, calling the American group toassemble for the purpose of considering military matters and military organization,states specifically that the purpose and object is to take into considerationmeasures of defense against unlawful and unconstitutional attacksof the police. The identical article shows it. You forgot surely that factwhen you made this observation; and I defy any one to show, in a speechthat is susceptible of proof, by proof, that I have ever said aught by wordof mouth or by written article except self-defense. Does not the Constitutionof the country, under whose flag myself and my forefathers wereborn for the last two hundred and sixty years, provide that protection, andgive me, their descendant, that right? Does not the Constitution say thatI, as an American, have a right to keep and to bear arms? I stand uponthat right. Let me see if this court will deprive me of it. Let me callyour attention to another point here. These articles that appear in theAlarm, for some of them I am not responsible any more than is the editorof any other paper. And I did not write everything in theAlarm, and itmight be possible that there were some things in that paper which I am notready to indorse. I am frank to admit that such is the case. I supposethat you can scarcely find an editor of a paper in the world but that couldconscientiously say the same thing. Now, am I to be dragged up here andexecuted for the utterances and writings of other men, even though theywere published in the columns of a paper of which I was the editor? Yourhonor, you must remember that theAlarm was a labor paper, published bythe International Working People’s Association, belonging to that body.I was elected its editor by the organization, and, as labor editors generallyare, I was handsomely paid. I had saw-dust pudding as a general thingfor dinner. My salary was eight dollars a week, and I have received thatsalary as editor of theAlarm for over two years and a half—eight dollars aweek! I was paid by the association. It stands upon the books. Go downto the office and consult the business manager. Look over the record inthe book, and it will show you that A. R. Parsons received eight dollars aweek as editor of theAlarm for over two years and a half. This paperbelonged to the organization. It was theirs. They sent in their articles—Tom,Dick and Harry; everybody wanted to have something to say, and Ihad no right to shut off anybody’s complaint.”

He then offered some reasons to justify his utterances on labor questions.He quoted from newspapers to show their hostility to the interests of labor,and he dwelt on various strikes in the United States and endeavored toshow how the men had been treated by corporations. The tramp questionwas next handled, and Parsons maintained that the present social systemwas responsible for the fact that millions did not know where to get a bedor supper. He continued:

[602]

“Who are the mob? Why, dissatisfied people, dissatisfied workingmenand women; people who are working for starvation wages, people who areon a strike for better pay—these are the mob. They are always the mob.That is what the riot drill is for. Suppose a case that occurs. The FirstRegiment is out with a thousand men armed with the latest improved Winchesterrifles. Here are the mobs; here are the Knights of Labor and thetrades-unions, and all of the organizations without arms. They have notreasury, and a Winchester rifle costs eighteen dollars. They cannot purchasethose things. We cannot organize an army. It takes capital to organizean army. It takes as much money to organize an army as to organizeindustry, or as to build railroads; therefore, it is impossible for the workingclasses to organize and buy Winchester rifles. What can they do? Whatmust they do? Your honor, the dynamite bomb, I am told, costs six cents.It can be made by anybody. The Winchester rifle costs eighteen dollars.That is the difference. Am I to be blamed for that? Am I to be hangedfor saying this? Am I to be destroyed for this? What have I done?Go dig up the ashes of the man who invented this thing. Find his ashesand scatter them to the winds, because he gave this power to the world. Itwas not I.”

Coming to the Haymarket meeting and referring to the presence of thepolice as an affront, he said:

Parsons then referred to attacks of the police on workingmen’s meetings,and reviewed some of the evidence against himself, insisting that hehad never seen Lingg until he saw him in the court-room.

Parsons again returned to Anarchy and defined its doctrines at somelength. In concluding his remarks, which consumed two hours on Fridayand six hours on Saturday, he said:

“The next day I saw that they were dragging these men to prison,treating them in a shameful manner. I left the city. I went to Geneva,Ill., for a couple of days; staid there with friend Holmes. Then I wentto Elgin, Ill.; staid there a couple of days. Then I left there and went toWaukesha, Wis., where I obtained employment as a carpenter and afterwardsas a painter, and remained for over seven weeks in Waukesha. Myhealth was debilitated, and I went to the springs when I was thirsty. Thehouse I was working on was only half a block from the springs, and I neededthe recreation and the rest, and the pure air, and the water besides. WhenI saw the day fixed for the opening of this trial, knowing I was an innocentman, and also feeling that it was my duty to come forward and share whateverfate had in store for my comrades, and also to stand, if need be, on thescaffold, and vindicate the rights of labor, the cause of liberty, and therelief of the oppressed, I returned. How did I return? It is interesting,but it will take time to relate it, and I will not state it. I ran the gauntlet.I went from Waukesha to Milwaukee. I took the St. Paul train at theMilwaukee depot and came to Chicago; arrived here at 8:30, I suppose, inthe morning; went to the house of my friend Mrs. Ames, on MorganStreet, sent for my wife and had a talk with her. I sent word to CaptainBlack that I was here and prepared to surrender. He sent word back tome that he was ready to receive me. I met him at the threshold of thisbuilding, and we came up here together. I stood in the presence of thiscourt. I have nothing, not even now, to regret.”

The speeches of the defendants occupied three days—the 7th to the 9th[606]of October, inclusive—and when Parsons had finished the court proceededto pronounce sentence. Judge Gary said:

E. F. L. GAUSS.
From a Photograph.

HENRY SEVERIN.
From a Photograph.

Thus closed the most remarkable trial whichever engaged the attention of a judge and jury inAmerica. It was begun, as stated, on the 21stday of June, 1886, and ended on the 20th day ofAugust, thus occupying exactly two months. Icannot close this chapter without paying a deservedtribute to Mr. E. F. L. Gauss, who acted as interpreterthroughout the trial. A very large proportionof the witnesses testified in foreign tongues,but in all the mass of testimony rendered intoEnglish by Mr. Gauss, not a syllable of the translationwas ever challenged.

Chief Bailiff Henry Severin, with his staff of twenty-six men, had charge ofthe eight defendants. It was his duty to bring the prisoners from and to thecourt, to preserve order in the crowded court-room, and to guard the jury,escorting them to and from their hotel and in their walks, and watching outto prevent any attack by the malcontents upon the officers of the court.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

In the Supreme Court—ASupersedeas Secured—Justice Magruder Deliversthe Opinion—A Comprehensive Statement of the Case—How Degan was Murdered—WhoKilled Him?—The Law of Accessory—The Meaning of the Statute—Werethe Defendants Accessories?—The Questions at Issue—The Characteristics ofthe Bomb—Fastening the Guilt on Lingg—The Purposes of the Conspiracy—Howthey were Proved—A Damning Array of Evidence—Examining the Instructions—NoError Found in the Trial Court’s Work—The Objection to the Jury—The JurorSandford—Judge Gary Sustained—Mr. Justice Mulkey’s Remarks—The Law Vindicated.

ALTHOUGH doomed to die, the prisoners did not despair. Theircounsel led them to believe that the State Supreme Court would certainlygrant them a rehearing, and the first step to get their case before thatcourt was to secure a stay of the execution of the sentence. For this purposeHon. Leonard Swett was called into the case to assist Capt. Black,and the two gentlemen accordingly went before Chief Justice Scott, and onthe 25th of November, 1886, secured the desiredsupersedeas. In March,1887, the appeal came before the Supreme Court of Illinois, and argumentswere heard in the case until the 18th of the same month, when the matterwas taken under advisement. Several months elapsed before a decisionwas handed down, but meanwhile all the prisoners expressed the utmostconfidence in a reversal of the judgment of the Criminal Court. Theircounsel were alike confident of a rehearing, and sympathizers joined in thehopes indulged in by the men behind the bars and their representativesbefore the bar.

On Wednesday, September 14, 1887, however, the Supreme Courtrendered its decision, sustaining the findings of the lower court in everyparticular. It was given by the full bench, and there was not a dissentingopinion. Justice Benjamin D. Magruder delivered the opinion.After stating various rulings bearing on murder, conspiracy, accessory beforethe fact and other legal points involved in the case, and citing numerousextracts from the organs of the Anarchists and Herr Most’s book, hereviewed the authorities given by the counsel to sustain their respectivesides, and then delivered the opinion of the court, as follows:

JUDGE BENJAMIN D. MAGRUDER.
From a Photograph.

The court then went into thelaw of accessory, confirming theinterpretation and ruling of thetrial court, that all distinction betweenprincipals and accessoriesis by the Illinois statute abolished.The issue thus became:Were the defendants accessoriesto the murder of Degan?

To find the answers to thesequestions the court went into anexhaustive review of all the evidencein the case, covering thesame ground which has been gone over in the previous chapters of thisbook.

First the bomb with which the murder had been done was considered.It had been proven to be round; to have a projecting fuse; to be of compositemanufacture; to contain tin and lead, with traces of antimony, ironand zinc; to have upon it a small iron nut. All these characteristics werefound in the bombs which Louis Lingg manufactured, and for these and[610]other reasons the court held that the jury was warranted in believing thatthe bomb which killed Degan had been made by Lingg.

The purposes of the conspiracy were next inquired into, and the articlesin theAlarm, the platform of the Internationale and similar incendiaryand dangerous language from many sources are quoted in full in the opinion.The organization of the Anarchists was also inquired into, and the divisionsinto groups, the make-up of the Lehr and Wehr Verein and like mattersstated. The court declared this to be an “illegal conspiracy.”

The damning array of evidence against the assassins was brought togetherrelentlessly and completely. The speeches of the defendants weresifted, their teachings examined, and there could be left in no mind a doubtthat these men had advised murder and arson, and that they were guiltytechnically as well as morally. The opinion of the court was a masterlypresentation of the facts, and the conclusions drawn from them settled oncefor all both the law and the equity of this celebrated case. It was evidentthat there was law enough in America to protect society.

That the Haymarket murders were the legitimate and expected resultof the teachings of the ring-leaders of the conspiracy was conclusivelyshown with a ruthless logic that left no hope for pardon, nor for interferencewith the law’s stern course.

Lingg’s case, and the case of Spies, of Engel, of Fischer, of Parsons, ofNeebe, of Fielden were taken up separately, examined with a care thatmight be described as almost microscopic, and in each case there was noflaw in the record—no reason why these men should not pay the penaltyfor their crime.

The concluding part of the opinion is so important from a legal standpoint,and at the same time of such general interest, that I will quote itentire:

The foregoing examination was by the defense. The following was bythe State:

After the reading of the decision, Justice Mulkey stated that it hadbeen his intention, if health had permitted, to file a separate opinion. Hesaid:

CHAPTER XXXV.

The Last Legal Struggle—The Need of Money—Expensive CounselSecured—Work of the “Defense Committee”—Pardon, the Only Hope—Pleas forMercy to Gov. Oglesby—Curious Changes of Sentiment—Spies’ Remarkable Offer—Lingg’sHorrible Death—Bombs in the Starch-box—An Accidental Discovery—Myown Theory—Description of the “Suicide Bombs”—Meaning of the Short Fuse—“CountFour and Throw”—Details of Lingg’s Self-murder—A Human Wreck—TheBloody Record in the Cell—The Governor’s Decision—Fielden and Schwab Taken tothe Penitentiary.

IN spite of this overwhelming defeat at the hands of the Supreme Court ofIllinois, counsel for the Anarchists did not lose hope. They at once setabout formulating plans to carry their case before the highest tribunal underthe law, the Supreme Court of the United States, and for some time theylabored unremittingly in preparing the necessary grounds on which to bringthe matter within the jurisdiction of that court. The point on which theymainly relied was a constitutional question involving the validity of the jurylaw of the State of Illinois, but time was necessary to put in proper shapeother questions incidental to the main issue, growing out of rulings in thetrial court. Meanwhile money was needed, just as it had been duringthe trial and the appeal to the State Supreme Court. It had been resolvedto call into the service of the convicted men eminent constitutional lawyers,of national reputation as well as of high standing before the highest tribunalin the land, and contributions were accordingly sought throughout thecountry by the Anarchist “Defense Committee” of Chicago, a body whichhad been organized preceding the trial. In compliance with the call, agreat deal of money was subscribed, and the local counsel began to castabout for legal assistance among the most noted constitutional expoundersin the Union, to properly prepare the case for presentation at Washington.Capt. Black, to whom this duty seems to have been mainly intrusted, finallydecided upon Gen. Pryor, of New York, and J. Randolph Tucker, and withthese eminent jurists he held long consultations on the best points to makebefore the court of last resort. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler was also calledinto the case as special counsel for Spies and Fielden.

Finally, on Thursday, October 27, 1887, the case was brought before theUnited States Supreme Court, and arguments were heard before a fullbench. Mr. Tucker was the first to speak, and held the court’s attentionfor some time, contending that the Illinois jury law was in contraventionof the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.That amendment, he said, had been adopted, and had been construed bythe court as for the special protection of the negro, and he insisted that itshould be opened up for the protection of the whites as well. Upon this[621]point he elaborated at some length, consuming nearly the whole time allottedto him, and then he proceeded to show that an impartial jury had notbeen chosen in the trial court, some men upon it—reference being made toDenker and Sandford—having formed a newspaper opinion, but, in spite ofthat fact, having still been admitted under the rulings of the court. Thefirst ten amendments to the Constitution, he held, limited the States in theadoption of laws abridging the rights of citizens. His whole argumentreceived marked attention and was ably presented.

Benjamin F. Butler made a few points in addition to those presented inhis brief, but the main burden of his plea was that his clients, Spies andFielden, were aliens and had come to this country under treaties made withGermany and England, long before the jury law of Illinois was passed.

Attorney-General Hunt, of Illinois, replied to the various points madeby the petitioners, showing that the Federal Constitution, in its first tenamendments, did not restrict the rights of a State in the regulation of juryselections, and that there was no refuge for any of the defendants under thetreaties. It was an eloquent and masterly argument, and its effect on thecourt was subsequently shown in the decision, which closely followed in theline of Mr. Hunt’s position on the matters in question.

State’s Attorney Grinnell was present simply to assist the Attorney-Generalin pointing out the salient features in the record of the trial court,with which he was so thoroughly familiar, but, on solicitation, he also addressedthe court at some length. He spoke with reference to some detailsin the trial, and made a clear and concise exposition of the case. He wasfollowed by General Butler, who spoke at considerable length, but advancedno new points, except that he maintained that Spies had been compelled totestify against himself.

The arguments occupied two days, and the court reserved its decisionuntil Wednesday, November 2. On that day the court decided, on theclaim that the first ten amendments to the Constitution limited the rightsof a State in the passage of laws affecting personal rights, that they “werenot intended to limit the powers of the State Government in respect totheir own citizens, but to operate on the National Government alone.”This had been decided more than fifty years before, and that decision hadbeen steadily adhered to ever since. “It was contended in argument,”said the court, “that, although originally the first two amendments wereadopted as limitations on Federal power, yet, in so far as they secure andrecognize fundamental rights, common-law rights of the man, they makethem privileges and immunities of the man as a citizen of the United Statesand cannot now be abridged by a State under the Fourteenth Amendment.”The objections raised, in brief, were that a statute of the State, as construedby the court, deprived the petitioners of a trial by an impartial jury andthat Spies was compelled to give evidence against himself. The statute to[622]which special objection was made, continued the court, was approvedMarch 12, 1874, and went into force on July 1 of that year. The claim setup by petitioners was that the trial court, acting under this law, compelledthem against their will to submit to a trial by a jury that was not impartial,and thus deprived them of one of the fundamental rights they had ascitizens of the United States under the Federal Constitution, and that ifthe sentence was carried out they would be deprived of their lives “withoutdue process of law.” The court then referred to the peremptory challengesallowed petitioners and held that with these the constitutional right of theaccused had been maintained.

“Although a juror called as a juryman,” said the court, “may haveformed an opinion based upon rumor or newspaper statement, he is stillqualified as a juror if he states that he can fairly and impartially render averdict thereon in accordance with the law and the evidence. Indeed, therule of the statute of Illinois as construed by the trial court is not materiallydifferent from that which has been adopted by the courts in many otherStates without any legislation. We agree entirely with the Illinois SupremeCourt in the opinion that the statute on its face, as construed by the trialcourt, is not repugnant to section 9 of article 2 of the Constitution of thatState, which guarantees to the accused party in every criminal prosecutiona speedy trial by an impartial jury of the county or district in which theoffense is alleged to have been committed.”

Speaking of the alleged bias of one of the jurors—Denker—the courtsays that neither party at the close of the examination challenged the jurorperemptorily. “When this occurred it was not denied,” says the court,“that the defendants were still entitled to 143 peremptory challenges, orabout that number.” As to Juror Sandford, the court said that “at theclose of his examination on the part of the defendants the juror was challengedon their behalf for cause, and the attorney for the State, after havingascertained that all the peremptory challenges of the defendants had beenexhausted, took up the examination of the juror.” It then appearing thathe could render an impartial verdict, he was sworn in under the proper rulingsof the court.

As to Spies being compelled to be a witness against himself, the courtruled that, inasmuch as he had voluntarily offered himself as a witness in hisown behalf, by so doing he had become bound to submit himself to a propercross-examination. But it was said that the reading of Most’s letter wasnot proper evidence. “That is,” continued the court, “a question of Statelaw in the courts of the States, and not of Federal law.” Something wassaid about the alleged unreasonable search and seizure of the papers andproperty of some of the defendants, and their use in evidence in the trial ofthe case. Special reference was made to letters from Most to Spies, aboutwhich he was cross-examined; but “we have,” said the court, “not been[623]referred to any part of the record in which it appears that objection wasmade to the use of the evidence on that account,” and therefore, “as theSupreme Court of Illinois says so, we cannot consider the constitutionalquestion involved.”

