Women and vegetarianism and veganism advocacy surveys women's involvement in promotingvegetarian andvegan diets, from early reform circles to thesuffrage era and into the present. It outlines recurring motivations—ethical, health, temperance, domestic-labour, environmental and spiritual—alongside evidence of gendered patterns in adoption and attitudes. The article examines intersections with feminism, includingfirst-wave activism,anti-vivisection, and latervegetarian ecofeminism andcare-based ethics, and notes the role of periodical publishing and cookery writing in popularising meat-free diets. It also profiles notable advocates, organisations and venues, and describes cultural portrayals that have influenced public discussion of women and meat-free diets.
Contextual histories note longstanding meat-avoidant traditions, includingIndigenous foodways in parts of North America andreligious abstention on the Indian subcontinent; later women's advocacy in Anglophone movements drew on and reinterpreted such practices in modern campaigns.[1]
.jpg)
Some nineteenth-century accounts describe women as active in early vegetarian andanimal welfare circles, often alongside other reform movements and periodical publishing.[2]
In Britain,Martha Brotherton—active in theBible Christian Church, a Christian sect advocatingtemperence and a meat-free diet—publishedVegetable Cookery (1812).[3] It has been described as the first explicitly vegetarian cookbook.[4] Historians, including Kathryn Gleadle, argue that the book guided early nineteenth-century Americans in adopting vegetarianism and provided a template for later vegetarian cookbooks.[5][6]
In the United States,Asenath Hatch Nicholson promoted meat-free cookery after encounteringSylvester Graham's lectures; she and her husband operated a vegetarian boarding house in New York City and she publishedNature's Own Book (1835) andA Treatise on Vegetable Diet (1848).[1] The Transcendentalist communeFruitlands (1843) adopted a vegan regimen that excluded animal products and certain crops, reflecting beliefs about purity and non-exploitation;Louisa May Alcott's later account drew attention to the heavy domestic burden borne by women at the site, and the community disbanded within months.[1] In 1850, theAmerican Vegetarian Society connected abstention from meat with a range of reforms, and its journal linked vegetarianism with women's rights and abolition; prominent reformers, includingSusan B. Anthony, attended vegetarian society events.[7]
Accounts of British feminist vegetarianism also discuss the physician and spiritualistAnna Kingsford (1846–1888), who argued inThe Perfect Way in Diet (1881) for meat abstention on anatomical, health, ethical and spiritual grounds, linked vegetarianism to women's emancipation and anti-vivisection, and situated dietary reform within Theosophical ideas of social and moral renewal.[8]
Research on Britain during thesuffrage era indicates that vegetarianism featured among activists in both militant and constitutional suffrage circles, including branch events, wartime vegetarian kitchens, and cooperation with local vegetarian societies.[10]
According to Elsa Richardson, vegetarian restaurants in Edwardian London, including theEustace Miles Restaurant (Charing Cross), the Gardenia (Covent Garden), the Criterion (Piccadilly) and the Teacup Inn (off Kingsway), functioned as meeting places, lecture venues and dining sites for suffrage supporters. Richardson notes that on 4 April 1908 a suffrage procession concluded with a breakfast at the Eustace Miles, and that the venue later refused to disclose information about patrons sought by the authorities. She also describes these restaurants as alcohol-free or otherwise positioned as suitable for unaccompanied women diners and as hubs for a range of reformist engagements. The Minerva Café (High Holborn), established by theWomen's Freedom League in 1916 under presidentCharlotte Despard, is reported to have served as both headquarters and fundraising site; Richardson adds that the café marked the 1918 franchise reform with a vegetarian menu. She links these developments with earlier initiatives such as theWomen's Vegetarian Union (1895) and with periodicals likeShafts that associated meat abstention with women's rights, anti-vivisection, rational dress and education.[11]
Richardson further reports that hunger strikes and opposition to force-feeding were followed, on release, by public breakfasts at the Eustace Miles, where medals were presented beginning withMarion Wallace Dunlop. In her account, linking food practices with claims about bodily autonomy formed part of the movement's public messaging.[11]
Additional commentary from Helen Antrobus discussesWSPU "Welcome Breakfasts" at the Eustace Miles and cites a 1907 note in theVegetarian Society's journal that "quite a number of the leaders in the Women's Suffragist movement are vegetarians"; the Society's feature also discusses suffragists and suffragettes who adopted vegetarian diets, references requests around prison diets (includingConstance Lytton's case), and mentions figures such asAnne Cobden-Sanderson andLeonora Cohen.[15]
