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Tuesday, June 18, 2019

A Big Batch of Propaganda: George Patton and the Countown to D-Day

Patton inspecting troops (with redacted insignias) in England.
 
On the eve of D-Day,George S. Patton was on the road to redemption. His actions of August 1943during the Sicilian Campaign dulled the luster of his notable victories in theMediterranean. Enraged by his discovery of two shell-shocked combatants who hethought cowardly, Patton slapped and berated the battle fatigued veterans. Thescandalous incidents garnered him widespread disdain among American readers. Temporarilyexiled in the wake of heated public outrage, the general became a pariah as hiscolleagues charted one of the great campaigns of the Second World War.

Capitalizing off theGermans’ dual fear and admiration of Patton, Allied planners elevated the generalas a centerpiece of Operation Fortitudetheepic ruse to conceal the French invasion’s true target. The Nazi high commandconsidered Patton the absolute best Allied field commander. The enemy thereforesurmised Patton would lead the invasion from Dover to the Pas de Calaisthe thinnest neck of the English Channel.

By contrast, Dwight Eisenhowerand George Marshall felt Patton too brash for such a delicate operation andappointed the more subdued Omar Bradley to spearhead the American groundcampaign in Normandy. Feeding German anticipation, Patton was placed in chargeof a fictitious “Phantom Army” comprised of phony soldiers, inflatable tanks,and artificial ships to offer the illusion of an Allied thrust aimed at Calais.Among other components of military trickery, dummy Spitfire aircraft could beassembled from two large duffle bags. Victory grew dependent upon not onlybombs and bullets, but intelligence and deception. If successful, Fortitudewould prevent a concentration of German forces in the Cherbourg-Havre region ofthe Normandy coast. Amidst the secrecy and subversion, Patton was to keep a lowprofile. This he proved unable to achieve.[i]

Without Eisenhower’sconsent, Patton ventured to Knustford, south of Manchester, to participate inwhat he believed to be an informal opening of a British Welcome Club forAmerican soldiers. Instead, there was a formal ceremony with 200 spectators, aband, and—worse yet—the press corps. Patton’s impromptu speech ignitedinternational headlines when he stated, “Since it is the evident destiny of theBritish and Americans, and of course, the Russians, to rule the world, thebetter we know each other, the better job we will do.” Initial reports variedwhether or not Patton made reference to the Soviets. In either case, thisperceived omission spiraled into a diplomatic controversy of the highestmagnitude. American and Russian leaders seemed equally aggrieved by thegeneral’s rhetorical blunder. Such was not the damage control Eisenhower wishedto quarterback at this late stage of invasion planning.

Because Eisenhower’spress censorship policies dealt only with matters of military security, theKnutsford incident became fodder for the media. According to one United Pressreport from April 26, “Patton’s statement that it is the destiny of theAmericans and Britishlater revised toinclude the Russiansto ‘rule the world’brought mingled expressions of amazement and displeasure from army andcongressional circles.” Army officials were “amazed that Patton would uttersuch a controversial expression in view of the earlier furor he had caused byslapping two shell-shocked American soldiers.” Rep. Jessie Sumner of Illinoisdeclared Patton’s remarks were as “balmy as Hitler.” Sen. Robert Taft of Ohiocalled the statement “irresponsible.” Rep. Hamilton Fish of New York raged thatAmericans had no desire to rule the world and the general’s remarks did notrepresent “even a small percentage of Americans.” Regardless of what Patton didor did not say, the backlash of the press was severe.[ii]

 Knutsford town hall--where Patton delivered his speech. The cinematic depiction of the scene in the moviePatton was also filmed here. Courtesy of Rambles with a Camera.

In his speech, Pattonfacetiously added, “The only welcoming I’ve done for some time has beenwelcoming Germans and Italians into hell. I’ve done quite a lot in thatdirection, and have got about 177,000 of them there,” he boasted. “The soonerour soldiers write home and say how lovely the English ladies are, the soonerAmerican dames will get jealous and force the war to a successful conclusion.Then I shall have a chance to go and kill Japs.” For many readers, Patton’shawkish pledge was a far more terrifying note of distinction than any omissionof the Soviets.

An editorial in theChristian Science Monitor boldlydeclared, “If General Patton had deliberately tried, he could hardly haveproduced a bigger batch of propaganda for the Nazis, the Japanese, and theChicago Tribune than he did in hisspeech.” As the Patton incident demonstrated, journalism, diplomacy, andpropaganda meshed together in often inopportune ways. Despite his many misstepsand foibles, Patton would yet redeem his reputation before 1944 was done.[iii]

This article is adeleted section of the author’s latest book,Dispatches of D-Day: A People’s History of the Normandy Invasion.