The writ of error prayed for in the petitions and briefs filed and thearguments made on their merits was therefore denied.

The late Chief Justice Waite read the decision, and there was not a dissentingopinion, thus overwhelmingly sustaining the most important rulingsmade by Judge Gary and attesting the impregnable position taken by theState.

The prisoners in the Cook County Jail were now confronted with theawful fate in store for them nine days hence from the rendering of theSupreme Court’s decision. But, like drowning men grasping at straws,they turned in the direction of executive clemency. Their counsel, Capt.Black especially, entertained strong hopes of securing from Gov. Oglesbya commutation of sentence to imprisonment in the penitentiary. Stepswere accordingly taken looking to that end. Petitions to the chief executiveof Illinois were at once put in circulation for signatures, and friendsand sympathizers of the condemned busied themselves in writing personalletters pleading for mercy.

As the day of execution approached, it was surprising to note how many,who had hitherto clamored for blood in atonement for the Haymarketmassacre, now exerted themselves in the effort to secure executive clemency.With my own eyes I saw people who had made the most fuss shouting,“Hang the Anarchists! Don’t give them a chance for their lives. Destroythem at once. They must be roasted out; the balance of them mustleave the country,” the first to weaken. They began calling the doomedAnarchists “poor innocent men; it is too bad to hang them. If they wouldonly promise to do better hereafter, the authorities ought to let them go.”There were others, again, who wished to see the laws enforced, but whofailed to make their true feelings known during the interval immediatelypreceding the day set for the execution. These, when it became almostcertain that the Anarchists must hang, showed themselves very firm andopenly declared that the men fully deserved hanging, and should be hangedas determined by the verdict of the jury.

Some of those who had given their moral support to the prosecutioneven went to the extent of giving up rooms in their residences for meetingsof parties interested in imploring executive clemency, and avowed Anarchistsand Socialists spread their feet under mahogany tables and shuffleddirt-laden shoes over velvety rugs in houses that had hitherto shelteredowners who, on the streets and in the marts of trade, had denounced theAnarchists in unmeasured terms. But there were those who believed, fromthe conclusion of the trial up to the last moment, that the law should take[624]its course, and these were largely in the majority. Governor Oglesby ismade of stern material, but the most stern and rugged natures, with theclearest perceptions of duty and the most absolute belief in guilt, wouldhave yielded to public sentiment as being the best guide in a case involvingthe lives of human, fallible beings. Really public sentiment upheld the verdict,and only yielded in the abatement of the sentence of Fielden andSchwab as justified by the mitigating circumstances in their cases.

The day drew near for decisive action, and, on the 9th of November,Capt. Black, accompanied by his wife, George Schilling, Mrs. Schwab, Mrs.and Miss Spies, Miss Engel, Miss Mueller, Lingg’s sweetheart, and Mrs.Fischer, repaired to the Capitol at Springfield, to personally intercede formercy. The “Amnesty Committee,” organized shortly before to arouseinterest in preventing the execution, was represented by Cora L. V. Richmond,a noted trance-spiritualistic exhorter, and a few others of less renown.Mr. W. M. Salter, of the Ethical Society of Chicago, Gen. M. M. Trumbull,Henry D. Lloyd and S. P. McConnell also proceeded to the Statecapital on special missions in behalf of one or the other of the Anarchists,and besides there was a large sprinkling of labor representatives. GovernorOglesby, who had meanwhile accumulated a voluminous mass ofletters and had received lengthy petitions from Chicago and all other partsof the country, even from the Commune of Paris, met the various delegationsin his office in the Executive Department.

The first speaker was Capt. Black, who presented a long petition, whichhe read, signed by Schwab, Fielden and Spies. It set forth the groundsupon which an exercise of the pardoning power was invoked, claiming thatthe signers were wholly innocent of any knowledge of the throwing of thebomb, and giving a brief epitome of the history of the case. It gave tenreasons for asking a pardon. These reasons may be summarized as follows:1. They were innocent of the bomb-throwing, alike in act and intent.2. They had no knowledge of any purpose or arrangement for the throwingof the bomb. 3. They (those present) counseled peace at the Haymarketmeeting and there disclaimed any purpose of violence. 4. A greatdeal of evidence was permitted to be presented in court which had no specificreference to the crime charged, and an effort was made to prove thattheir utterances and advice had reference alone to “defensive action by thewage class as against any unlawful attacks upon them,” and in thus publiclyexpressing their sentiments by pen and speech they were not consciousthat they were violating the law. 5. Under a rule of responsibility allowed,which was contrary to Anglo-Saxon legislation but expressed in the statutelaw of the State, they were held to be accessories “for the act of a supposedbut absolutely unknown and unidentified principal, when the actor in thecommission of the crime charged may have acted, not as the agent, but theenemy, of the accused;” and they had been tried as “the supposed leaders[625]of a general movement or conspiracy embracing a much larger number ofmen.” 6. Their trial was at a time of great public excitement, when pressand public demanded their conviction as enemies of public order. 7. Thatmen were allowed to sit upon the jury with strong prejudices against them.8. They were not tried by men according to constitutional rights, but hadjurors “with a prejudgment of their guilt induced and inflamed by the dailyreading of the papers,” whose columns had never ceased to denounce them.9. Some of them were subjected to illegal cross-examinations, and “the provisionsof the Constitution and the law were set aside, and property unlawfullyseized in unauthorized searches was introduced to bring about a conviction.”10. They believed and charged that the special bailiff who wasintrusted with securing talesmen for the jury had deliberately selected menwhose views he was assured were hostile to them.

Capt. Black commented upon each point made in the petition, and explainedthat up to the time of the Haymarket meeting his clients had hadthe absolute, uniform acquiescence of the municipal authorities in all theirpublic and secret gatherings. He also read an affidavit of Otis S. Favor, toshow that the bailiff had said to affiant that he was “managing this case”(meaning selection of the jury to try the Anarchists) and “he knew what hewas about.”

The plea was an eloquent and forcible one, but the Governor never gavethe slightest sign as to how far it had affected his judgment of the case.

Mrs. Richmond spoke with reference to the petitions which her committeehad presented, containing many signatures, and explained that “the majorityof those who had signed them had done so because they considered it amatter of public policy that these men should not be hanged.” Anotherreason she advanced was that “these men did not intend a murder, and thefact cannot be shown that they had any direct connection in the throwing ofthe bomb which caused the death of Officer Degan.” She held that publicopinion was unanimous that these men could not afford to be sacrificed.“The shock upon the rising generation will be such that it will take fifty orone hundred years to wipe it out, and we believe it never could be wipedout from the records of this State.” She asked that the sentence be commuted“on the higher ground that it should be done for the welfare of thepeople,” and then, after deploring the existence of capital punishment inIllinois, she said that if mercy was shown by the Governor, his name wouldforever be written on the scroll of humanity along with that of the martyredAbraham Lincoln. “I again implore you, sir, to extend clemency to thesecondemned men, and enroll your name among those who have dared to dofor humanity what all the courts of the land have denied.”

Gen. M. M. Trumbull had had a pamphlet prepared respecting the trial,and after presenting a copy of it to the Governor, and calling attention tothe fact that he had therein reviewed the unfairness of the trial, he made a[626]few remarks, closing as follows: “In behalf of the families of these men; inbehalf of the men themselves; in behalf of thousands and hundreds ofthousands of people who sympathize with them in their misfortunes, Iimplore your Excellency to show mercy in their case.”

Elijah M. Haines, ex-Speaker of the Illinois House of Representatives,said: “I do not come here, your Excellency, like others, to appeal to theexecutive of this State to exercise an act of clemency; neither do I comehere representing petitioners. But I come here representing a sentimentappealing to the executive branch of the government for an act of justice.”His plea was based simply on the ground of justice, not policy, and he heldthat what had been a crime years ago was not a crime now, and that “thissentence, at this time, would not have been the sentence of the barbarous racethat preceded us.” He held that no conspiracy had been proven, and thatthe men had been condemned to die through prejudice. He did not believein capital punishment, and concluded that “the peculiar complication of thiscase would make the execution of these men hazardous to the best interestsof society.”

State Senator Streeter made a short address. He began by saying:“We are not here to favor any crime, but we do believe that this casemarks an epoch in our history; that you and I, Governor, and the peoplewho are living, probably never met or never will again meet an emergencyin history like this. It is almost without parallel.” He then pleaded forclemency on the ground of “the common good of society,” and asked theGovernor to give the petition a careful consideration.

Messrs. Bailey and Campbell, representing the Trades and LaborAssembly of Quincy, Ill., each spoke a few words for the doomed men,and they were followed by William Urban, who spoke “for the Germanworkingmen of North Chicago,” and presented a set of resolutions passedby the Central Labor Union.

L. S. Oliver, on behalf of the “Amnesty Committee,” made a few statementsand presented a petition containing 41,000 names.

Mr. Shullenberg, of Detroit, Mich., said he represented forty-five organizations,and he asked, on their behalf, that executive clemency beextended.

C. G. Dixon, of Chicago, also submitted a long petition, and addressedthe Governor at some length. He was followed by Samuel Gompers, ofNew York, President of the American Federation of Labor, who went intoan account of the eight-hour movement, and held that the police wereresponsible for the Haymarket riot. He said that thousands would considerthat the men had been executed because they had stood up for free speechand free assemblage, and maintained that throughout the civilized worldthere had arisen a protest against the execution of the men. He concludedby saying that the throwing of that bomb had killed the eight-hour movement,[627]and that, had it not been for that, it would have been successful to agreat extent.

Other addresses were made by Edward King, of District Assembly 49,of New York; President Quinn, of the same organization, and GeorgeSchilling. The various delegations then withdrew to permit the relativesof the doomed men to confer personally with the Governor, and then eachin turn gave a few reasons why the Governor should be lenient.

After this conference Mr. J. R. Buchanan and Mrs. George Schilling,accompanied by two friends, sought an audience with the Governor andpresented a personal letter from August Spies. In that letter, datedNovember 6, among other things he wrote:

“I care not to protest my innocence of any crime, and of the one I amaccused of in particular. I have done that, and leave the rest to the judgmentof history.... If a sacrifice of life there must be, will not my lifesuffice? The State’s Attorney of Cook County asked for no more. Takethis, then! Take my life! I offer it to you so that you may satisfy thefury of a semi-barbaric mob, and save that of my comrades.”

This extract fully indicates the whole tenor of the letter.

Messrs. Salter, Lloyd and McConnell next visited the Governor andspoke on behalf of the men.

Mr. Edward Johnson, a slate and stone dealer of Chicago, presented apetition on behalf of Fielden’s former employers, numbering thirty-onefirms, and in that document they set forth that they had known Fielden forfifteen years as an honest, hard-working, sober, reliable employé, with nobrutal or bloody instincts, and that the only trouble with him was that “hewas cursed with a gift of rude eloquence, a fatal facility of speech, and hada consuming desire for the praise and applause of his fellow-men, and inthis lay the cause of his downfall.”

This petition was accompanied by a personal letter from Fielden, datedNovember 5, 1887. After speaking of his earlier years, and his interest inthe cause of workingmen, the letter concludes:

Judge Gary and Mr. Grinnell also wrote a letter setting forth thisnatural desire of Fielden’s for applause and saying that there was no evidenceshowing that he knew of any preparations to throw the bomb. Theybelieved him to have been an honest and industrious man and thought executiveclemency in his case would be justifiable.

A letter from Schwab was also presented to the Governor. It was shortand read as follows:

“As supplemental to the petition heretofore signed by me, I desire tosay that I realize that many utterances of mine in connection with the laboragitation of the past, expressions made under intense excitement, and oftenwithout any deliberation, were injudicious. These I regret, believing thatthey must have had a tendency to incite to unnecessary violence oftentimes.I protest again that I had no thought or purpose of violence in connectionwith the Haymarket meeting, which I did not even attend, and that I havealways deplored the results of that meeting.”

This was accompanied by a letter from Judge Gary, concurring withState’s Attorney Grinnell’s opinion that Schwab’s case deserved consideration,as the man was friendless and had evidently been the pliant tool ofstronger-willed men. George C. Ingham also wrote, saying that if executiveclemency was shown to Fielden and Schwab it would not be misplaced.

While the case was thus being discussed at Springfield, Parsons, Lingg,Engel and Fischer were strongly urged by their friends to send personalletters appealing for clemency, but each absolutely refused. They wroteletters to the Governor, but declared that they would not accept a pardonunless it restored them to full liberty. They held that they had committedno wrong, and hence could seek no clemency except that which would releasethem from imprisonment.

On the same day that the delegations appeared before the Governor, Mr.Vere V. Hunt went before Judge Richard J. Prendergast, of the CountyCourt in Chicago, and filed a petition to try the sanity of Lingg. He gaveas witnesses Dr. James G. Kiernan, George E. Detwiler, FerdinandSpies, Ida Spies, Henry Spies, Chris Spies, Mr. Kuttleman, Gustav Poch,Louis Zetter, Mr. Linnemeyer and W. Bentthin. After arguments, JudgePrendergast held that, in view of the judgment of the Supreme Court, affirmingthe sentence of the Criminal Court, he had no jurisdiction. The next[629]day Mr. Hunt presented the same petition to Judge Frank Baker, but, afterhearing arguments, the court declined to examine into the question of thebomb-maker’s sanity.

Another curious move was also made on behalf of Parsons on the daypreceding the execution. It was an application for a writ ofhabeas corpusby Attorney Salomon, and was presented before Judge M. F. Tuley. Thegrounds on which it was based were that the judgment affirmed by theSupreme Court was directed against seven men and not against one, andthat the prisoner, not being in court when the sentence was passed, couldnot be executed under it. He also claimed that the death warrant was notlegal because it did not run in the name of the people of the State of Illinois.Judge Tuley said the court had no power to correct any errors ofthe Supreme Court, and that the prisoner waslegally in the custody of the Sheriff, and the applicationwould accordingly be denied.

JAILOR FOLZ.
From a Photograph.

While favorable results were being anticipatedby some as to the Governor’s decision, an incidentoccurred which dampened their expectations andsomewhat affected public sentiment in the belief ofthe guilt of the conspirators. Although it probablyhad no effect on the Governor’s decision, Anarchistsat large thought it would highly prejudicethe case of their friends at his hands. This incidentwas the horrible suicide of Louis Lingg.

While the Anarchists were confined in theCook County Jail they were quartered in that portionof the premises known as “murderers’ row.”This row faces south on the first gallery, in viewof the entrance to the jail corridor, and had beenso designated because in times past men accusedof murder and awaiting trial, or men convicted of murder and awaiting executionof sentence, were kept in the cells on that tier. Lingg, the mostdefiant Anarchist of them all, occupied cell No. 22; Engel, No. 23; Spies,No. 24; Schwab, No. 26; Fielden, No. 27, and Fischer, No. 28. DuringNeebe’s detention, before being taken to the penitentiary, he occupied cellNo. 21. All the prisoners were subjected to strict prison discipline. Therules of the jail knew no relaxation in the case of any one brought intothat part of the establishment, and each regulation was carried out to thevery letter.

Jailor Folz is a veteran in the service, having filled the jailorship off andon for twenty-two years, and he thoroughly understands all the requirementsin the way of jail discipline, to prevent escapes and guard against suicidesand assaults. I know him well, and he always has one ear and one eye open[630]to the conduct of the prisoners and the other eye and ear for his own security,like a sailor who gives one-half of his body to the ship and reserves the otherhalf for his own safety. Where so many desperate characters are confinedit requires the utmost vigilance to keep them under control and restrain themfrom violent outbreaks. Men whose lives have been almost a continualrecord of misdeeds, crimes and murders are not, as a rule, easily handled,and the wonder is that there have been so few to create trouble in Folz’sbailiwick.

One of the rules is a regular inspection of all the cells for contrabandarticles and the exclusion of all implements calculated to aid a prisoner ineffecting his escape. Sometimes a revolver may be found during these inspections;at other times a tiny saw for cutting the bars, and then againsome tool for cutting through the flagstones with a view to reaching the air-shaftor getting into the sewer underneath; and, though rarely, even smuggledpoison has been discovered.

All prisoners are carefully searched before being locked up, but it frequentlyhappens that prisoners are permitted to talk with their friendsthrough the lawyers’ cage. This cage is an inclosure ten by sixteen feet indimensions, with iron bars and strong wires, and while it would seem impossibleto pass anything through the narrow interstices, now and then anaperture is pried open wide enough to pass in contraband articles. Inthis way many things have been found smuggled into the jail. Food anddelicacies handed into the jail office for prisoners are always carefullyexamined, and this precaution was particularly exercised in the case ofthe Anarchists as the time approached for their execution.

On Sunday morning, November 6, 1887, Mr. Folz gave orders abouteight o’clock to have the cells of the Anarchists searched, and DeputiesJohn Eagan and O. E. Hogan were detailed for that purpose. Lingg’s cellwas first examined, and while the search proceeded he was locked up inthe “lawyers’ cage.” A lot of revolutionary books, copies of theArbeiter-Zeitungand other papers were taken out and thrown temporarily in thecorridor. In one corner of the room stood a ten-pound starch-box, in onenook of which there was a kerosene lamp, about which again some onionswere piled. Box and onions were placed on the gallery platform for thetime being.