In 1912, suffragistMinta Beach undertook a New York–Chicago walk while adhering to avegetarian raw-food regimen and addressed audiences about diet and women's physical capability; contemporary coverage described her meals and framed the feat as a demonstration of health and endurance.[1] Later in the century, nutritionistAlvenia Fulton operated the Fultonia Health Food Center in Chicago, promoted fasting and vegetarian eating, and advised civil-rights activistDick Gregory during hunger strikes; reports describe Gregory ending a 54-day fast with a vegetarian meal at Fultonia's.[1]
From the 2000s onward, reporting on social-psychological research identified gendered patterns in vegetarian and vegan uptake. Summaries pointed to concepts such as "precarious masculinity" (anxieties about maintaining a masculine identity), marketing that codes meat as masculine, and differing strategies for resolving the "meat paradox" (women more often dissociating meat from animals; men more often justifying meat as natural/necessary). Coverage also notes higher female participation inanimal rights groups and discusses how reminders of animals can trigger stronger pro-meat reactions among some men, withsocial-dominance explanations offered for these effects.[16]
Some surveys and commentaries report gender differences in engagement with vegetarianism and veganism.[2] A 2020 systematic review of 29 studies reported consistent sex differences across multiple countries, including findings that women are about twice as likely as men to identify as vegetarian or vegan in Western societies, that vegetarian diets are stereotyped as less masculine than meat-based diets, and that omnivores exhibit more prejudice towards vegetarian men than women; the review also noted men's more positive attitudes toward meat consumption.[17] A 15-year study of students at a US university (2008–2023) reported an increase in self-identified vegetarianism among women (from 4.3% to 8.7%) but not men (from 3.2% to 2.7%), and discussed possible cultural and identity-based explanations for these divergent trends.[18]
Reported motivations for women's adoption of vegetarian or vegan diets include ethical objections to animal killing,[2][10][15] reductions in domestic labour time,[10][15] health andtemperance arguments,[7][2][15][8] environmental concerns,[2] and religious or spiritual considerations.[8][1] Reviews of gendered motivations also discuss women's greater emphasis on animal welfare and health and men's stronger endorsement of rationalisations for meat eating; studies additionally note gendered stereotypes around foods and masculinity that shape dietary choices.[17]
Analyses ofEdwardian Britain discuss arguments that vegetarianism could reduce domestic labour, avoid participation in animal killing, and symbolically question gender hierarchies, with overlaps intoTheosophy andsocialism articulated as ideas of universal kinship.[10] Kingsford linked anti-vivisection and vegetarianism to women's emancipation, framed women as protectors of animals, and described practical benefits of meatless cookery for household labour and budgets.[8]
Later discussions connected critiques of meat eating with analyses of gender, sexuality and environmental harm; frequently cited examples includeCarol J. Adams'sThe Sexual Politics of Meat (1990) and organisations such as Feminists for Animal Rights, alongside interview and essay literature advancing care-centred approaches.[2][19]
The termvegetarian ecofeminism is used for approaches that connect the subordination of women and the exploitation of non-human animals, and that critique meat eating as embedded in patriarchal power relations. Key concepts include the "absent referent" (the erasure of the animal in meat consumption) and an ethic of care that treats emotional response as a valid basis for moral reasoning. Overviews of this literature situate vegetarian ecofeminism within wider ecofeminist thought that links sexism, racism, classism and speciesism.[19][20]
Women's groups in the United Kingdom operated vegetarian restaurants during theFirst World War and worked with local vegetarian societies on demonstrations and lectures.[10] Additional venues noted in secondary sources—including the Eustace Miles and the Minerva Café—served as lecture sites, headquarters and fundraising hubs for suffrage and allied movements.[11] Earlier US examples include women-run vegetarian boarding houses and cafés linked to reform advocacy.[1] Helen Antrobus describes vegetarian restaurants as hosting suffrage events and fundraising, and note appeals to peace, economy and household labour in contemporary arguments for the diet.[15] In the nineteenth-century United States, vegetarian organisations also linked dietary reform with women's rights andabolition, and publicised these links through conventions and publications.[7]
Commentary has raised questions about class, race, disability and labour within vegetarian and vegan advocacy cultures.[2]
In television, "Lisa the Vegetarian" (1995) fromThe Simpsons is frequently cited for shifting portrayals of vegetarians on mainstream US TV. The episode followsLisa's conversion after a petting-zoo visit, depicts backlash from meat-eaters (e.g., "You don't win friends with salad!"), and featuresPaul andLinda McCartney, whose participation was contingent on Lisa remaining a vegetarian thereafter. It balances advocacy with tolerance—having Lisa apologise for militant tactics—and was recognised with anEnvironmental Media Award and a Genesis Award.[21]
{{citation}}: CS1 maint: work parameter with ISBN (link).svg)