 Patton's ceremonial appearance in Knutsford is still remembered there today.
Courtesy of the George C. Marshall Foundation. 


[i]Barbier, 74-75, 84-85; Penrose, 57.
[ii]“U. S., Britain to Rule the World, Declares Patton,”Ogden Standard Examiner, April 26, 1944, p. 1-2.
[iii]“Let Patton Fight,”Big Spring DailyHerald, May 11, 1944, p. 8.

Monday, June 3, 2019

Almost Like Custer: D-Day on Pointe du Hoc



"The Pointe" courtesy of artistLarry Selman.

Themiddle-aged physician seemed an unlikely participant for one of D-Day’s mostdaring missions. At forty years-old, he was almost double the age of hispatients in the 2nd Ranger Battalion. Capt. Walter Block was aformer Chicago pediatrician with an audacious disposition. When the warcommenced, he yearned for an adventurous career in the airborne. His wife,Alice, would have none of it. Instead, Block opted to join the rangers, “whohad something to do with trees,” he assured her. His clever rhetorical dupewould yield life-altering consequences for many.[i]

As one of the few medical personnel involvedin the Allied assault on the imposing cliffs at Pointe du Hoc, the square-jaweddoctor’s task was a formidable one. For nearly three days, the physician dodgedconcentrated enemy fire while leaping from trench to trench in his efforts toevacuate wounded. According to theChicagoTribune, Block then oversaw the evacuation of dozens of maimed combatantsfrom the 100-foot cliff to landing craft. The battle was “an inferno frombeginning to end,” commented Block. “During that time our men were scramblingup the ropes and meeting Jerry hand to hand.”

Climbing over the tedious precipice, Blockdiscovered all was in shambles.“Those --- ---- Germans did nothing butcounterattack,” he recalled. “One attack right after another was repulsed. Itkept up all day, and my back was plenty tired from crouching and running fromone shell hole to another, rendering medical aid.”

“It was almost like Custer’s Last Stand,” hecontinued. “Food low, water low, ammunition very low, and fewer men. Our menbegan to use German weapons and I proceeded to put Heinie prisoners to work asstretcher bearers.” A captured bunker atop the Pointe served as an overcrowdedbattalion command post, an ammunition storehouse, a morgue, and Block’smakeshift field hospital illuminated by candlelight. Occupants heard thecrackle of ricochets off the concrete. One of Doc’s medics recalled, “At timesthere were so many patients, the men had to lie in the command post until maybeone of the other patients would die or be patched up well enough to go backout, maybe to fight.”

In the brief interludes between attacks,Block disbursed stimulant pills to maintain the vigilance of the besiegedrangers. “Aconstant watch was kept to insure that no sleeping man snored and gave theirpositions away,” reported one observer.Few of them were more fatigued thanBlock himself. Toiling in the blackness of the bunker and the treachery of thetrenches, the doctor performed something of a medical miraclea series ofbenevolent deeds that earned him a Silver Star.[ii]

The cliffside fortification (frequently andincorrectly referred to as “Pointe du Hoe” in period accounts) was thought anear-impregnable objective with doomful prospects. Accented by a jaggedpeninsula between Utah and Omaha Beaches and spanning only a few hundred yards,the landmark brimmed with a lethal miscellany of pillboxes, trenches, machineguns, and booby traps. Intelligence indicated the presence of six 155-mm gunswith the capacity to hammer landing zones miles away.

In the press, the saga of Pointe du Hocinitially appeared as little more than a sideshow of the big show. The actionsof a few hundred men initially seemed trivial in numerical contrast to thesweeping episodes of Omaha Beach. A small blurb on page three of the June 10edition ofStars and Stripessummarized the incident in surprisingly concise terms. Part of theninety-five-word piece read, the “rugged Rangers stormed ashore, batteredtheir way up sharp cliffs, and had captured the battery 15 minutes later. TheGermans attempted to recover their strategic battery, but all thrusts wererepelled by the Rangers.” A more compelling story soon emerged, illustratingthe broader strategic importance of the seaside promontory.[iii]

Harold “The Duke” Slater, a handsome andambitious captain of the 2nd Ranger Battalion, demanded exactness ofhis men assigned to the silencing of the guns: “I want each one of you tobecome so thoroughly familiar with Pointe du Hoe, so completely at home withit, that you could find your way from one gun position to another blindfolded.”The troops mentally visualized their maps and charts as they churned toward theFrench coast on June 6. “The long prelude was finished,” one recalled. Thefourteen months of training were over.