The officers were next about to proceed to a search of Engel’s cell, butjust before doing so Hogan happened to kick box, onions and all over theplatform, down onto the main floor. At the time some of the prisoners,who were exercising themselves in the corridor, got curious as to thecontents of the rubbish, and, in the hope of finding something they mightdesire, began a search of the pile. Some of them seemed particularlyinterested in something they had discovered, and Hogan, noticing theirintent gaze, stopped to look at them. He noticed that one of the prisoners[631]had something strange in his hands. Eagan also noticed the same thingand started on a run down-stairs. Arriving at the place where the knot ofprisoners had gathered, he found that the curious object which they werescrutinizing was nothing else than a dynamite bomb. The bomb, itappears, had been dashed out of the box as it fell on the floor from thegallery platform above, and interest at once centered in the innocent-lookingbox. Mr. Eagan found therein three other bombs, and they wereimmediately taken to Jailor Folz’s office. The box was next carefullyexamined, and it was found to have a false bottom, in which the bombs hadbeen concealed. Some six days before this box had been brought intothe jail, and, being apparently empty, it had been passed in to Lingg. Itwas evident that it had been made according to Lingg’s instructions bysome handy carpenter who was a close friend, and, judging from itsconstruction, it seems to have been patterned after Lingg’s trunk, which,it will be remembered, also had a false bottom, and in whose secret apartmentI found a lot of dynamite, together with a coil of fuse and a supplyof caps. Either the bombs were in the box at the time it was brought tothe jail, or they must have been smuggled in through a temporarily-forcedopening in the wire cage. The officials incline to the former theory.

Lingg was a most interested spectator. It was evident from his actionsthat the discovery greatly troubled him. His face became almost lividwith rage, his eyes fairly snapped fire, and he fumed in his cage like an imprisonedbeast of prey. He was speechless with anger, and every motionbetrayed an energy of passion that was fearful to behold.

After a little while Lingg was taken out of the “lawyers’ cage,” andthereafter he was confined in a cell fixed up for him on the lower floor, wherehe could be directly under the eyes of the officials, who by this time hadcome to regard him as a very dangerous man. At ten o’clock on the samemorning, I received a dispatch from the Sheriff asking me to call at thejail immediately. Arriving there, I met Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz, andafter they had explained the circumstances of the morning’s find, the fourbombs were handed to me for examination. I found that they were allloaded with dynamite of the regular kind, and I gave it as my opinion thatthey were manifestly intended for suicidal purposes, to escape the gallows.I could not believe that they were made for any other purpose. Both theSheriff and the Jailor concurred in this view, and they so expressed themselvesto outsiders, although sensational reports were circulated in thenewspapers that the bombs were smuggled in to be used especially on theday of the execution, to blow the jail, prisoners and visitors to the fourwinds.

I took charge of the bombs, and subsequently, at the station, gave thema more thorough examination. They were all of the same size, being sixinches long, three-eighth gas-pipe, and one end of each had been plugged[632]with a boiler rivet one inch long. On each rivet there had been cutabout a dozen notches with a sharp chisel, and after the rivets had beeninserted hot lead had been poured into the pipe from the top, thus fasteningthem in place. A wooden plug, through which a hole had been bored inthe center for the cap and fuse, had been put at the other end of each pipe;and thus plugged, with a charge of dynamite inside, it was a most destructiveimplement. The dynamite used was of the regular factory make, thepercussion cap of English manufacture, and the fuse of the tar-cloth, water-proofkind. The fuse was cut scarcely an inch long, and a fuse of thatlength would explode the cap as soon almost as it was ignited. I explainedthese features in a general way to Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz, and toldthem that with such a short fuse no one using one of these deadly contrivancescould light it and then throw the bomb away before it would explode.It might, as I explained to them, be kept about the body or inserted in aman’s mouth, and in an instant after being lighted an explosion would follow.Hence my theory was that they were designed exclusivelyfor suicidal purposes. A photographic illustrationof the suicide bombs appears on page 595.

BENJ. P. PRICE.

The bomb used at the Haymarket was of thekind called the “five and six seconds fuse.” Thefuse on a bomb of that kind was cut at a length offour inches, and the instruction to Anarchists inhandling one of them was to count four just as soonas the fuse caught fire, and then throw it. If thebombs found in Lingg’s cell had had that lengthof fuse, then it might have been possible that theywere intended for general destruction. Thesebombs had evidently been made under instructionsfrom Lingg. He was the only one whomade bombs by plugging up one end with lead,and, whoever the party was that turned them out for him, he must have hadsome prior experience with Lingg in bomb-making. That could be plainlyseen, too, in the way the fuse had been fastened in the caps. It was also manifestthat the man must have been a machinist. But no clue as to his identitycould be secured, and, of course, Lingg never gave the slightest hint toany of the officers, or even to his associates.

Thereafter, as might have been expected, Lingg was more carefullywatched than ever. No strange visitors were permitted to see him. Thediscovery of the explosives had created an intense and wide-spread excitement,and Sheriff Matson issued most stringent orders with reference, notonly to Lingg, but to all the other confined Anarchists. By these ordersthe public was measurably reassured.

[633]

LOUIS LINGG’S TERRIBLE DEATH.

[634]

The bomb-maker had been committed to cell No. 11, and every articleconstituting its outfit had been subjected to the closest inspection. Itseemed certain that there could be no dynamite in that cell. Besides this,Mr. Benjamin P. Price, the Jail Clerk, made it his special business to lookafter the desperate man, and there seemed no possibility of danger fromthat quarter.

But on the morning of the 10th of November, at 8:45 o’clock, the officialsas well as occupants of the jail were startled by the sound of a terrific explosion.Consternation seized everybody for the moment. Each surmisedthat some sad havoc had been created in some portion of the jail, and thathis special section had miraculously escaped. All within the jail precinctsjumped to their feet, and the most eager inquiries were made as to the causeof the noise. Even the inmates of the cells in the immediate vicinity ofthe spot where the explosion had occurred thought that some other portion ofthe building had been blown up, and they were uncertain whether the attackhad come from without or within.

The first idea credited the explosion to confederates of the Anarchistson the outside. This was a perfectly natural conclusion. All sorts ofrumors about violent demonstrations and forcible attempts at rescue of thedoomed Anarchists were in circulation about the city, and the instant thisdetonation was heard it was supposed that the threats had been finally carriedinto effect. So loud was the report that people passing on the streetssurrounding the jail imagined that fearful destruction must have beencreated inside. But after the first flush of excitement had subsided, thesource of the commotion was easily and speedily ascertained.

The explosion had occurred in Lingg’s cell. The night before Lingghad appeared in one of his complacent moods, and when the death-watcheyed him closely the next morning nothing unusual was discovered in hisdemeanor. Lingg seemed to be resting easily on his couch, and there wasnot the slightest indication that anything tragic was contemplated. Whilethe death-watch, Deputy Sheriff Osborne, was giving his attention to somethingelse for a moment, however, Lingg saw his opportunity, rose stealthilyfrom his bed, seized a candle that flickered dimly in a corner of thecell, and, jumping back to his couch, put the bomb in his mouth andapplied the flame. In an instant a loud explosion followed.

Officials were soon in the cell and found Lingg lying on his side on thecouch, with one arm thrown over his head and the other resting on a littletable. A stream of blood was coursing down the pillow, and pools of ithad gathered upon the bedding. The deputies raised him up gently. Aghastly sight met their gaze. The lower jaw had been almost entirelyblown away, the upper lip was completely torn to shreds, the greater partof his nose was in tatters, only a fragment of his tongue remained, andevery vestige of front teeth had disappeared. What remained of hischeeks looked like flesh torn by vultures, and every jagged part bled profusely.[635]The inside of his upper jaw was horribly lacerated. It looked asthough no man could survive such a wound for a moment after its infliction.And yet the bomb-maker was alive and breathing regularly.

Lingg was at once removed from the cell to a large bath-room nearthe Jailor’s office, and made as comfortable as circumstances would permit.Drs. Fenger, Moyer and Bluthardt were at once sent for, and they respondedimmediately. They applied such restoratives as medical sciencesuggested, but they found no little difficulty in stopping the bleeding andpreventing the blood from running down the man’s throat and interferingwith his breathing. Now and then he coughed, and with each spellemitted large quantities of blood. The pallet upon which he rested, andthe floor underneath,were saturatedwith blood,and its strongflow attested asuperb physicalcondition—awonderful vitality.

LINGG’S LAST WORDS.
From a Photograph.

During all theoperations of thesurgeons Linggremained perfectlyconscious andeyed them ascomplacently asthough they hadbeen at work onsome other patient.He showedno concern andnever quivered. While calmly stretched on the cot, he closely observed allwho entered the room and seemed surprised at their consternation. It wasonly when some police officers entered to look at him that he showed signsof nervousness, and then, with pantomimic flourishes of his hand, he indicatedthat he desired them to leave. The signs were correctly interpreted;for the moment the officers left he quieted down easily, and a grateful lookfrom his eyes expressed his satisfaction. John C. Klein, who afterwardsbecame famous for the active part he took in the troubles in the island ofSamoa—readers will remember that there was a great deal of diplomaticcorrespondence on account of them, that there was even talk of war betweenthe United States and Germany—was at that time a reporter for one of the[636]Chicago dailies, and in that capacity was present in the room. While stillbeing operated upon, Lingg beckoned to Klein for pencil and paper, and,these being handed to him, he wrote, in German: “Please support my back.When I lie down I cannot breathe.” That piece of paper, stained withLingg’s blood, is still in existence, and is shown in the engraving.

JOHN C. KLEIN.

Everything was done to alleviate Lingg’s sufferings, but he died at 2:45that afternoon.

The bomb-maker’s remains were placed in a neat coffin, and BailiffEagan was detailed to critically examine Lingg’s cell. It was discoveredthat when Lingg had lighted the bomb, which had been placed firmlybetween the teeth, he was reclining on his cot, with his head near the wall.This was indicated by the fact that Eagan found portions of the man’smustache, pieces of the tongue and shreds of flesh clinging firmly to the wallnearest where the head had rested. A piece of the tallow candle whichhad stood before its tragic use in a corner of the cell was found in the bed,and the wall where the head had lain was not only marred by the almostdirect force of the explosion, but thickly bespattered with blood. All thisindicated unmistakably the means Lingg had used to light the bomb andthe position he had assumed when applying the fatal spark.

The bomb used was undoubtedly similarto the lot discovered a few days previously.But how it became separated andin what manner it was concealed andsmuggled into Lingg’s hands after he hadbeen placed in a new cell and put understrict surveillance, are matters of conjecture.My own theory is that Lingg hada confidential friend among the smallerclass of criminals. To such a friend thisbomb was intrusted for safe-keeping in theevent of the discovery of the bombs in hisown cell, and when they were found herelied on that trusted friend to help himto escape the gallows. In no other waycould this bomb have come into the possessionof Lingg, since the prisoner hadbeen searched several times and nothing found upon him. A confederatemust have carefully kept the bomb and smuggled it to him at the lastmoment. Everything indicated that the bomb had been part of the discoveredexplosives, and its use fully corroborated the opinion I had given toSheriff Matson and Jailor Folz at the time of the find, that the bombs wereonly intended for suicidal purposes and had been brought into the jail forno other object. At the time this opinion was given I was severely criticised[637]by Chief Ebersold and others—the newspapers especially—for advancingsuch a theory. They maintained that the bombs had been broughtin to be thrown at the time of the execution, so as not only to kill all whomight become spectators, but to enable the Anarchists to escape hangingby death in the general destruction around them. A few of the papers evenwent so far as to attribute the opinion to “Schaack’s stupidity.”

The doomed Anarchists were closely watched when it became quite apparentthat there was no chance of their escaping the gallows either throughan intervention of the courts or through executive clemency. Before this,however, some latitude had been allowed them. They had been watched,of course, but the rigorous scrutiny subsequently adopted had not thenprevailed. Visitors had been admitted, and, although separate conversationshad not been permitted, prisoners and friends had been close together.No contraband articles had ever been noticed, however, the general opinionamong the jail officials being that, considering the prisoners were so hopefulof good results from the labors of their counsel, such a thing as suicidewas not contemplated by any one of them.

The first thing to arouse Jailor Folz’s suspicion was Engel’s action oneday about the 1st of November. It appears that at that time Engel wasvery nervous and restless, and secured some morphine to quiet his nerves.He took an over-dose, and when charged with having deliberately done sowith suicidal intent, he stoutly maintained that he had taken too much bymistake. Folz thought no man could take such a dose except with a viewto suicide, and he resolved to keep a close watch on Engel thereafter andallow him no medicine save what was administered by a physician. Theothers were also more closely watched after that episode. All were searchedat stated intervals, as I have already mentioned.

One day, while Parsons was being searched, he was handed a commonwhite shirt by Otto Folz, a son of the Jailor. Parsons looked at it for amoment and then exclaimed:

“My God! you are not going to put a shroud on a live man?”

After the bomb discovery the doomed Anarchists were removed fromtheir old cells and placed on the lower floor, along the tier containingLingg’s cell. Parsons was put in cell No. 7, Fischer, No. 8, and Engel,No. 9. When Lingg had been removed to the bath-room, his comradeswere again subjected to an examination, and their clothes were all changedin the Jailor’s office. While this change was being effected, Parsons becamegreatly agitated, and he remarked:

“If I only had one of the bombs Lingg had in his cell, I would makevery short work of all this.”

Fischer also made a similar remark. He said that he was ready to dieat any time, and he did not care how he died. He was very defiant, andshowed that he was in earnest in his expressions.

[638]

Late in the afternoon of November 10, Gov. Oglesby gave his decisionon the various applications for mercy. It reads:

This removed the last hope of the Anarchists. Spies said he had beenprepared for the worst, and that he had only signed the petition of Fieldenand Schwab for clemency at the solicitation of Miss Van Zandt.

On the next morning after the Governor’s decision Fielden and Schwabwere removed to the penitentiary at Joliet.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

The Last Hours of the Doomed Men—Planning a Rescue—The Feelingin Chicago—Police Precautions—Looking for a Leak—Vitriol for a Detective—Guardingthe Jail—The Dread of Dynamite—How the Anarchists Passed their LastNight—The Final Partings—Parsons Sings “Annie Laurie”—Putting up the Gallows—ScenesOutside the Prison—A Cordon of Officers—Mrs. Parsons Makes a Scene—TheDeath Warrants—Courage of the Condemned—Shackled and Shrouded for theGrave—The March to the Scaffold—Under the Dangling Ropes—The Last Words—“Hochdie Anarchie!”—“My Silence will be More Terrible than Speech”—“Let theVoice of the People be Heard”—The Chute to Death—Preparations for the Funeral—Scenesat the Homes of the Dead Anarchists—The Passage to Waldheim—HowellTrogden Carries the American Flag—Captain Black’s Eulogy—The Burial—Speechesby Grottkau and Currlin—Was Engel Sincere?—His Advice to his Daughter—A CuriousEpisode—Adolph Fischer and his Death-watch.

THE Anarchists of Chicago now became desperate. Many of them hadcalculated on the worst for some time, and they had formed into smallgroups to be better able to plot for their imprisoned friends with the leastpossible danger of police detection. While assembling in large bodies,they had discovered that many of their secrets were in my possession, andafter the decision of the Illinois Supreme Court they realized that it wasessential to the success of any movement they might decide upon to keepall knowledge of it within the circle of true and trusted men. The leadinglights in the order accordingly resorted to private residences, as I havealready stated.

Sometimes they were joined in meetings of a general nature by somewho had previously been anti-Anarchists, but who since the decision of theIllinois court had secretly expressed sympathy with the condemned men.Becoming emboldened by what they thought to be a growing sentiment infavor of the prisoners, these secret abettors finally threw off their masks,and, openly expressing their views, many of them speedily lost the esteemand friendship of neighbors by whom they had previously been highly regarded.With a view to aiding to effect a general change in public sentiment,some of these sympathizers even threw open their doors to Anarchists,as I have indicated in a prior chapter. But whenever some risky projectwas contemplated the small bands of conspirators saw to it that none butavowed and tried adherents of the red flag were present.

It was at this time that the police discovered the plot to release thedoomed men, and one day Detective Schuettler learned of a place wherenumerous secret conferences were being held from time to time. He wasunder orders of Mr. Ebersold, who had taken him away from the ChicagoAvenue Station with a view to crippling my force, but nevertheless thedetective found a way, even while engaged in other directions, to keep a[640]keen eye on secret revolutionary movements. He had been too long in theservice to lose his interest in things Anarchistic, and he resolved to get atthe bottom of the rumored clandestine gatherings.

Learning that star-chamber sessions were being held in the room of an old-timeCommunist named Theodore Appell, at No. 234 West Division Street,Schuettler at once rented an adjoining room. In this apartment there wasa closet, and after reconnoitering about the premises at a favorable opportunity,he discovered that by cutting a hole in the closet wall he couldobtain a good view of those who might be present at future meetings. Ahole was accordingly cut. This gave him a fine chance both to see andhear. Everything worked nicely for a time, but finally the conspiratorsbecame suspicious, as they found their secrets getting beyond their owncircle, and, satisfied that the leakage was not due to members in their ownset, they instituted a search. The result was that the officer’s peep-hole wasdiscovered. That closed their deliberations in that place, but they resolvedto take revenge on the man who had thus obtruded his attentions uponthem. For this purpose they decided to hold a mock meeting in theold quarters, and then and there, when they were satisfied that the concealedindividual had his eye at the hole, to discharge a syringe filled withvitriol. This would destroy the eye-sight as well as disfigure for life theface of the man who had dared to intrude on their secrecy. I learned of thisplan, however, and warned the officer. Schuettler never again went nearthat closet. But he had already gathered all the information that wasneeded.