Ranger Alfred Baer of Memphis laterspeculated as to why the initial assault garnered relatively little presscoverage. “What actually took place on that small portion of the CherbourgPeninsula can never adequately be told. At best, it can merely be hinted at,and can never be completely understood by anyone who was not himself present onthe Pointe that bloody morning.” Because ranger training was so specialized andthe mission was small in scope, few correspondents were present. For Baer andcomrades, their gutsy attack was a durable thread of a larger fabric. Theirbond would carry them through even bloodier battles to come.[iv]

Invasion day began with “the biggest Fourthof July you ever saw, magnified a thousand times,” stated one astonishedranger. The dim morning sky was illuminated with every color of the rainbow bya deadly assortment of shells, rockets, and flares. The battalion’sBritish-operated landing craft veered significantly off course until rangercommander James Rudder ordered readjustment. The 225 rangers were over an hourlate striking their objective. The delay, combined with communicationdifficulties, compelled reinforcements to Omaha Beach insteadforsaking Rudder’s unit towage a headlong attack largely on its own. Vomit and saltwater puddled aroundthe soldiers’ ankles. Men used helmets to bail out the tides. Steady oceansprays left the seasick combatants numbly fatigued. Three of the craft sunk.Sheldon Bare and Jack Kuhn, both from the same Pennsylvania county, foundthemselves sharing a boat that morning. Kuhn dropped his submachine gun in themurky slop. “Bare, I lost my Thompson!” Kuhn bellowed on the congested LCA.Bare calmly reached down and retrieved the weapon, stating, “Here you go,Jack.” Few other challenges of the day would be as simply resolved.[v] 

“Keep your eyes on the Pointe, boys,”ordered a sergeant. “[A]nything can happen now!” The nausea of the journeydiminished as the men tensed up. They checked ammo and firmly gripped theirweapons. An incoming shell from the USSTexasgorged a massive chunk from the cliff top, raining a mountain of rock on the beachand thereby lessening the height for the rangers to scale. From 200 yards out,the stout sergeant Leonard Rubin eyed a German silhouetted atop the Pointe.“Let’s see if the sonofabitch can survive this business!” exclaimed Rubin. Thesergeant spewed a hail of bullets toward the shady figure, knocking the distantdefender to his death.

“Fire the rockets!” a comrade shouted.“Let’s go!” Six projectiles hissed forth from the boats with limp lines of wetrope following the forward arc. The rounds were tipped with grappling hooks tolodge into the Pointe’s crest. Bogged down with water, half the grapples fellshort of their targets. Large ladders donated by London firemen were alsoemployed. Sgt. Len Lomell pushed through waist-deep water and up the beach’s stonycenter. Desperation forced him to think and act promptly. The ropes and firemenladders alone were not ushering rangers up the slopes promptly enough.

“Topside the cliff,” recalled Baer, “theever-increasing bark of rifles and machine guns tells its story to the menbelow. The rope is too slow.” Germans frantically slashed lines, harshlydropping rangers back to the gravelly beach. Some desperate GIs attempted toscale the rocks with knives as climbing picks. Lomell ordered four-footsections of steel ladders rushed up and assembled. “The Germans on top rolledhand grenades down the slopes, they tried to cut toggle lines, they threweverything they had at those men coming at thembut they didn’t stopthem,”Stars and Stripes laterreported. “In little groups of twos and threes they scrambled over the top andwent to work.” The frantic situation presented few viable alternatives.[vi]

Twenty-four year-old Frederick Dix, a small,black-haired staff sergeant from Syracuse, was embroiled in the fatal feud. Dixlater conveyed the rangers’ exploits to correspondent Hal Boyle. “We spent 11weeks practicing that maneuver and it caught the Germans flatfooted, becausethey didn’t think we’d dare come ashore,” noted the sergeant. “We ran intorifle, machine gun, and sniper fire from the flanks as soon as we got withinrange and lost some of our medics right there on the beach. Some of them triedto plant a Red Cross flag where they were working over the casualties but asniper put three bullet holes in it before they could raise it.” The Germanswere not all that brave, insisted Dix. Many of them “ran like hell,” and forgood reason.[vii]