The conspirators left the place like young birds leave the old nest, witha flop and a flourish, never to return; but we had learned that they had inview the liberation of their friends in jail.

This information put the authorities on their guard, and it is possiblethat this timely discovery averted a jail delivery.

But the Anarchists did not lose hope. When they learned that theUnited States Supreme Court had refused to interfere with the executionthey became more desperate than ever. Where before they had beenrevengeful, they now were frantic, and their schemes now embraced moredrastic and destructive measures. They considered propositions looking toa blowing-up of the jail building with dynamite, and in the turmoil andconfusion incident to the wreckage of a part of the building and thedestruction of life within they contemplated a rush to the untouchedportion containing their comrades, whom they would thus rescue from thehands of the law. This diabolical plot was earnestly debated, and aboutthe time the reds became satisfied that the Governor would not step inbetween their convicted leaders and the gallows they even went so far asto advocate an explosion that would not only rob the gallows of its victims,but kill those whom curiosity might assemble about the jail a short time[641]before the expected event. If their comrades must die, they should notdie alone. The disgrace of an execution must be averted, and a terriblelesson imparted to the enemies of Anarchy.

But the jail officials joined me in most rigid measures to prevent theexecution of each and all of the plots, and officers and detectives werestationed in goodly numbers about the building, night and day, to watchthe movements of suspicious characters. When the decision of theGovernor was finally announcedthis vigilance was redoubled, andwe made sure that no secretmines had been constructed underany of the sidewalks surroundingthe building or across under thealley on the west side of the jailstructure.

THE CHICAGO WATER-WORKS.
From a Photograph.

It was not only the liberationof the imprisoned Anarchists thatwas aimed at in the numerousconspiracies which came to ourknowledge about this time. Oneplot which was reported to meembraced a wanton scheme of incendiarismand pillage, and inorder to facilitate this, it was proposedto cut off the watersupply of the city by demolishingthe stand-pipe in theWater-works tower. Insome manner the conspiratorshad learned the exactspot in the tower where acharge of dynamite wouldaccomplish the most effectiveexecution, and the reportsbrought to me showed that this project was debated most minutely.For the space of two months we were required therefore to keep extra guardover the source of Chicago’s water supply, and the contemplated attack ofthe reds was not attempted.

While the plots on the outside of the jail were thus met with vigilance,the doomed conspirators within appeared quiet and resigned. They receivedthe Governor’s decision with extraordinary composure, and, havingfelt throughout that day that they must face the inevitable on the morrow,they busied themselves in arranging their earthly affairs, writing letters[642]to friends and relatives and giving directions as to the disposition of personalmatters and the publication of their autobiographies and other manuscripts.Early in the evening they received their immediate friends andrelatives to bid them farewell, and through all that trying ordeal theyremained unmoved. Tears coursed down the blanched faces of wives, sistersand daughters as the last loving words were spoken, but no emotionof despair or grief seemed to agitate the men. They were solemn and stoicalin their demeanor, and their efforts were mainly directed to administeringwords of cheer and consolation. When the final parting had taken place,they returned to their cells, and their last night on earth was varied withletter-writing and chats with the death-watch. None of them retired early.Parsons did not seek his couch till after midnight, and then it was sometime before the rapid thoughts coursing through his brain would permithim to sleep. Before morning he broke the stillness of his surroundings bysinging a favorite song of his earlier days—“Annie Laurie.” The cleartones echoing down the corridor startled all then awake, and prisoners anddeath-watch eagerly inclined their heads to catch every word and note.When Parsons drew near the closing stanza, his voice tripped and hesitated,unmistakably showing that his feelings were giving way to the recollectionsof former times.

Spies lay down to rest at a late hour, but his thoughts, as he chatted withhis death-watch, seemed busy with the events that had brought him to amurderer’s doom. He denounced the verdict as iniquitous, and declaredthat the people would shortly see the error of hanging men for seeking thewelfare of the laboring classes.

Fischer was the quietest and most self-composed of all, and he had verylittle to say even to his death-watch. He soon apparently fell into a slumberand seemed to rest easily.

Engel was also remarkably self-possessed, and he was the last to retireto his couch—not because of thoughts of the morrow occupying his mind,but for another reason, as will appear further along.

During the latter part of the night, if any one of them had happened tobe awake, the horrible preparations for the execution could have beendistinctly heard. Around the corner, in the corridor north of the one inwhich their cells were located, the gallows were being placed in position,and, even though the sounds of the hammer were subdued, the echo plainlytold the character of the work the carpenters were engaged upon. It wasthe same scaffold on which the three Italians had two years before atonedfor the death of a murdered countryman, and on which the murdererMulkowsky had also paid the penalty for his foul crime. It was a largestructure—large enough to have dropped seven men had the originalsentence of the trial court been carried into full execution. At the end ofeach rope one hundred and eighty pound weights were attached, so as to[643]give a heavier fall, and, thus arranged, by daylight the trap of death wasready for its victims.

When morning dawned, the four Anarchists arose early, but each seemedto have had a restful night. Their demeanor had not changed perceptiblyfrom that of other mornings. After their ablutions they perused the morningpapers and subsequently partook of breakfast, brought in from a neighboringrestaurant. They ate quite heartily, and then each turned his attentionagain to letter-writing. Their communications were mainly directed totheir families and to friends in the city, and some to Anarchists in otherparts of the country, and very nearly the last they penned were directed tothe Sheriff and to the Coroner and had reference to the disposition of theirbodies and personal effects after death.

CANUTE R. MATSON.
From a Photograph.

During the fleeting morning hours, the Anarchists were visited by theRev. Mr. Bolton, of the First Methodist Episcopal Church of Chicago,who came to assist in their spiritual preparation for death, but while eachreceived him courteously, they all declinedhis kindly proffered ministrations. Theyhad no faith in the gospel and frankly toldthe clergyman that they did not desire hisservices. They wanted to die as they hadlived, with no faith in God or man as exaltedabove general humanity. Some of themeven went into discussion with the clergyman,stoutly combatting every point he madeto reach their hearts; but the talk alwaysended as it had begun—in a positive refusalto accept any spiritual guidance or advice.The Rev. Mr. Bolton was forced to retirewithout having made any impression, andthe men treated the whole matter afterwardsin a most indifferent and flippant manner.

While the unfortunates on the inside were apparently unmoved by theirimpending fate, commotion and excitement prevailed on the outside of thejail. At a very early hour in the morning a contingent of the police force,numbering three hundred men, was detailed to preserve order and keep awayfrom the immediate vicinity of the building all persons not having propercredentials or not properly vouched for. Across Michigan and IllinoisStreets, on the east side of Clark Street, and on Dearborn Avenue at itsintersections with the two first-named streets, stout ropes were stretched,and within the inclosure thus formed and at the barriers squads of policemenwere marching up and down with glistening bayonets and Winchesterrifles. There were also policemen in and about the Criminal Court andjail building and on the roof, commanding the streets below in all directions.[644]There was thus a most complete arrangement to meet any unexpectedattack or any violent hostile demonstration.

As the hour approached for the execution the streets beyond the ropesbecame crowded with people of all grades and descriptions, impelled bycuriosity; but they were all kept moving by policemen scattered along thethoroughfares amongst them, so that no groups might gather and under theexcitement of the moment precipitate a row or a riot. Along toward teno’clock Mrs. Parsons, dressed in mourning and accompanied by her twochildren, presented herself at the ropes and demanded admittance to seeher husband “murdered by law.” She was, of course, delicately refused,and then she endeavored to create a scene, but the police promptly calleda patrol wagon and sent her to the Chicago Avenue Station, where she wasdetained until after the execution. During the forenoon thousands of peoplepassed in the vicinity of the building, but the only satisfaction theyreceived for their pains was a sight of the somber walls of the jail at a distance.Taking the crowd as a whole, it was remarkably orderly, althoughthere was more or less subdued muttering among the Anarchists who hadsought the vicinity only to find themselves ordered to “move on.” Thesegenerally sought solace for their wounded feelings in neighboring saloons,where they cast dire imprecations upon the police, promising to be avengedin time.

Within the jail everything was quiet, and, except for the presence ofthose who had come to witness the execution, there seemed to be no specialindication of the tragedy to be enacted. The officials moved about quietlywhile making the preliminary arrangements, and the unfortunate Anarchistssmoked, wrote hasty notes and chatted at intervals with their attendants.

At 11:30 o’clock Sheriff Matson, accompanied by Deputies Hartke,Cleveland, Spears and Peters, County Physician Moyer and Jailor Folz,started from the jail office, and repaired to the cell occupied by Spies. Theiron-barred door was opened, and Spies advanced to meet the Sheriff.Mr. Matson at once proceeded to read the death warrant. Spies listenedwith folded arms, and there was no indication of nervousness nor trace ofemotion. His feelings could not be divined from his demeanor. The facialmuscles remained unmoved, and no color rose to flush the usual palenessof the cheeks, nor was the pallor of his face heightened when the last fearfulwords of the warrant had been read. The Sheriff was visibly agitated,and his voice was at times tremulous. On the conclusion of the readingSpies merely bowed his head slightly, and then stepped out into the corridorin obedience to the deputies’ request. Around his chest was placed a leatherbelt about an inch and a half wide, with which to pinion his arms just abovethe elbows, and his hands were handcuffed behind his back. Then a white muslinshroud was thrown over him and fastened slightly at the neck and waist.

[645]

THE EXECUTION.

[646]

While these details were being carried out, the Sheriff was at Fischer’scell, and the same programme of preparation was gone through with. TheAnarchist was manacled, pinioned and shrouded, and he gazed upon eachoperation with curious interest, but with no sign of perturbation or weakness.Now and then he faintly smiled, and he seemed more concernedabout the trepidation of the deputies than about his own situation.

Meantime the death warrant had been read to Engel, who was soonarrayed in the habiliments of death. He stood it all unflinchingly, andseemed even less concerned than his comrades. There was also an entireabsence of affected indifference.

Parsons was the last to step out of his cell, and, as he stood receivingthe ghastly paraphernalia, he endeavored to display no sign of fear. Hebore up well, although he evidently wrestled with his inner feelings.

The solemn march to the scaffold began with the Sheriff in the lead.In the east corner of the north corridor stood the scaffold. Below andbefore it were benches for the two hundred spectators. The death processionmoved slowly and with measured tread. As it neared the corner thefootfalls became distinctly audible to those assembled. When the shufflingof feet on the iron stairway leading to the first gallery, which was on alevel with the gallows, was heard, the buzz of conversation ceased, andevery eye was centered on the spot whence the Anarchists would be firstseen. It was only a moment, and then Spies, Fischer, Engel and Parsons,one after the other, came into view, each with a deputy by his side. Havingreached their respective places on the trap, they faced the spectators.Spies, the moment he caught sight of the audience, gave it a contemptuouslook, and thereafter his eyes seemed centered on some invisible object downthe corridor above the heads of the spectators. Fischer merely lookeddown for a moment on the uncovered heads below, and then his eyes wanderedin various directions. Engel seemed the most unconcerned of all,and swept the audience with a cool glance as though it might have beencomposed of friends. Parsons was superbly stiff, and his gaze, after a snapat those below, firmly set itself in the direction of the cell tiers.

As soon as those on the platform had taken the positions assigned, thelower limbs of the four Anarchists were pinioned. This was done veryquickly. The nooses dangling overhead were then lifted from their hooks,and Spies was the first to have the rope placed around his neck. Thenoose had been slipped a little too tight, and, noticing the uneasiness it gavehim, the deputy instantly loosened it a trifle. Spies gave a faint smile inacknowledgment of the kindness and again seemed at ease. Not a tremorwas visible during the adjustment of the rope. Another deputy next placedthe rope around the neck of Fischer, who, to facilitate its proper adjustment,bent his tall form slightly and received it with head inclined until the knotrested in its proper place under the left ear. Engel received the noose asif it had been a decoration about to be placed upon his shoulders by friendly[647]hands, and several times he turned his head around to exchange a word ortwo with the deputy, accompanying his whispered utterances with a smile.Parsons stood unmoved when his turn came, and appeared entirely indifferentto the operation. Loose-fitting white caps were now produced,and, as these came in sight, Fischer and Engel turned their heads slightlyto the left and spoke a second to their respective deputies. Spies first,Fischer next, then Engel, and Parsons last, was the order in which the capswere adjusted, and the heads had no sooner been enveloped, shutting outforever the light of day, than all knew that the fatal moment had arrived.During all the preliminary preparations not a relaxation of nerve or anexpression of anguish or despair had been observed. Now the tension ofsilence was painful. But suddenly there broke from the lips of Spies anexclamation that startled the auditors as if by a shock.

“You may strangle this voice,” said he, in clear but subdued tones, “butmy silence will be more terrible than speech.”

Spies had scarcely uttered his last words, when Fischer shouted:

“This is the happiest moment of my life.Hoch die Anarchie!”

Engel immediately caught up the sentiment, and in a strong voice, andwith a pronounced German accent, cried:

“Hurrah for Anarchy!”

Parsons then lifted his voice, and in firm, deliberate tones, exclaimed:“O men of America!”

Then, lowering his voice to an appealing accent:

“Mr. Sheriff, may I be permitted to say a few words?”

Raising his voice again, without waiting for an answer, and continuing inthe same breath, he said:

“O men of America, let the voice of the people be heard.”

The last word had barely escaped his lips, when the signal was given tothe unknown and hidden man in the sentry-box back of the platform, therope controlling the trap was cut, and four bodies shot downward into space.The intervals between the adjustment of the caps, the utterances and thedrop were only a few moments, but they were moments that seemed likehours. The first instant after the drop, the bodies all seemed motionless,but immediately one after the other began violent contortions, the limbs contracted,the breasts swelled with spasms, and the arms shook convulsively.It was fully eight minutes before the last was limp and lifeless. The bodies,however, were left hanging for twenty-six minutes, and then they weredeposited in plain coffins, ready to be turned over to their relatives. Thejury selected by the Sheriff to pass upon the death, as required by law, nextviewed the remains and then signed the usual legal certificates. Thosecomposing the jury were Dr. Ferdinand Henrotin, Dr. Denslow Lewis,Dr. G. A. Hall, Dr. Harry Brown, Dr. J. B. Andrews, Dr. M. W. Thompson,John N. Hills, William B. Keep, ex-Sheriff John Hoffman, Edwin[648]Wynn, George Lanz, George M. Moulton, John L. Woodward and H. L.Anderson.

It was subsequently ascertained that the necks of none of the Anarchistshad been broken, and that death had come in each case through strangulation.

Within an hour and a half the coffins were removed, the bodies of Spies,Parsons and Fischer being receipted for by a committee of the CentralLabor Union, and those of Engel and Lingg by a friend of Mrs. Engel. Thebody of Lingg had reposed in the women’s department of the jail. Shortlybefore his death, the bomb-maker had expressed the wish that his body beallowed to repose by the side of Engel’s, and that it be given in charge ofEngel’s family, as he himself had no relatives in America.

JOHN A. ROCHE.
From a Photograph.

The remains of Spies, Fischer and Parsonswere taken to an undertaking establishmentat No. 596 Milwaukee Avenue,and those of Engel and Lingg to a similarplace at No. 186 Milwaukee Avenue, andthere costly and ornamental coffins wereprovided after the bodies had been firstembalmed. Subsequently they were removedto the houses of their respectiverelatives, and arrangements were at onceset on foot for a tremendous demonstrationat the funeral, the following Sunday.

No sooner had each coffin been takento the relatives than hundreds of Anarchistsflocked in to view the remains. Others,too—men, women and children, movedby morbid curiosity—crowded in to viewthe dead. The families were in almostconstant tears, and deep were the lamentations over the fate of their lovedones. Mrs. Parsons was in paroxysms of grief and had to be almost forciblyremoved from beside the bier of her husband. Her curses were loudagainst the police, and she strenuously refused all comfort. At the Spiesresidence there were copious tears, and no one was more deeply movedthan Miss Van Zandt. The sorrow of Mrs. Engel and her daughter wasmore subdued, but nevertheless keen and poignant. It was the same atFischer’s home.

Meantime the preparations for the funeral went on, and the committeehaving it in charge determined that it should be conducted with the utmostpomp, ceremony and display. They desired that on this occasion the redflag should again be unfurled and wave over the bodies of those whom theyregarded as martyrs. The police learned of it, and when a committee[649]waited upon Mayor Roche to secure the necessary permission for the procession,he set his face firmly against the red flag.

“The American flag,” said he, “is good enough for us, and it is goodenough for you. If that flag don’t suit you, I am sorry. No red flag shallever take its place while I am Mayor of Chicago.”

Sunday, November 13, came, and every Anarchistic organization inthe city turned out to attend the funeral. The procession, which started atan early hour, first called at the Spies residence, No. 154 Bryson Street,for the coffin of the editor, and then moved on to Mrs. Parsons’ residenceat No. 785 Milwaukee Avenue. After the coffin of Parsons had beenplaced in the hearse, Fischer’s house was reached, and next that of Engel,and when all the hearses were in line, the entire funeral procession proceededdown Milwaukee Avenue, thence to Lake Street, and thence alongFifth Avenue to the depot of the Wisconsin Central Railway. At each ofthe houses of the executed Anarchists the cortege had been joined byfriends and by various societies of which the dead had been members, andwith these accessions the procession, as it finally moved on to its destination,numbered not less than six thousand. The hearses were loaded downwith flowers, wreaths and other floral tributes, and each was followed bycarriages containing the mourners. Close behind the Spies hearse was acarriage containing Mrs. and Miss Van Zandt, mother and daughter, andMrs. Spies, the mother, and Miss Gretchen, the sister of the deceased. Allalong the line of march, the sidewalks were thronged, and there must havebeen over fifty thousand persons who viewed the procession as it passed.Hundreds had gathered at the residences before the procession started, andwhen they joined the throngs already on Milwaukee Avenue the streetsbecame almost impassable. Policemen were stationed at the various streetcorners, and these gave the processionists ample room to move unimpeded.The procession did not lack music, several bands having been engaged,and the “Marseillaise” and “Annie Laurie” were the airs most frequentlyheard.

The absence of the red banner on the street was commented on, butwith a seeming defiance of the Mayor’s orders two red flags decked thecoffins of Engel and Lingg. What was still more significant was the factthat not a single flag of the Union was borne by the procession. It wasonly when the Anarchists reached Lake Street that the red, white and bluewas unfurled to the breeze, and then it was done, not by an Anarchist, butby Howell Trogden, a veteran of the civil war. It was a small emblem insize, and of cheap material, but he held it high above his head and proudlycarried it before the cortege, clear down to the depot, greatly to the discomfitureand chagrin of the reds. When remonstrated with by some onewho was in the crowd that had gathered about him and cheered him on theway, he defiantly exclaimed in plain, though perhaps not elegant, language:

[650]

“What, furl the ensign of the nation I fought for? Not much! Youbet your life, I’ll carry this flag and I’ll kill the first man who tries to wrestit from me. I’ll shed my blood to keep it there.”

And the flag was kept there.

Arriving at the depot, the various organizations boarded the trains inwaiting, and shortly after one o’clock all were under way to Waldheim Cemetery,situated some nine miles west of Chicago. It was a gloomy, cold day,but nevertheless an immense concourse of people followed the remains tothe vault in which they were temporarily deposited. Those who had immediatecharge of the funeral arrangements were Frank A. Stauber, H.Linnemeyer, George Schilling, R. M. Burke, Julius Leon, Edwin Goettge,Charles F. Seib, Ernst Litzman, H. Ulharn, F. G. Bielefeld, WilliamUrban, Dr. Ernst Schmidt and T. J. Morgan, all members of the DefenseCommittee and the Amnesty Association.

After the coffins had been placed in the vault, Capt. W. P. Black took aposition near the entrance and delivered the funeral oration. In concludinghis address, he said, speaking of a day “when righteousness should reign”:

Some weeks afterwards arrangements were made for the final intermentof the bodies. A suitable lot had been purchased with money collected bythe “Defense Committee,” and accordingly on Sunday, the 18th of December,1887, the Anarchists were invited out to Waldheim to witness the lastrites over the dead conspirators. It was a cold, chilling day, and onlyabout a thousand people were in attendance. The remains of the fiveAnarchists were removed from the vault, the coffins opened and the bodiesviewed by all who desired. They were then placed in one grave, and aheavy flagstone was lowered and firmly cemented to protect them. Theorators on this occasion were Mr. Buchanan, of Chicago, Paul Grottkau,of Milwaukee, and Albert Currlin, of St. Louis. The tenor of Grottkau’sspeech may be judged from the following extract:

“Those cold clods of clay were the first offerings required at our hands,but they will not be the last. Our lords believed that with them they couldslaughter the idea and ideals they represent. They imagined that the fivefoldgallows would forever choke liberty. How they have succeeded thefuture will show. Let them erect their gallows, put them up by the million,and they will never destroy the glorious principles. Not all their revolvers,their armories of bayonets and Gatling guns, not all their bristling rows ofcannon, can conquer us. (‘Bravo!’ ‘Bravo!’) From this land the fameof our martyrs and our principles will go out to the whole world. Our strangledones are put at the head of the column. Their names will ever be thebrightest on history’s page. Party hate or sectional strife cannot dim theirlaurels. They were the champions of degraded and plundered humanity.They fought long and manfully for us; they died to serve us; and morethan that man cannot do. It but remains for us to do our duty as they didtheirs. We must be moved by their spirit. All mean personal desires mustdepart from us. We must continue our organization. We must be unswervinglyloyal to the principles they taught us—the great principles that[652]will free the wretched and enslaved proletarians and drive all injustice fromthe face of the earth. Brothers, they (pointing to the five coffins) have donetheir duty; let us do ours.”

Currlin closed his address as follows:

With the final burial of the dead, it may perhaps be well to inquirewhether one of them continued to believe in Anarchy when he saw that therewas no escaping from his fate. That one about whose faith there is mostdoubt is Engel.

It is frequently the case that men condemned to death, either on the gallowsor otherwise, make a powerful effort to die bravely, and that, whatevermay have been their true feelings, the truth dies with them. It is seldomthat any one reveals from the bottom of his heart his true sentiments. Inthis case, Engel was a man known to have been sober and sincere, whobelieved that everything he said was true and right, and who expressed hisopinions freely before all his people. He professed the same sentiments tothe public up to the moment of his death, his last words being, “Hurrah forAnarchy!” Yet he felt differently. It is a well-known fact that people sentencedto death adhere until the last second to the position that they areright in their opinions or doctrines, or they simulate innocence. Now, as toEngel, it had been shown by the evidence that he had frequented manyplaces at night, to attend Anarchist meetings, and at many of them he deliveredaddresses. On some of these occasions he was accompanied by hisonly daughter, a bright young girl about fifteen or sixteen years of age, andshe often heard him utter sentiments which she ought not to have heard.But the girl could not help it. She was there, and she had to listen. Afterthese meetings they would walk home together, and the daughter’s companywas always a source of great pleasure to Engel. She was also greatly attachedto her father, and, naturally, whatever she heard him say she regarded astrue, having the most implicit faith in him. Engel knew all this, and manystormy nights she would brave the weather to be at his side at meetings he[653]felt himself obliged to attend. She would cling to his arm, and throughsnow and storm they would face the elements. When Engel’s last night onearth came, he asked the Sheriff and Jailor to permit his beloved daughterto remain with him during the night, and, the officials having satisfied themselvesthat no sinister purpose was in view, the wish was granted. This wasthe night of November 10, and young Mary kept her father cheerful companyduring the long hours. Engel seemed to have had something on hismind, but he refrained from saying anything until shortly before the timefor her departure. It was evident that Engel had a deep solicitude for herwelfare, in spite of his pretended stolidity. In theory he had always expressedthe greatest admiration for Louise Michel, and on every occasionhe had lauded that Frenchwoman for her bravery in suffering imprisonmentand readiness to sacrifice her life for Anarchy. But he regarded theory andpractice as separate and distinct, and in the face of death his thoughtsconcerned themselveswith thefuture of his dearchild. Should sheespouse Anarchyand follow in hisfootsteps, takingup his work wherehe had left off?This is what agitatedEngel, andhe soon decidedthe issue. Witha serious and earnestmanner, and ina very strong voice, he said in German:

“Mein liebes Kind, kümmere dich nicht um Anarchie. Du siehest wiees mir geht. Und vergesse diese Worte nicht so lange du lebst.” (Translated:“My dear child, do not trouble yourself about Anarchy. You seemy situation. Do not forget these words as long as you live.”)

KIERLAN’S SOUVENIR.

I am happy to record this to Engel’s credit. He was conscious that hehad been in the wrong for some time, and he had the manhood to warn hisdaughter not to embrace Anarchy. He wished her to maintain a goodcharacter and grow up to be a good woman.

The words I have given are true to the letter, just as they were spokenby Engel to his daughter, at the time I have stated, and, no matter howstrenuously Anarchists may deny this, it will still remain the truth. I willeven add that I have no doubt that Engel’s comrades entertained similarsentiments.

[654]

The other doomed Anarchists, however, kept their own counsel, and noone seems to have been able to probe their real feelings. Spies and Parsonswere decidedly reserved, and Fischer had a severe demeanor, whichonly relaxed to intimate and trusted friends. A slight exception to his rulewas made in his conduct toward his death-watch, John B. Kierlan. Inspeaking of Fischer, Kierlan, who was a deputy in the jail building, says:

“At the beginning of February, 1887, I was detailed as death-watch toFischer. When I first went on watch Fischer did not care much for mycompany, but after a week or so we got to be friends. He asked me toplay cards with him, and I often joined him in a game. We playedfor imaginary and invisible beers. Sometimes I would lose, and thenagain he would be the loser. The one who lost generally wanted satisfaction,and the next night we would ‘saw off’ the games, and inthis way we were accustomed to spend our evenings together untilthe last few nights preceding November 11th. Fischer was at this time incell No. 28, second row. He became greatly attached to me, and wasalways pleased to see me. He had more confidence in me than in any otherofficer in the building, and I was with him nearly all the morning of November11th. When it was nearly eleven o’clock that morning he said:

“‘Well, John, what about the beer you owe me?’

“I was so greatly astonished that I could not answer him. ThenFischer threw his arm around my neck and said:

“‘Dear John, we must part.’

“At the same time he kissed my cheek. This was a trying moment forme, as I had become greatly attached to him. While I knew him, henever used bad language or said anything unbecoming a gentleman. Heasked me:

“‘John, will you remember me?’

“‘I said: ‘Yes, but I would like to have something to remember you by.’

“He then pulled out a card from his pocket and wrote these words:

“‘Liberty or death. Adolph Fischer, Cook County Jail, November 11,1887.’

“This card was given to me forty-five minutes before he died, and I ampositive that these were the last words he wrote in his life.”

Afac-simile of the card appears on another page.

TheFreiheit of March 16th prints what it calls Lingg’s literary testament.It is stated in the introduction to the article that while in prison thebomb-maker carved a handsome little casket, which shortly before his deathhe presented to Johann Most as a souvenir. In a secret compartment ofthis casket was contained a small book, on the leaves of which Lingg hadinscribed his sentiments, and from which the following is extracted:

In writing this book I have endeavored at all times to be fair and honest.While I have done everything in my power and made use of every facultywhich God has given me to ferret out and to combat Anarchy, and while Ibelieve now, as I always have believed, that the men who suffered death atthe hand of justice in the Cook County Jail deserved their fate, I also believethat there are those unhanged, and who probably never will be hanged,who are morally as guilty, and who deserve even a harsher fate thanbefell the men whose lives the law demanded. For these cowards—selfish,sneaking conspirators as they are, who fight from ambush and take norisks—would not deserve even the sympathy of the poor fools whom theylead to ruin. I firmly believe that Engel, Lingg and Fischer were at leastsincere in their convictions and honest in their belief and in their expressions.Spies, I think, was led to his fate by vanity and a consuming desirefor notoriety.

In my investigations I of course looked carefully into the antecedents ofall the Anarchists who were arrested by my command, and I will say righthere that not a dishonest act, as regards the rights of property, was laid tothe door of any one of them. Lingg, particularly, was scrupulously honestand conscientious in his dealings with his fellow-man. The day after theHaymarket massacre he found himself penniless, and for that reason refusedat first to partake of the food offered him at Seliger’s table.

“I cannot partake of what belongs to you and your wife,” he said, “norof what I cannot pay for. You are as poor as I am.”

“You must share with us as long as we have food,” replied Seliger; butit was only after considerable urging that Lingg consented to appease hishunger.

While apparent bravery in facing death on the gallows counts for nothing—Ihave seen craven cowards meet their doom like stage heroes—Ibelieve that Lingg, Engel and Fischer would have died calmly and bravely[656]even without the stimulants which are always administered to the condemnedbefore the fatal moment, and which were, of course, administered to thefour men before they were led to the fatal trap which hurled them into eternity.Lingg, particularly, during the entire term of his confinement, throughthe long months of the trial, and up to the very day when he so tragicallytook his own life, showed a consistency and a determination which wouldhave been heroic had he not been the dupe of designing men who saw inthe ardor of his temperament and in the resistless force of his enthusiasticenergy the means to further and carry out iniquitous plots with which theyhad not the courage to openly identify themselves. I repeat again, thereare those still unhanged, who are even now parading before a credible publicas apostles of the cause of labor, and whose cowardice keeps them out ofthe reach of law, who deserve the greater share of public odium. Some ofthese, and others like them, are still at work in our midst, and in the midstof all communities in which the revolutionists see a chance of making propagandaout of differences between employers and employed. I hope thatone result of my book may be to open the eyes of honest workingmen to thefact that those who preach violence and those who stir up trouble andintensify discontent are the enemies of honest labor.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Anarchy Now—The Fund for the Condemned Men’s Families—$10,000Subscribed—The Disposition of the Money—The Festival of Sorrow—Parsons’ PosthumousLetter—The Haymarket Monument—Present Strength of the Discontented—7,300Revolutionists in Chicago—A Nucleus of Desperate Men—The New Organization—BuildingSocieties and Sunday-schools—What the Children are Taught—Educationand Blasphemy—The Secret Propaganda—Bodendick and his Adventures—“TheRebel Vagabond”—The Plot to Murder Grinnell, Gary and Bonfield—Arrest of theConspirators Hronek, Capek, Sevic and Chleboun—Chleboun’s Story—Hronek Sentto the Penitentiary.

THE question which will naturally present itself to the reader at thistime is: What is the present condition of Anarchy in Chicago? Hasthe frightful fate of the convicted conspirators proven a salutary lesson tothe others, or is the propaganda still maintained?

Unfortunately these questions must be answered in a manner not calculatedto allay public apprehension.

After the death and the burial of the executed leaders there was a periodof quietness among the Anarchists. They seemed stunned by the blowwhich had been leveled at them, but the impression soon wore away, and ina short time they were as rampant as ever.

Their first work was to provide for the families of the dead, and for thispurpose a fund of $10,000 was speedily raised. Of this amount, strange tosay, $4,000 has been invested in four per cent. Cook County bonds. Thisamount was intended as a reserve fund for the support of the families, andthe rest of the money they are paying out in weekly installments to thefamilies. On New Year’s Day of 1888 each of the families was presentedwith $202 in cash, and loans have been made to Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Fieldenand Mrs. Engel to the amount of $400 in each case. These loans are deductedin small amounts from the weekly allowances to these women.Later in the year funds were found to send Mrs. Parsons on a lecturingtour to England, an adventure which did not prove a conspicuous successif the reports are to be believed, for the English discontents showed markeddisapproval of Mrs. Parsons’ dynamite appeals.

Money is still being collected for a monument at Waldheim Cemeterywhich shall be the shrine of Anarchist pilgrimages from every part of thecountry. In this connection the revolutionists have established a “Festivalof Sorrow,” as they curiously call it, upon the anniversary of the execution.

In the proceedings of commemoration held at the cemetery on November11, 1888, the most interesting episode was the reading of the followingletter from Albert R. Parsons to his children, which had, by his instructions,remained sealed for a year. It ran as follows:

[658]

It was a somewhat disappointing epistle, for all the Anarchists had expecteda sensational document, as the result of such a theatrical instruction.

On the other hand the people of Chicago have not been idle. A monumentto the memory of the murdered policemen will soon grace HaymarketSquare as a lasting memorial to the brave men who fell in the line of duty,and as showing the gratitude of the city to its defenders.

The pedestal for the police monument was completed long before thefigure was ready to be placed. The foundation was begun and finished inDecember, 1888. The cost of the pedestal, with railings, light supports,and everything complete, in readiness for the figure, aggregated $5,000.The contract price for the pedestal was $3,500. This was increased to$4,000 by minor changes and extra work. The railings, electric lights andsupports, and placing the figure in position, will add another $1,000. Thefigure itself will make the value of the monument $10,000.

The pedestal sits on a circular sub-base of dressed granite, sixteen feetnine inches in diameter, elevated two steps above the foundation. A baseof dressed granite with Ionic cornices rests on the center of this circularsub-base. The central cube, decorated with a shield on which is the coat ofarms of the city, supports a block bearing an inscription giving the date ofthe riot and appropriate sentiments. Worked around these inscriptionsare branches and leaves of oak, indicative of strength. By a graceful seriesof Ionic cornices the pedestal ascends to the base of the figure, the heightfrom the foundation being seven feet six inches. The pedestal is oblong,extending north and south across the circular base. Two arms of graniteextending from the base unite on either side the granite base of the postswhich support the lights.

The designer of the figure which surmounts the pedestal, and whichrepresents a police officer in full uniform with his arm extended, is CharlesF. Batchelder.

[659]

THE HAYMARKET MONUMENT.

[660]

All of these are facts directly connected with and growing out of the trialof the case. I come now to the present status of Anarchy. The authoritieshave recognized the constant menace which the existence of this conspiracyconveyed to the cause of law and order, and consequently the malcontentshave been watched with unceasing vigilance. Their meetings, theirplottings, their purposes, their plan of organization and their system ofpropaganda we know nearly as well as they know it themselves.

The Socialists themselves estimate their numbers in Chicago at 75,000men, women and children. As Socialism is the parent of Anarchy—thetwo are identical in their ultimate aims, differing only in tactics—thesefigures are significant.