The crown of the Pointe resembled the pockeddreariness of battlefronts from the Great War. Once more, Yanks climbed “over thetop” as they ascended the cliff’s precarious edge and into the labyrinth ofsmoking craters and splintered gun emplacements. “To any of the Germans dug inon Pointe du Hoe,” wrote Baer, “there could have been no plan of attackapparent from the actions of the enemy swarming up over the top of the cliffs.”Despite the German’s frenzied consternation, fierce duels were inescapable.Livid exchanges of Mk 2 and potato masher grenades scarred man and nature alikeas the two sides plunged into each other with intimate animosity. Small armsfire erupted from every corner, creating small mounds of brass casings undersoldiers’ sore feet. Men’s ears rang amid the echoing fury of Thompsons andSchmeissers. Sheldon Bare fell victim to the violence when a sniper’s bulletpunched through his right shoulder. He screamed a flood of obscenities as hefloundered backward into a crater. Unlike scores of his comrades, thePennsylvanian survived the melee. The bitter competition swept the Germansinland, although radio failure prevented Rudder from announcing the attack’soutcome.[viii]

Lieutenant Commander Knapper and Chief Yeoman Cook, of USSTexas (BB-35), examine a damaged German pillbox at Pointe du Hoc on D-Day, 6 June 1944. Earlier in the day Texas had bombarded the point in support of the Omaha Beach landings. The body of a dead U.S. Army Ranger, killed during the assault on Pointe du Hoc, lies covered up at right. Official U.S. Navy Photograph, now in the collections of the National Archives.

But was the feat a success? The rangers werepuzzled to discover empty gun mounts and painted telephone poles where the155-mm guns were supposedly installed. With the blessing of their lieutenant,Len Lomell and thirteen others set forth to locate and decommission theirpresumably relocated objective. Hunkered along a roadway heading into thecountryside, the squad moved swiftly and softly through the thick growth.Following enemy tire tracks, Lomell and Jack Kuhn together inched ahead tomaintain the hunt. They eventually discovered five of the six artillery piecescamouflaged a few hundred yards from the road. There, an entire company ofGermans stood idle, half-undressed and inexplicably leaving the formidable gunsunmanned. Kuhn was astonished by the artillerists’ lackadaisical response tothe sounds of nearby combat.

Undeterred by the number and proximity ofthe enemy, the two American sergeants stealthily crept forward. Under thewatchful barrel of Kuhn’s Thompson submachinegun, Lomell disabled two of thepieces with thermite grenadesmuted pyrotechnics thatignited briefly intense bursts of heat. Jammed into the guns, the grenadesmelted the machinery with the effect of white hot lava. The daring GIs fellback to their squad to retrieve more explosives and then returned todecommission the remaining guns. Simultaneously, a fellow ranger loudlydetonated a nearby ammunition cache with a Bangalore torpedo. The dual featswere executed under the noses of 100 or more Germans, perhaps saving untoldlives on the neighboring beachheads.[ix]

According to Dix, many Germans wereconcealed in a lengthy tunnel connecting their defenses to the ammo dump. “Wemade a hell of a noise and scared one seventeen-year-old German,” Dix declared.“He was a senior noncom. His outfit, too, was running out of his pillbox togive up.” Before the soldier could dash to the Americans, his own captain senta slug through the deserter’s neck, killing him instantly. Dix and company thereaftercaptured the officer and angrily forced him to open a barn-turned-pillbox.

“You can’t trust those guys, you know,” Dixbickered. “One [German] stood up and waved a white flag and yelled ‘kamerad.’One of our boys said ‘Let’s give him a chance,’ and stood up and hollered,‘Come over here.’” The shouting revealed the Americans’ position and MG-42rounds soon shredded the surrounding leaves into green confetti. The GI whomade the charitable overtures to the enemy was cut down. “He was a nice guy, too,”Dix admitted. “You can’t trust those Germans. They put mortars and artillery inon us then, and wounded eight more of our men. What a hell of a trick to play.”[x]

Despite the herculean achievement ofscaling the Pointe and dismembering its neighboring guns, the rangers had yetto face their most grueling obstacle: counterattacks. Undermanned,undersupplied, inadvertently neglected with their backs to the sea, theAmericans dug in for a desperate defense. For fifty-eight contentious hours therangers fiercely guarded their triangular perimeter against seeminglyinsurmountable odds. “Sometimesthey were pinned down in the point itself with the sea on three sides and theGermans to the front,” wrote G. K. Hodenfield. “They were low on water andfood. Their ammunition was rationed. Their only weapons were rifles and twomortars. At night they crouched in their foxholes and peered into the night,waiting for the attack they knew was coming.” A private asked Col. Rudder whatthey should do. The commander replied, “Build up your lifelines and we willhold this point.” And thus they did.

The lines of battle precariously ebbed withevery German rush. The enemy congregated in massive waves and screamed witheach advance to intimidate the rangers. The GIs patiently awaited the approach,taking careful aim to conserve every round of precious ammunition. Inmethodical fashion, the defenders blunted enemy rebuttals with skilledmarksmanship and grim determination. Sgt. Eugene Elder, a six-foot mortar manfrom Missouri, knocked out a dozen German machine guns with his 60-mm. “I neversaw such shooting,” a comrade marveled. When Elder expended all his rounds, hefired colored flares at the enemy out of pure spite. “These really scared thehell of the Germans,” Dix commented. “They were perfectly harmless, but theymake a hell of a flare and sparks.”

After each relentless counterattack, therangers resumed their original placements and vigilantly maintained the line.Wishing to continue the fight alongside their pals, many of the wounded refusedevacuation. They actively scavenged for ammo and appropriated the many Mauserslittering the ground. The company welcomed much-needed artillery support by theNavy circling offshore, which took its cues from the American command postabove. “Whenever the Germans tried to concentrate any sizable body of men, adestroyer opened up and chased them away,” wrote Hodenfield. “And as they lefttheir position the rangers cut them down with rifle fire.”

By morning of the third day, reinforcementsdoggedly pushed their way to Pointe du Hoc and swept remaining resistance fromthe immediate vicinity. The ragged American defenders joked that they were thelucky survivors of their own “Little Bataan.” Unlike their less fortunatePacific counterparts in 1942, deliverance was at hand.

“I never saw anybody more welcome,” Dix saidof reinforcements. The moment of victory was bittersweet for the New Yorker.“Out of my own group, 65 men, we had lost six killed and 17 wounded and we werethe lightest hit outfit in the battle,” he remarked. “But it was worth it. Weheld that point for them and the boys we have got left are willing to takeanother any time our side wants it.” Regardless of casualty figures, nobodycould strip the men of their achievement. One concluded, “Our job was to take andhold that neck of land and we did it and are damn proud we did it.”[xi]

U. S. Army Rangers show off the ladders they used to storm the cliffs at Pointe du Hoc, which they assaulted in support of Omaha Beach landings on D-Day. Photograph was released for publication on 12 June 1944. Official U.S. Navy Photograph, now in the collections of the National Archives. 
 

[i]O’Donnell, 25.
[ii]“Saves 50 Amid Hail Of Fire In D-Day Hell,”ChicagoTribune, August 30, 1944, p. 7; G. K. Hodenfield, “How Rangers, Cut Off,Held On Grimly in Own ‘Little Bataan,’Starsand Stripes, June 12, 1944, p. 4; O’Donnell, 106.
[iii]
“Battle Sidelights,”Stars and Stripes,June 10, 1944, p. 3.
[iv]
Baer, 30. Alfred Baer, a member of the 2nd Ranger Battalion’s DCompany, offers a concise yet lively account of the Pointe du Hoc assault inthis rare album compiled for his fellow veterans of the unit.
[v]
Baer, 32; O’Donnell, 67; Ryan, 211.
[vi]
Beevor, 102; Baer, 34-35; G. K. Hodenfield, “How Rangers, Cut Off, Held OnGrimly in Own ‘Little Bataan,’”

Stars and Stripes,June 12, 1944, p. 4.
[vii]
Harold V. Boyle, “Rangers, When Ammunition Gone, Use Enemy’s Weapons,”Waterloo Daily Courier, June 11, 1944,p. 6.
[viii]
Baer, 35-36; O’Donnell, 74-75.
[ix]
Baer, 36; O’Donnell, 86-88.
[x]
Harold V. Boyle, “Rangers, When Ammunition Gone, Use Enemy’s Weapons,”Waterloo Daily Courier, June 11, 1944,p. 6.
[xi]
G. K. Hodenfield, “How Rangers, Cut Off, Held On Grimly in Own ‘Little Bataan,’Stars and Stripes, June 12, 1944, p.4; Harold V. Boyle, “Rangers, When Ammunition Gone, Use Enemy’s Weapons,”Waterloo Daily Courier, June 11, 1944,p. 6.