The number of Anarchists in Chicago to-day is not far from 7,300men and women. Of these there are thirty-five known to us to be desperatemen, ready to commit murder, arson or any other crime to revengethemselves upon the officers and the magistrates who were concerned inbringing about the hanging of their leaders. These are the most dangerousconspirators in the body, and it may easily be believed that rather closeattention is paid to their movements. Next to these comes a collection ofsome 275 men who are at heart dynamiters, and who would be ready toplunge into a revolt at any moment if they were not held back by the moreprudent counsels of the others. These men are dangerous. Next to thesethere is a body of about 5,000 Anarchists, who would join in a revolt if theycould persuade themselves or be persuaded that there was any real chancefor success; but they are as a rule careful of themselves, and they are notgoing to rush to the gallows if they can help it. Only in a time of greatpublic tumult are they to be really feared. I place in still another categorya body of 2,000 “sympathizers”—men upon whom neither the Anarchistsnor society could rely. They are a doubtful class, and might easily be ledone way or the other by a decided victory on either side in a time of realstruggle.

Many women are to be found in each of these classifications, from themost desperate up. There are about forty “women-workers” so calledwho are engaged in the Anarchic propaganda in the city, six of thembeing lecturers. They are doing a great deal of harm.

The present plans of the reds, as broadly stated by one of the openleaders, contemplate the use of every force in society—“the force of education,the force of agitation and the force of arms; the first now and always;the second, with great care and judgment; the last, when the time shallarrive for a strike at liberty.” The reds throughout the world have learneda lesson from the failure of Spies and his companions, and while their aimsand sentiments are unchanged, their plans have undergone considerablemodification.

A new system of organization has also been developed. They met atfirst in little groups of five or ten, fearing to gather in larger numbers in theexcited times following the hanging. It was proposed to organize wardclubs, but this was negatived because the politicians would mix up with[661]them to get their votes, and thus destroy the secrecy that they wanted.Their demand was for some sort of an organization enabling many peopleto meet together without attracting suspicion or inviting investigationby the police, and this they succeeded in doing by getting up a BuildingSociety. This was followed by another and another in different parts of thetown. They charge an initiation of ten cents, none but approved andguaranteed Anarchists are admitted, and the societies are working in fullforce, although I doubt whether they will greatly contribute to the materialimprovement of Chicago. The Anarchists are a very quarrelsome lot, andthey often get into serious disputes with each other, and thus one party, toget revenge, would often come to me with information on his enemy. Thishas been stopped by the “Building Association,” which maintains committeesto settle all quarrels between members.

Aside from a majority of the thirty-two organizations affiliated with theCentral Labor Union, the reds of late have been propagating the revolutionarycause through the following societies:

1. The Workingmen’s Defense Association, composed chiefly of men,of which Fred Bentthin is secretary. This same organization raised themoney to defend the reds who were tried for the conspiracy to assassinateJudges Gary and Grinnell, Bonfield and others.

2. The Pioneer Aid and Relief Society, composed chiefly of women.This institution came into existence immediately after the arrest of theAnarchists in May, 1886.

3. A. R. Parsons Assembly No. 1. This is a reorganization of thesuspended or expelled Assembly 1307, once known as the Sons of Liberty.It has always been a hotbed of Anarchy, and is now composed of Anarchistsalmost exclusively. Its membership is composed of such revolutionarylights as Oliver, Holmes, Snyder, Brown, Glasgow, and otherfire-brands. Snyder and Brown were arrested at the time of the Haymarketmassacre and held in custody for months.

4. The English branch of the Socialistic Labor party, Waverly Hall,122 Randolph Street.

5. The German branch of the Socialistic Labor party, 54 West LakeStreet.

6. The Socialistic Publishing Society, which controls theArbeiter-Zeitungon the communistic plan and devotes all surplus to the cause of thesocial revolution.

7. The “Arbeiter-Bund,” or Working People’s Confederation, recentlyorganized at 636 Milwaukee Avenue. This is the most violent public organizationof Anarchists in Chicago.

It was the Arbeiter-Bund which, through its attorneys, applied to JudgeTuley only a short time ago for an injunction to restrain the police frominterfering with meetings of Socialists and Anarchists. While the injunction[662]was not technically granted, still the decision was such as to renderthe police powerless to interfere with their gatherings. The Chancellor’sopinion is too lengthy to print here, but it was made on a broad constructionof the constitutional provision guaranteeing free speech. I am not alawyer, and I will not attempt to say that the learned Chancellor misunderstandsthe law or the Constitution, but it does seem that there ought to besome provision which should make it unsafe or impossible for bloody-mindedrevolutionists to preach their foreign doctrine in open defiance of a respectableand law-abiding community.

The impudence shown by the Anarchists, extreme Socialists and otherenemies of society in claiming redress under the law would seem ridiculousif it were not contemptible. These agitators shout “throttle the law,” andthen complain that their meetings are suppressed contrary to law. At theirmeetings, in their speeches, and in other ways they cover the courts andjudges with opprobrium, and then apply to the courts for restraining ordersforbidding the police to interfere with their meetings. With yells andscreeches in foreign tongues they declare that the Constitution shall bedestroyed, and then complain that they are denied freedom of speech inviolation of the Constitution. Putting themselves outside the law and demandingits destruction, they at the same time demand its protection.

Other forms of public organization are the “Schulgemeinde” of theNorthwest Side, and the “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein.” The two last-namedseem to have for their special object the establishment and maintenanceof “Sunday schools.”

Of all this more will be said hereafter, but first I will call attention tothe fact that the organizations named are only what appear on the surface.Underlying and controlling all these is the secret organization, which inChicago consists of an “invisible committee.” It must be understoodthat the movement toward the object to which the Internationale looksforward—the social revolution—is local, national, and international, andit is probable that the committee for Chicago was appointed from theheadquarters of the Internationale in New York, at the suggestion of thatarch-conspirator and mischief-maker, Johann Most. The “invisible committee,”although they have full direction of the movement in Chicago,are supposed to be unknown to the mass of the order. They work individually,and not as a body, and always quietly. Their identity they holdsacredly secret. It is only when open revolutionary work has actuallybegun that they are to come to the front. In the meantime, the openworkers and agitators report to the individual “invisibles,” and act undertheir advice. The “invisibles” themselves make it a point to practicemoderation in their public utterances to divert suspicion. The old-timecentralized organization, the reds believe, led to the detection and convictionof their leaders, after the failure of the Haymarket plot, and this[663]it was that made the new plan not only advisable but necessary. Decentralizationis now the ruling principle.

The public agitators are such people as Currlin, Holmes, Morgan,Mikolanda, Grottkau, Mostler, Bergman, G. Smith, Poch, Mittag, Mentzerand others. They declare themselves openly as Anarchists and agitators.They are of course well known to the police, and consequentlythey are on the look-out not to come in contact with us. They only enlistrecruits, however. The secret agitators visit public meetings occasionally,but they very seldom do any talking. Nobody notices them, and this iswhat they want. They are seldom members of any “Verein,” and theyform acquaintances on the street, in shops or saloons, but always withthe utmost caution until they have gained confidence. They meet atprivate houses in parties of three or four, agitating wherever they cangain a point. When charged with being Anarchists they deny it, andto throw off suspicion some of them even go regularly to church. Amongthese there are fanatics who would do almost anything to gain their ends.I know a great many of this class, and I would not believe it if I did notknow of my own knowledge that they are Anarchists of the purest water.They are the most harmless-looking men in Chicago.

The open and public movement still goes on under cover of the causeof labor. The plan of campaign is, so far as the public associations andmeetings are concerned, to teach Anarchy; to create in the minds of Socialisticadherents a hatred of all law and of all religion, and to inspire a spiritof revenge for the execution of Spies and his comrades. Their teachingsare carried out by speeches more or less incendiary.

The most potent factor for evil in Chicago to-day, as heretofore, is theArbeiter-Zeitung. When this paper was first established it was deliveredsecretly through alleyways and at back doors. Now it has a circulationof 7,000 copies daily. Time was when the daily tirades of abuse scatteredbroadcast by that sheet were viewed with indifference by the English-speakingpress of this city. That was in the seed-time of “theoretic”and “practical” Anarchy in Chicago. Then the dire meaning of it allescaped the bulk of the population. It was said—and the saying wasflaunted in the faces of the sullen hordes until it acted like the redrag on an infuriated bull—that all this talk would end where it began—intalk. The paper is more readable and interesting now than itever was. Its present editorial staff is an abler one, and understands betteron occasion how to convey its meaning without expressing it in somany plain words. It comprises not only some of the old-time writers—menlike Paul Grottkau and Albert Currlin—but it has now at its head aman of infinitely more cunning and ability than ever distinguished AugustSpies.

Editor Jens Christensen, a native of the formerly Danish province of[664]Schleswig, is a good-looking young German, and bears quite a resemblanceto his predecessor in personal appearance. He is thoroughly proficientnot only in German, but also in English, French, and all the Scandinaviantongues, is a scientifically trained man, and has at command anarsenal of facts, arguments and deductions to be marshaled up in defenseof his specious pleadings.

Christensen was at one time a Socialist candidate for the GermanReichstag, and is now in constant and confidential correspondence withthe leading European prophets of destruction. Although he has beenin America less than a year, he has inspired in his disciples within thatshort time a degree of confidence which Spies never possessed. He hasnot the easy address of Spies in dealing with a crowd, and he is at alltimes a better, more logical and more forcible writer than orator; but he is,for all that, the best public speaker the destructionists of this city havewithin their ranks to-day. He is more suave than impassioned in hisspeech—reserved and self-possessed, and never at a loss for a reply.He is a zealot and a fanatic in the cause he has espoused, and he is probablythe only Socialist in Chicago who can give a scientific basis for everydogma he announces, and a proof for every word he utters.

Since Christensen’s arrival here he has been in a newspaper warfarewith Johann Most. He attacked Most, charging him with being an injuryto the cause of the revolution by his bad judgment and radical plans ofdynamite and other methods for the application of physical force. Mosthas been striking back in his characteristic way, and this has broughtChristensen into considerable prominence. Moreover, he is a writer withgreat executive ability. He is a man of strong convictions, evidentcourage, but is quite a diplomat, and does not propose to follow his“comrades” to the gallows by any slip of the pen or tongue if he canhelp it. Christensen is a Socialist, not an Anarchist, he says, and yethe declares with a good deal of frankness that Socialists and Anarchistsare pretty much the same, so far as the result sought is concerned, theonly essential differences being in the tactics used to reach the objectaimed at.

Such a man, it will be readily seen, when once started in the wrongpath, is a much more dangerous foe than the hot-headed, rather selfish,openly ambitious Spies. And he shows his power in nothing better than inhis manner of conducting the avowed organ of all the destructionists. Sincehis advent, this afternoon sheet has set the ferment of social agitation goingagain until the movement, as a matter of fact, is to-day in reality more formidablethan it was three years ago, for now it is directed by a cautious,self-contained man who weighs every step before advising it, and who in allthings considers the question of expediency first.

The paper he presides over is a daily proof of his skill and of his capacity[665]for doing harm. It spreads the old doctrine of destruction and socialupheaval, but it does so in a much more insidious, in a more guarded, and,probably, in a more effective manner. There is a general policy laid down,and that is never deviated from. Every line that goes into the readingcolumns of theArbeiter-Zeitung has to serve a purpose. That purpose is toteach a lesson, to serve as one more grain of disgust with the existing stateof things, to render the reader more weary of the society of to-day. Everypiece of news is bent to that end—distorted, falsified, or magnified—so asto “point a moral or adorn a tale.” If a laborer has been cheated out ofhis wages, for instance, by his employer, a general deduction as to all employersis made. If a wealthy thief escape more or less merited punishment,the sharp edge of sarcasm and of lament over the futility of trying toregenerate this world by any but “radical” means is again used. Everypiece of rascality, in fact, on the part of well-to-do or highly placed men,every misstep, every error, every unwise law and every unwise applicationof a wise one—all of these things and many more are seized and made toserve the purpose of this personally smooth and amiable Mephistopheles,and are dished up to his benighted readers, peppered, salted and seasonedwith Chile sauce, to make them palatable.

Thus the paper acts on that vast body of half or wholly discontented, onall those who, with or without their own fault, are not as well off as they mightbe, on all those thousands who sympathized or still sympathize with thedread fate of the eight Anarchists arrested after the Haymarket slaughter,as a constant irritant, distorting everything to their mental eye and keepingthem forever in an irritable mood and in a sort of self-made purgatory whichembitters even their hours of rest and recreation. That this sort of effectcannot go accumulating in the minds of many thousands of men and womenand children without finally producing something tangible, an explosion, isself-evident and needs no emphasizing. Did space permit, I should like togive here extracts to show how insidious and subtle the poison which isdaily instilled into the minds of these readers.

Mr. Currlin, ex-editor of theArbeiter-Zeitung, is known as the wanderingmissionary of Anarchy. He is busily engaged in the propagation of revolutionaryideas. His style of oratory and the general drift of his sentimentsmay be gathered from quotations heretofore given in this book.

George Schilling would strenuously object to being called an Anarchist.But he admits being a Socialist. When asked a short time ago if heexpected another outbreak as the result of existing revolutionary forces, hesaid:

“I expect something of the kind about the end of the present century—sayin ten years. Society is just now dormant, like a river frozen in wintertime, but some night there will be a mighty crack in the ice, and under thewarming influences of evolutionary forces there will be a mighty upheaval.[666]There will no doubt be a squall or two before that time, but the great eventwill not come, in my judgment, much sooner. There will be lots of menand women who will not be able to see beyond the squall, and they willthink the time has arrived. It will come, not as the result of a conspiracyof Anarchists, but as a conspiracy of all the evolutionary forces of society.”

Mrs. Lucy Parsons is still an active exhorter in the cause. She is simplyirrepressible, and has made herself obnoxious to the more peaceable andconservative Socialists. To the ordinary hearer her harangues would seemridiculous, were it not for the fact that the loss of a husband by death onthe gallows naturally creates sympathy, even for a fanatic.

“Prison bars nor the scaffold shall ever prevent me from speaking thetruth,” she exclaimed at a Sunday afternoon meeting of Socialists atWaverly Hall a few months ago. “The ballot is useless as a remedy, anda change in the present condition of the wage slave will never be broughtabout peacefully. Force is the only remedy, and force will certainly beused.”

This meeting had been called to listen to a paper by Prof. CharlesOrchardson on “Salvation from Poverty.” The speaker, deprecating theincendiary arguments and appeals to forceful measures on the part of whatwere known as Anarchists, said that Anarchy never would improve the conditionof society. He devoted himself principally to the private ownershipof land, and claimed that more frauds had been committed in that namethan in any other. Fire and murder were the sole right and title of theoriginal owners of the land, and no original robbery could be tortured intoa righteous transaction. The owner of the land was the owner of the inhabitants.Land in Chicago originally worth $1 an acre was now, in somelocalities, worth perhaps $1,000,000 an acre. The people made this value,but the land-owner reaped the benefit of the advance the people had created.A land speculator was nothing but a land peculator, and held thepeople at his mercy. The three evils of society to-day, the speaker said,were private enterprise, the competitive system and private ownership ofland. The first remedy to be applied was the education of the people.Another remedy was to adopt the single-tax theories of Henry George andto establish the Australian method of secret voting, so that the employécould fearlessly deposit his ballot without fear of discharge from his employer.This method would also abolish the buying and selling of votes.Then men should be elected to represent the people in the halls of legislationand to resist the encroachments of the capitalists and monopolists.Private ownership in land should be abolished, and the capitalists shouldbe compelled to stop the work of increasing poverty by curtailing the productionsof the labor of man.

During the discussion which followed the reading of Prof. Orchardson’spaper, the ringing voice of Mrs. Parsons was heard in the rear of the hall.[667]She had entered late, and few were aware of her presence, but she wasgreeted with loud applause as she rapidly and defiantly made her wayto the front of the platform. She said:

Here the applause was almost deafening. Mrs. Parsons paused andgazed around the room.

[668]

“I do not care,” said she, “whether there are any policemen or detectiveshere or not, or whether the newspapers want to come out withsensational head-lines about me. Go on voting, and in ten years you willfind yourselves where I am now. You will be no further advanced, andthen you will have to come to the revolution of force which I advocate now.”

Her voice rang out strong and clear, and as she finished it seemed evidentfrom the loud applause that followed that the majority of those presentwere in full accord with her sentiments.

Professor Orchardson then replied to his critic. He claimed that Mrs.Parsons had begun by picturing Anarchy as one of the most lovely andbeautiful conditions imaginable, but before she had finished she had advocatedmurder, force, carbines and every violent measure conceivable.She had claimed that Anarchy did not mean war, and in the same breath hadurged that all means were justifiable to secure it. “A man who undertakesto philosophize upon this question,” said he, “soon becomes contaminatedby that horrible theory Anarchism.”

A few hisses were heard about the room.

“I see I have no sympathy here,” he continued, “and I here declarethat if I live I will never speak again where Anarchists are admitted andpermitted to speak.”

Here a storm of hisses and loud cries of “Shame” were heard on allsides, and for a moment it seemed as if trouble was imminent. The chairman,however, succeeded in restoring order, and the speaker was about tocontinue his remarks, when he was interrupted by Mrs. Parsons.

“Did you not advocate assassination in your lecture last night?” sheasked.