Saturday, November 24, 2018

A Fierce Glory

A Review of Justin Martin's New Antietam Book

Second perhaps only to Gettysburg, Antietam remains a highly studied and quite pertinent battle of the American Civil War. Waged on September 17, 1862, the fierce clash in western Maryland became the bloodiest day in American history--inflicting more American casualties than D-Day eight decades later. The literary canon chronicling the Maryland Campaign is a long and distinguished one. Historians Ezra Carman, James Murfin, Stephen Sears, Tom Clemens, and Scott Hartwig have each left their left valuable imprints and observations on Antietam's story. All that being said, one might be left to wonder what else could be written about this momentous campaign.

This is ultimately the question author Justin Martin attempts to answer. Stemming from his previous works on poet Walt Whitman and renowned landscape architect Frederick Law Olmstead, readers should be immediately aware that this is not a typical analytic strategy study. Only three maps can be found in the book. If anything, Martin'sA Fierce Glory is a cultural study of the engagement that engulfed Sharpsburg and how it molded people, society, and politics.

Balancing out the narrative of combat itself is the approachable story of Abraham Lincoln's struggle to maintain the fragile Union and his simultaneous attempts to slowly dismantle slavery. Martin presents a fair portrait of an imperfect man attempting to achieve great tasks in the process. This story line serves as a fitting prologue to the broader military summations that follow. Lincoln's time in Washington was consumed by woe and death. The killing of his trusted military aid-de-camp Elmer Ellsworth in 1861 and the death of Willie Lincoln in 1862 were only a sampling of the tragedies to befall Lincoln during his tenure as commander-in-chief. Amidst all this heartache, Lincoln sought refuge at the Old Soldier's Home on the outskirts of the city. Here, the president further pondered the emancipation of the South's four million slaves. The Maryland Campaign had the potential to sway Lincoln's decision making as he navigated troubled political waters.

Diehard Civil War buffs seeking new, revelatory information on the bitter military struggle that ensued are unlikely to find much new here. Martin's comparatively concise 250 page work is overshadowed by the meatier studies done by the likes of Sears and Hartwig. Many of the highlighted anecdotes have been culled from post war reminiscences and digitized regimental histories. The book, however, is well suited for general audiences wishing to gain an introductory overview of this important moment of the 1860s. Undergraduates in my Civil War course would enjoy a book such as this. The story is presented in a way that is highly personable and digestible. Martin's mission is not to convey every conceivable element of a military engagement but rather interpret a searing, human experience.

While far from comprehensive in its scope, the book nonetheless shines in its visceral descriptions of the battle. Some opening description of the fight's initial phases in and around the Miller Cornfield come to mind:

The battle was getting frantic. The topmost section of the field fairly crawled with soldiers; they were in the corn, the surrounding pastures and meadows, and the woods that girded the open spaces. The sound had grown deafening. There were the pops of muskets, the peculiar whistling of bullets, the clip when they hit a cornstalk, the crack of striking wood, the thud of connecting with a body. Cannon fire poured in from all directions. The heavy shells screamed and sizzled, clattered in the treetops; shrapnel plopped in the soft earth or ricocheted with a metallic zing. "If all the stone and brick houses of Broadway should tumble at once the roar and rattle could hardly be greater," Alpheus Williams, a Union general, would recall of the cornfield fighting(Martin, 45-46).

Such visual descriptions of the fray carry well throughout the book's text. Elsewhere in the book, additional cultural context is offered through the themes of religion, mourning, and the infancy of battlefield photography. Slavery also comes to the forefront of the conversation, including Robert E. Lee's association with the institution, which has so often been misinterpreted by Civil War aficionados.

There were two elements of Martin's book I found particularly refreshing. Firstly, he did not succumb to the perennial military bashing of Federal commander George McClellan. In comparison to the caution he exhibited in earlier campaigns, the general is depicted as comparatively aggressive in his approach to the battlefield and his plans to resume the fight on September 19. While McClellan exhibited his fair share of despicable traits in his lifetime, his performance at Antietam should not be considered among them, Martin asserts.

Secondly, readers can truly tell that the author spent much time hiking the battlefield. He has a keen sense of the terrain and cites in the end notes park ranger tours he attended while conducting research. He traveled to the New York Public Library and National Archives as his quest for information continued. This extra effort pays off in the long run.

A Fierce Gloryis a highly recommended read for anybody with a fledgling interest in the Battle of Antietam. Martin reminds us that battles are not merely the stories of right wheels and left flanks but of common individuals shaped by the dramatic circumstances of their times.



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