“I did not. I simply said that if humanity had sunk so low that menwould sell themselves out, secret societies should be formed for the purposeof bringing retribution on the men who had betrayed their trusts.”

“You said assassination,” shouted Mrs. Parsons, “and I can prove it.”

“I never did and never will advocate the vicious, horrible and bloodthirstyideas of the Anarchists, that made it so hard to argue the Socialisticquestion before the people,” concluded the Professor, in evident disgust;“and I again repeat that I never will attend another meeting where suchideas are advocated.”

As the speaker took his seat, he was warmly cheered by a numberpresent, but there was a loud murmur of dissent from the rear of the room,where Mrs. Parsons sat surrounded by her friends.

The most conspicuous feature of the propaganda of the Internationalein Chicago to-day is the Sunday school movement. There are now four ofthese schools in successful and established operation, and a number ofothers are fairly started.

[669]

AN ANARCHIST “SUNDAY SCHOOL.”Teaching Unbelief and Lawlessness.

[670]

The first was opened in the spring of 1888, at Lake View, by the“Socialistic Turn-Verein.” The second was begun in August, 1888, atJefferson, by the Turn-Verein “Fortschritt.” The third was commenced inSeptember, at “Thalia Hall,” by the “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein” of theNorthwest Side, and the fourth was started at 58 Clybourn Avenue, by the“Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein” of the North Side. The school at Lake Viewis frequented by about 190 children; the school of the Turn-Verein “Fortschritt”has from forty to fifty pupils; the school of the Northwest Side wasvisited on Sunday, December 9, 1888, by 230 children, and this Verein willhave to rent another hall, as the present one is not large enough to accommodateall the pupils. The North Side school was attended by about 100children on the same day. All schools are under the supervision of the oneorganized on December 9, 1888, at Aurora Turn Hall. The main missionof this school is the organization of others. It can easily be seen that theschools now established are prospering, because the number of pupils isincreasing from day to day. The schools are of Socialistic and Anarchisticorigin. Nothing is taught relating to dynamite or bombs. The Germanlanguage is used in all the schools, and all the ordinary branches of educationare embraced in the curriculum, but underneath and above all is thespirit of contempt for law and religion. The children are instructed thatreligion is nothing but a humbug; that there exists no God and no devil, noheaven and no hell, and that Christianity is only a preventive systemadopted by the capitalists to rule the working people and keep them under.After this they are to be taught the spirit of revolution. In all, the mainpoint is agitation for Socialism and Anarchy.

As showing the spirit of the Anarchist Sunday schools, I append thefollowing appeal for Christmas presents from theArbeiter-Zeitung of December7, 1888. It seems to me that it leaves very little to be said, except perhapsto point out that 58 Clybourn Avenue is a low-class groggery, and thatit was in the very room in which the school is held that the Anarchists whowere to carry out Engel’s plan on the 4th of May, 1886, secured their suppliesof dynamite and bombs:

Dr. E. G. Kleinoldt, who lives at 591 Sedgwick Street, is one of thechief teachers. He is an enthusiast in instructing innocent children that[671]there is no God and no hereafter. He tells his small charges that priests,and ministers alike are swindlers, and there are in this city fathers whobring their children to the rear of a beer saloon on Sundays to be taughtsuch doctrine by a drunkard.

On Saturday night, December 1, 1888, a dance was in progress in Yondorf’sHall. Officer Lorch, of my command, called in to see what kind of agathering it was. Entering the hall, he saw Kleinoldt with three youngmen, talking very busily. The officer approached near enough to hear thatKleinoldt was talking about dynamite, and finally heard him tell the youngmen how to make bombs, explaining the process in the same manner asEngel had done. He also suggested that if his hearers would make bombsand put them under “the leafers of policemen,” it would make the “bloodhounds”jump. The officer approached Kleinoldt and said:

“This is not an Anarchist meeting. Stop your talk, or I will put you out.”

Kleinoldt made some insulting remarks, and the officer took him by theback of the neck and pushed him out of the hall. This was the last of himthere for that night, but the young men he had been talking to were notAnarchists. One of the three followed him out on the sidewalk and theremet a friend whom he told what Kleinoldt had advised. The newcomer,who happened to carry a large turkey, was a little under the influence ofliquor himself, but was sober enough to oppose Anarchy. He followedKleinoldt, struck him with the turkey, knocked him down and broke hiseye-glasses, apparently for the purpose of demonstrating to the worthy pedagoguethat all people who drink too much beer are not necessarily Anarchists.

This man Kleinoldt was interviewed a short time ago by a reporter ofthe ChicagoHerald. While other Anarchist pedagogues are loth to communicatetheir plans and doings, Kleinoldt talked readily, and what he saidseems to me sufficiently interesting to repeat here.

“We do not teach Socialism or Anarchism in our Sunday-schools, andthe newspapers do us an injustice when they say so,” said Dr. Kleinoldt.“The object of our Sunday schools is to keep the children away from theinfluence of the Jesuits, who teach the Bible, religious songs, and churchdoctrine, subjects that are very distasteful to us who are Socialists. I wasone of the prime movers in the project to organize schools to be held onSundays all over the city, which shall be open to children of all parents whoare opposed to the hurtful influences of church instruction. While it ispossibly true that most of those in attendance are the offspring of Socialistsand Anarchists, still it is by no means restricted to them, for in one school,at 58 Clybourn Avenue, as well as others, you will find those whose fathershave no sympathy with our advanced ideas on sociology.”

“What do you teach at these schools?” asked the reporter.

“Our course takes in reading, writing, natural history, geography, literature,[672]general history and morality—so much of ethics as young mindsare capable of receiving.”

“And you do not teach the tenets of Anarchy?” queried the reporter.

“By no means. We say nothing of bombs, dynamite, overthrow ofkingdoms, uprooting of our present social system, or anything of that kind.What would be the use of it? If you had a correct appreciation of theprinciples of Anarchy and Socialism you would readily understand that thequestions are too grave for the apprehension of juvenile minds. Later on—well,that is something else.”

“Still, Doctor, your teachers are thoroughly imbued with these sentiments,and it would be only natural for you to desire, if you are honest inyour convictions, that these young people should grow up in your peculiarfaith.”

“That is another matter,” replied Dr. Kleinoldt, regarding the reporterfixedly through his spectacles. “As the twig is bent the tree’s inclined.We are honest in what we profess, else why should we profess at all, sincewe have nothing to gain but obloquy, in the present at least? Being honestand believing that our teachings are best for the human family, we shouldbe strange beings indeed if we were not anxious to have our children growup into our faith. What I have said is, and I repeat it, that we do not teachAnarchistic or Socialistic principles to the pupils in our Sunday schools.”

The reporter here read to the Doctor a paragraph from one of theChicago dailies to the effect that at the school held in the rear of RachauBros’. saloon, corner of Lincoln Avenue and Halsted Street, the day before,a teacher had dilated upon the death of Spies and Parsons, declaring theywere murdered by the capitalists and that they were martyrs.

“Of that I know nothing. All I know is that such is not the designof our schools. Such talk is not heard at our school in the rear of thesaloon at 58 Clybourn Avenue. We use the same books that are usedin the day schools, and what we teach is as I have told you before—onlythis and nothing more.”

“But since your teachers hold to these peculiar views, and since childrenhave investigating minds—being eager to ask questions—is thereanything to prevent teachers from defining their views even if they donot enter into arguments to demonstrate the tenableness of their position?”

“I repeat again, there are many children in attendance upon our schoolswhose parents are not Anarchists or Socialists. Those who are hear theseopinions at their homes. Those who are not do not hear them.”

“True; but there are some, doubtless, in every class, who have heardat their homes the teachings of Anarchy or Socialism; they may ask questions.Is there anything to prevent the teachers from replying to themin such manner as to indoctrinate the others in this faith?”

“It is possible, I admit. But I say again, it is not so in our school.[673]Indeed, most of the children are too small to know anything about suchmatters. You will say time will correct that. I add that our primaryobject is the education of the young people. We teach in German altogether,because the children learn English in the public schools. Theyall attend the latter, because it is a primaryprinciple with us that it is education alone thatcan make men free. In addition to the studiesnamed, we teach music and singing, and wehold a session at 58 Clybourn Avenue in theafternoon of each Sunday, when teachers fromthe Workingmen’s Educational Society—anart organization—teach them drawing.”

FRANK CHLEBOUN.
From a Photograph.

The Doctor is a short, thick-set, mild-manneredman, possessed of a gentle voice,and is, apparently, about thirty-five years old.He spoke carefully, and without excitement.

“Let me tell you further,” he said, aftera brief pause, “we do not teach anything ofwhat is termed religion, because we do notbelieve in that. We do teach morals, the duties we owe to our neighbors,the great principles of right and wrong. We desire the children to growup into Socialists, that they may be worthy successors of their parents;but we do not think the Sunday school wehave organized is the proper place to inculcatesuch doctrines.”

“Because your pupils are too young?”asked the reporter.

“Yes, and because, as I have said, theparents of some of the children do not holdto our views, and it is our desire to bringinto our fold as many as possible, thus savingas many as we can from the evil influencesof the church.”

“You say you teach music and songs.Do these include sacred music?”

“Our music and songs are strictly secular;we have nothing to do with anythingconnected with the churches.”

FRANK CAPEK.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

Dr. Kleinoldt may be correct in his statementthat the school at 58 Clybourn Avenue has not taught Anarchy, yetit is nevertheless true that at least two of the school’s enthusiastic teachershave dilated upon the “martyrdom” of Spies, Parsons, Fischer and Engel,declaring that they died for a glorious cause, and that those officials who[674]were instrumental in their arrest, and those who took part in the trial andat the execution, are guilty of the vilest of crimes. At one of the schools,a teacher even went so far as to allude to the Savior as the lazy loafer ofNazareth. It will not demand a very close reading “between the lines” ofthe interview with Dr. Kleinoldt, however, to find out that, whatever themotive of those who have inaugurated this movement, the ultimate resultwill be the same as though the open and expressed object were the disseminationof those views now universally regarded among civilized nationsas subversive of all government. The schools are organized for the purposeof sowing in the minds of innocent children the seeds of atheism, discontentand lawlessness.

The Sunday school movement is only one feature of the general plan ofthe revolutionists. The Socialists fear as heartily as they hate the church,and of late they have had especial reason, from their standpoint, for both.Both Catholic and Protestant churches located in German, Bohemian andPolish sections have recently extended their facilities for reaching the youthof their nationalities, and hundreds of children have been gathered intoChristian schools on Sundays, thus taking them for a brief while on thatday from the squalid streets upon which they roam without restraint, andbringing them in contact with Christian influences. Even scores of childrenof Socialistic parents have had this experience. The great aim of theInternationals now, as always, is to increase their numerical strength. Todo this they hold it necessary to establish secular Sunday schools whereinthe principles of Socialism will be taught and where children will bemade to despise, though they may obey, the laws.

It need only be added here that all the schools of the Socialists nowin operation in Chicago are held either in the rear or in the basements ofbeer saloons.

Judge Tuley, in his decision on the application for an injunction, statedthat “there are Christian Anarchists.” I venture the assertion, however,that the learned jurist has never seen one of that class. I know that I havenot, and I never expect to see one. Christianity and Anarchy are entirelyopposite. While it is possible of course that a man professing the religionof Christ should be blinded by the plausible preachings of the Anarchists,still the hallucination would be only temporary. Religion and Anarchy, asI understand and have seen it, do not and never will go together.

The conspirator Hronek, at his trial, was asked if he believed in God.

“I have never seen him,” was the reply.

Scratch the hide of an Anarchist, and you will find an infidel or a fool.An intelligent human being cannot reconcile the violent doctrines of Anarchywith any form of Christianity.

Charles L. Bodendick, twenty-five years old, 5 feet 4 inches tall, weighing150 pounds, was arrested by Officer Hanley for robbing Justice White, March[675]18, 1886, and was held to the Criminal Court in $1,500 bonds. He was triedand sentenced to the penitentiary in Joliet for one year. During his trial itwas demonstrated that he was a thorough Anarchist. TheArbeiter-Zeitungthen called him a “crank” and said that he was crazy. Before he wasarrested, however, he had made his home about theArbeiter-Zeitung office,and at that time he had been looked on as a valuable man. The poor fellowhad kept hanging around there, reading their misleading trash, untilhe was destitute and a vagrant. The next steps were robbery and thepenitentiary.

CHARLES L. BODENDICK.
From a Photograph taken by the Police.

After his release from prison Bodendick came back to the city, and, roamingabout from place to place, finally fell into his old ways again, living onwind and Anarchy. He grew moredesperate even than before his arrest.He wanted to manufacturesomething stronger than dynamite.A card was given to him by DyerD. Lum, and he called at the PublicLibrary for the “Techno-ChemicalReceipt Book,” K 4314. On page30 of this book Bodendick learnedwhat he knew of the make-up ofexplosives. He admitted that hewanted to use sulphur, saltpeterand soda potash. He also procuredother books on explosives, and hefinally purchased a quantity of materialand went to his room to experiment.But before he hadlearned very much he was arrested. Bodendick was kept in the Central Stationin the sweat-box for two weeks. He was defiant at first, but finally sentword to the Inspector that he wanted to talk with him. He was brought to theoffice, and after he had given a lot of information, and promised to leave the cityat once, he was released. The Anarchists claim that he never did “squeal.”

This Bodendick was an odd genius. Here isverbatim et literatim apoem in which he melodiously voiced his sentiments some years ago:

THE REBELL-VAGABOND.

I live and willtake the right,
To demand of the world abundance;
To do so, I’m prepared to fight
the world and all its Dungeons.

Your a Loafer, says “the upper ten,”
You aught to go to Prison.
But, who are the priveledged ones
To loaf? the toilers lot dissmissend?

[676]

I’ve toiled hard, sometime ago,
From early morn till late.
That I ain’t worth some millions now
Is really too bad.

You see, a generous toiling man
Gets never much ahead;
For which a rascal always can
Rob men of life and (e)state.

7-10 from what I have produced
You took in your possessions
While the toiling part you have reduced
To crime and degradations.

Not only this, nay vamper like
Do suck the Blood of men
And with the bones you take the hide
But, things get to an end.

That time I was quiet ignorant
of, who was my enemy real,
That I’ve become to you a torment
Is only the result you feel.

I’ll work for life and liberty,
For thiefs like you I wont
The courage that is left in me
Makes me a Rebell-Vagabond.

The most serious recent development of the spirit of revolt and disorder,however, is that shown in the attempt of the men Hronek and Capek toassassinate Judges Gary and Grinnell and Inspector Bonfield.

In July of 1888, Judge Grinnell sent for me and told me that he hadbeen informed by a Bohemian citizen that there was a conspiracy afoot tomurder himself, Gary and Bonfield, and that he thought there was somethingin the information. It appears that there were three Bohemian Anarchists,John Hronek, Frank Capek and Frank Chleboun, who had determined toavenge the “martyrdom,” as they called it, of the Anarchist leaders.Chleboun was never in real sympathy with the others, and when the affairbegan to grow very serious he went to a Bohemian friend and confided tohim the plot. This gentleman at once advised Judge Grinnell. Amongthe details was the fact that three men had examined the Judge’s house onJuly 4th, with a view to blowing it up if a good opportunity offered, andthe Judge remembered having seen three suspicious-looking men loiteringabout Aldine Square on that day. They had eyed him so strangely thathis attention was attracted to them. This fact made him attach muchweight to the story he had been told. The Judge wished me to conduct theinvestigation, but the suspects all lived in Inspector Bonfield’s district, andI urged that the inquiry should be made by him, of course promising to cooperateas heartily as I could. After this Bonfield, the Judge and I had a[677]conference in which we went over the whole ground. We had all the factsin the case pretty well in hand. On the morning of July 17th, Bonfield wasready to strike, and the arrests were made. On the evening before warrantswere sworn out for these three men, and at 4A.M. Bonfield drove Lieut.Elliott past Hronek’s house, 2952 Farrell Street, so that he might know it.Officers Rowan, Miller, Nordrum, Murtha, Styx and Meichowsky assistedin the arrests.

In describing what followed Inspector Bonfield said:

Frank Capek was arrested at his home, 498 West Twentieth Street, atthe same time as was Frank Chleboun, who was found at Zion Place.Capek’s house was not searched, as it was known that he had made awaywith the dynamite that he had had there.

The arrests caused the greatest excitement in the city as soon as itbecame generally known what was the charge.

About the truth of it there could be no doubt. Hronek was a desperatefellow, quite ready and willing for any violence. He was an enthusiasticAnarchist, and a great admirer of the “martyrs,” as he called them, and hehad a regular arsenal of explosives and weapons.

Chleboun’s story was a singular one. He was a tailor who had come fromBohemia to Chicago in 1882. He met Hronek shortly after the Haymarketriot, and the two struck up an acquaintanceship. With Frank Capek theydiscussed Anarchy and the trial of the leaders, and all went well as long as[678]they confined themselves to theory and beer.

Chleboun was one of those weak-minded peoplewho like to play at conspiracy, but he soon foundthat he had allied himself with desperate and dangerousmen and that the chances were altogetherin favor of his own neck paying the penalty for hiscomrades’ work. This alarmed him, and he seemsto have tried to draw away from them. But theywould not let him. For a time he lent them moneyand tried to get along with them, but they madehis life a burden to him. In October, 1887, hewanted to visit the old country, and desired to takeout citizen’s papers before he left. It shows therelations between the men, that Hronek and Capek would not help him toget naturalized until he had formally agreed to the plot to kill Grinnell,Gary and Bonfield. They, also demanded $25 from him, and he paid it.He returned from Europe in December, and they at once pounced on himagain. The poor fellow did not know whichway to turn, and he finally did the wisestthing by making a clean breast of the whole plot.

The trial of the would-be assassinscame on in the November term, but the prisonerssecured a severance, and only Hronekwas tried, Capek’s trial being deferred until thenext term. On the stand Chleboun toldthe story of the conspiracy at great lengthand in detail, and a very severe cross-examinationfailed to shake his testimony in anyway. He showed how Hronek had plannedthe murder of the three men coolly and deliberately; how he had provideddynamite made up into tin bombs, and in other ways, and had secureda poisoned dagger, as well as a pistol. Capek seemed to concur in whatthe others did, but Hronek was the undoubted leader. Among otherthings Hronek told them was that he had metInspector Bonfield, and had had a safe chance tokill him, but that he had had no arms with himand could not do it. Hronek was very angry overhis disappointment. Chleboun described the visitof the three men—himself, Hronek and Capek—toJudge Grinnell’s house in Aldine Square, andthe reconnoissance they made.

Dynamite was in the possession of all the parties,and on one occasion a man named Janauschek[679]tried to get Chleboun to give him an order on Mikolanda, one of theopen leaders, for some of the stuff. This was not done, however.

Hronek, in his own testimony, steadily denied any purpose of killing eitherof the threatened gentlemen, but under the skillful cross-examination of Mr.Elliott he failed to convince the jury that his possession of the bombs, whichhe claimed had been left at his house by a man named Karefit, was innocent.In fact, the testimony against him was too strong, and it was corroboratedin many places even by his own admissions, and the jury found him guilty.He was sentenced to twelve years in the penitentiary.

JOHN HRONEK’S PORTRAIT AND DESCRIPTION—I.
Showing the New Method of Recording Criminals for Identification.

[680]

The trial was watched closely by the general public as well as by Anarchists,and among those of the red fraternity who found admission to thecourt-room there were many curious characters. Some of these weresketched by an artist of my acquaintance, and three of his sketches are givenon page 678. They are truthful representations of men who have not yet satfor our rogues’ gallery photographer, but their associations warrant the fearthat they will some day have their pictures taken at the expense of the taxpayers.

JOHN HRONEK’S PORTRAIT AND DESCRIPTION—II.
Showing the New Method of Recording Criminals for Identification.

Portraits of Hronek taken by the police photographer are shown here,and a slightly reducedfac-simile of the form now used by the Police Departmentfor identifying criminals. Formerly only front view photographs, as[681]a rule, were to be found in rogues’ gallery collections. The new method isa vast improvement, and the reader will note from the details of the blankthat it provides all the necessary data for perfect and unmistakable identification.

The case against Hronek was conducted by Judge Longenecker, theState’s Attorney, and by Mr. Elliott, and was followed with the closestattention by the people of Chicago, as it displayed in unmistakable colorsto what a pitch of desperation the Anarchist conspirators in this city canbring themselves.

Let us hope that the lesson will prove a salutary one.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

The Movement in Europe—Present Plans of the Reds—Stringent MeasuresAdopted by Various European Governments—Bebel and Liebknecht—A LondonCelebration—Whitechapel Outcasts—“Blood, Blood, Blood!”—Verestchagin’s Views—TheBulwarks of Society—The Condition of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia,Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis and other American Cities—A New Era of RevolutionaryActivity—A Fight to the Death—Are we Prepared?

AS regards the present plans and movements of the reds in Europe, ofcourse it is almost impossible to obtain an adequate conception here.It is known, however, that the French, German, English and Belgian governmentshave only recently adopted most stringent measures, the effect ofwhich will undoubtedly be to send some very undesirable immigrants to ourhospitable shores.

Notwithstanding the measures taken by the French Government, it isreported as tolerably certain that the Revolutionary Congress will meet atParis, although there is a pressure to have the date of the session delayeduntil October. Much will depend, probably, upon the proceedings of theproposed meeting of German, Swiss and Austrian Socialists at Zurich thecoming summer.

With all their talk of universal brotherhood and a grand combination ofthe proletariat of every nation against tyranny, race hatreds are very strongamong the Socialists of Europe. A French Communist would be morelikely to cut a German Socialist’s throat than labor with him for the overthrowof the common oppressor.

The social conference soon to convene at The Hague, it is said, will askthe German leaders to take the decisive step of annulling the Zurich meeting,in order to give the Paris congress the more importance and avoidgiving any possible offense by such action as may be taken there. It is wellknown that Bebel, Liebknecht and their immediate followers have no particularlove for the dynamite faction of the Paris Communists, but there aremany Swiss, South Germans and Russians who are engaged in the thanklessand seemingly hopeless task of reconciling national differences, andthese men have no small influence over their fellows by reason of theirintelligence and approved courage and the sacrifices they have made for thecommon cause. By their unceasing labor a large proportion of the rankand file of the German army have been won over to the Socialistic movement,and they do not despair of allaying the French repugnance to affiliatingwith men of their own ideas from across the Rhine.

The London celebration of the anniversary of the Paris Commune onthe night of March 18, 1889, consisted of a small crowd of boozy, beery,[683]pot-valiant, squalid, frowsy, sodden Whitechapel outcasts who shriekedand fought in a small hall in their district under the eye of a single policeman.

“Better not go in, sir,” the policeman said to a correspondent who enteredthe door of the small hall at 87 Commonwealth Road. “There ain’tno danger, but it’s very unpleasant.”

It was the fumes of scores of dirty pipes and a thousand other causesthat made the air almost unbearable. About two hundred people, a fourthof whom were lushed, soggy Whitechapel women, were in the low-ceilingedhall, while a long-haired Pole was screaming an address from theplatform. He cursed and swore with frantic blasphemy, and called uponhis hearers to arm themselves and wade to liberty through blood. Wheneverhe uttered the word “blood,” the muddled and maudlin crowd set upa shriek of “Blood, blood, blood!” that was deafening. All of the womenand most of the men had soiled red flags and handkerchiefs, which theywaved in the air as they shrieked “Blood!” in chorus. Then they wouldsink back into drunken indifference till the word “blood” was mentionedagain.

Two women and a man, says the correspondent, lay in senseless stupor,with the crowd treading on them. One woman’s rags did not half cover her.An illiterate Englishman pushed the Pole aside and began to harangue thepeople from the platform. It was the most shameless, ribald and obsceneharangue imaginable. In the midst of it one woman struck another with apiece of a broken beer glass, and the two females began to fight like cats.Faces were cut and bleeding. No one paid the slightest attention exceptthe policeman, who looked indifferently on. Presently one of the womenran sobbing from the hall with her face streaming blood. Another womanstarted after her, when a man made a sign to a policeman, and she was restrained.Then a neighbor plucked the correspondent’s sleeve:

“Don’t let that nasty scene deceive you,” he said shortly, “it doesn’tmean that Socialism is dead in London. It means that it is more intelligent.They’ve left off shouting in public and begun to work under cover. Thisthing to-night proves it.”

The following, from the pen of Vassili Verestchagin, the eminent Russianpainter, whose realistic representations of battle scenes have created agreat sensation wherever exhibited, and who is also a writer of greatability, will show how the situation in Europe as regards Socialism, Anarchyand Nihilism appears to one close and intelligent observer:

[687]

That is Verestchagin’s view. It is certainly original and at least presentsmatter for serious reflection to the thoughtful, even though his deductionsare not agreed to.

Only recently a tremendous sensation was caused by the discovery of adynamite bomb factory in Zurich, secretly conducted by students, and thetracing therefrom of a Nihilist conspiracy against the Czar, with extensiveramifications throughout Russia. Official and court circles in St. Petersburgwere panic-stricken at the news, and the public journals, as usual, werepromptly forbidden publishing information, making comment, or saying aword on the subject. In the meantime the police pushed investigation inall directions and a large number of arrests were made.

Following up the traces of the plot, they found in a street of the capitalmost important evidences of its ramifications in St. Petersburg. Thisconspiracy was said to be more formidable than any preceding one. Norwas the danger diminished by the discoveries made. The arrests were onlyof minor people, and these maintained unbroken fidelity to their leaders,refusing to divulge even the little they were allowed to know.

All over the world the apostles of disorder, rapine and Anarchy areto-day pressing forward their work of ruin, and preaching their gospelof disaster to all the nations with a more fiery energy and a better organizedpropaganda than was ever known before. People who imagine thatthe energy of the revolutionists has slackened, or that their determinationto wreck all the existing systems has grown less bitter, are deceiving themselves.The conspiracy against society is as determined as it ever was,and among every nation the spirit of revolt is being galvanized into anewer and more dangerous life.

In Chicago the signs of the times are so plain that he who runs mayread. The skulking conspirators, who but a few months ago met secretlyand in fear, in out-of-the-way cellars and thoroughly tiled halls, now courtpublicity. Their meetings are advertised and open—any one who choosesmay attend—and they evidently feel a confidence and security which wasunknown before this year of grace 1889. If this feeling is rampant herein Chicago, where the heaviest blow was struck at Anarchy, what mustit be in other American cities, New York for instance, where the redshave a formidable and growing organization, or in Philadelphia, Pittsburgor Cincinnati? It is manifest that a new era of “revolutionaryactivity” is at hand, and it is to be questioned whether the proper meansfor meeting the proposed attack have been taken, or are being prepared.

In Europe the same ferment is apparent. In England the conspiracyis still largely under cover, for the English proletariat, as the Anarchistslove to call the raw material of Anarchy, is slow to move and difficult toarouse. But the propaganda is busy, and occasional rumblings may beheard of the work going on underground, which should be received as[688]the danger signals they are. In London there are all the factors for themost dangerous mob the world can produce. There are thousands uponthousands of half-starved, desperate men, who have absolutely nothing tolose save lives which they themselves hold as almost worthless, andthere is the constant temptation before them of wealth so great and soflaunting, and of a wealthy class often so cruelly unjust, that it need neverbe a matter of wonder when the East End of London springs at the throatof the West. In England, however, nobody seems to believe that therecan be such a thing as a servile revolt—that might occur among theFrench or the Germans or the Russians, but never in John Bull’s island,—andthe conspirators, safely covered by the fancied security of the people,are permitted to undermine at their will the fabric of English society.

In France the Commune is stronger than it ever was, and the RedTerror may appear with every turn of the whirligig of politics. Francedoes not disbelieve in the danger, but it is practically powerless to avertit, owing to the general demoralization which has followed Boulanger’ssuccess. Of course, it can only be a wild and bloody riot followed by awild and bloody retribution, by a nation frightened out of freedom backinto the arms of a strong government, for in France the issues are madeup, and the country has made up its mind.

In Spain and Italy, and especially in the smaller states—Switzerland,Belgium and the Scandinavian countries—the Socialists are busy, whilein Germany and in Russia a crisis is at hand. Thus, the world over, itis evident that Anarchy is at work with a feverish purpose never beforedisplayed, and the governments are menaced with a danger before whichforeign war is as nothing. Nothing but the uprooting of the very foundationsand groundwork of our civilization will satisfy these enemies of order.Their fight is to the death. They will neither take nor give quarter. Itis warà l’outrance—composition or truce is futile and foolish.

Are we prepared, or are we even preparing for the shock?

Let none mistake either the purpose or the devotion of these fanatics,nor their growing strength. This is methodic—not a haphazard conspiracy.The ferment in Russia is controlled by the same heads and the samehands as the activity in Chicago. There is a cold-blooded, calculatingpurpose behind this revolt, manipulating every part of it, the world over,to a common and ruinous end. Whether the next demonstration of the RedTerror will occur where its disciples are goaded to desperation under despoticmeasures, as in the land of the Czar, or in our own country, where they areallowed to preach its bloody doctrines under a broad construction of theAmerican constitutional right of free speech, time alone can tell.

But believe me, Anarchy is not an enemy for society to despise.

APPENDIX A.

THE meeting places of the Anarchist groups in Chicago prior to May4, 1886, were as follows:

The Lehr und Wehr Verein companies met as follows:

List of names of Anarchists and Socialists as found on record with SecretariesSeliger and Lingg, at 442 Sedgwick Street:

William Hesse.
Moritz Neff.
William Lange.
Balthasar Rau.
Albert Bonien.
Michael Schwab.
H. Harmening.
William Medow.
A. Hovestadt.
Oscar Neebe.
Franz Hoffman.
Ch. Charlevitz.
H. Kaune.
H. Tietgens.
Theodore Polling.
Louis Hensling.
E. Buschner.
Henry Bonnefoi.
George Meng.
W. L. Rosenberg.
Carl Wichmann.
Ch. Mauner.
Chr. Mauer.
John Nedovlacid,alias Pohl.
A. Hirschberger.
Edward Schnaubelt.
John Altherr.
William Buffleben.
Carl Milbi.
Chr. Ramm.
Max Mitlacher.
Paul Grottkau.
Joseph Bach.
Albert Gorns.
Julius Stegemann.
Otto Habitzreiter.
William Hoelscher.
William Ludwig.
H. Perschke.
A. Roehr.
William Urban.
Ernst Altenhofer.
H. Fasshauer.
Abraham Hermann.
Michael Hermann.
Lorenz Hermann.
Peter Huber.
John Neubauer.
Rudolph Kobitch.
Julius Habitzreiter.
Fritz Fischer.
Albin Mittlacher.
Fritz Reuter.
Carl Teuber.
Rudolph Ohlf.
Theodore Remane.
E. Brassholz.
Joseph Knochelman.
A. Picard.
Arthur Fritzsche.
Franz Domes.
John B. Lotz.
John Wohlleben.
Gustav Moeller.
H. Ulrich.
William Neumann.
H. Kallina.
August Stollidorf.
[692]W. Senderson.
George Rosenzweig.
Robert W. Ebill.
S. Heidenbluth.
William Luetzgerath.
R. Lauterbach.
Ernst Fischer.
Carl Schroeder.
Otto Voigt.
Heinrich Menge.
John Neunkirchen.
William Kaune.
Chris Ammer.
Carl Leukert.
H. Boeltscher.
H. Vogelsaenger.
B. Leber.
Joseph Mattius.
John Holm.
William Walteck.
Carl Puder.
N. Willes.
William Linden.
George Menge.
Louis Krauthahn.
Wilhelm Schleuter.
Paul Riedel.
Fritz Huebner.
Louis Liebl.
Rudolph Effinger.
Wilhelm Lindner.
Conrad Meier.
August Baer.
Wilhelm Rieger.
Hans Reindel.
Rudolph Schnaubelt.
William Heinze.
Anton Schmidt.
Fritz Schmidt.
Albert Wilke.
Gustav Schroth.
Carl Meier.
George Engelett.
H. Marcmann.
H. Albert.
Ch. Blendow.
August Neuhaus.
Chr. Hase.
H. C. Eden.
H. Thomser.
Claus Boege.
Frederick Boecer.
H. Kirvitt.
H. Lehman.
Nic Schroegel.
Max Biehle.
Andrew Decker.
Johann Mass.
Hermann Klug.
H. Honsel.
Edward Koelble.
Adolph Greschner.
Guenther Bock.
Fritz Bock.
C. Bock.
Fritz Linden.
Leo Wierig.
Nic Keller.
Aug. Wassilof.
Linarz.
Fr. Rathke.
Baehrendt.
Henry Schmidt.
Franz Hein.
Chas. Meyer.
Otto Bathke.
Louis Peters.
Wm. Seliger.
Christ Jansen.
Chas. Scholl.
B. Horschke.
Kinder.
Robert Moench.
Latinker.
Leopold Miller.
E. Trolson.
Otto Blonk.
Ludwig Sitzberger.
Albert Sommer.
Albert Dilke.
Alfred Bartels.
August Asher.
Henry Slvetera.
Hermann Pabst.
John Richlich.
Ernst J. Nitschke.
Fritz Roeber.
W. Callinius.
E. Hoffman.
W. Matuspkirvitz.
Carl Pundt.
E. Rudolph.
Franz Stahr.
Hermann Weg.
H. Judknecht.
Christ. Drawert.
Julius Blecksmith.
Carl Rick.
Carl Leukert.
Gustav Stolze.
Edward Heis.
Wilhelm Waldeck.
Ludwig Lintz.
August Pavel.
H. Hildemann.
Ernst Altenhofer.
John Kleinsten.
Hermann Hoges.
Wilhelm Alb.
H. Markmann.
H. Albert.
Blendow.
H. C. Eden.
John Maas.
Hermann Klug.
H. Hansel.
F. Thiesen.
Henry Abelman.
Joseph Neder.
Leo Wierig.
Nic Keller.
Max Hollock.
George Binder.
Wm. Lueneberg.
Anton Besser.
Franz Springer.
O. Deichman.
Joseph Schramm.
Carl Kroger.
Franz Turban.
George Binder.
John Kerr.
Wenzel Kinzill.
Ernst Niendorf.
Theodore Blumbach.
H. Zwierlein.
August Metschke.
K. Kumberg.
Charles Lovitte.
H. Kauney.
H. Mathge.
Ludwig Luetzeberger.
Frederick Schmiecke.
[693]Christ Wegemann.
Carol Fischhammer.
E. Andauer.
Bernard Labor.
August Litch.
Paul Polke.
Franz Schumann.
Franz Hermann.
Franz Bohl.
Christ. Killgers.
Max Hollock.