TheWhite movement,[b] also known as theWhites,[c] was one of the main factions of theRussian Civil War of 1917–1922. It was led mainly by theright-leaning andconservative officers of theRussian Empire, while theBolsheviks who led theOctober Revolution in Russia, also known as theReds, and their supporters, were regarded as the main enemies of the Whites. It operated as a system of governments and administrations united as theRussian State, which functioned as amilitary dictatorship[23] throughout the most of its existence, and military formations collectively referred to as theWhite Army,[d] or the White Guard.[e]
Although the White movement included a variety of political opinions in Russia opposed to the Bolsheviks, from therepublican-mindedliberals throughmonarchists to theultra-nationalistBlack Hundreds,[13][15] and lacked a universally-accepted doctrine,[24] the main force behind the movement were the conservative officers, and the resulting movement shared many traits with widespread right-wing counter-revolutionary movements of the time, namelynationalism, racism, distrust of liberal and democratic politics,clericalism, contempt for the common man and dislike of industrial civilization;[25] in November 1918, the movement united on anauthoritarian-right platform around the figure ofAlexander Kolchak as its principal leader.[26][27] It generally defended the order ofpre-revolutionary Imperial Russia,[15][28][29] although the ideal of the movement was a mythical "Holy Russia", what was a mark of its religious understanding of the world.[30] The positive program of the movement was largely summarized in the slogan of "united and indivisible Russia [ru]" which meant the restoration of imperial state borders,[18][16][17] and its denial of theright to self-determination.[31] The Whites are associated withpogroms andantisemitism; while the relations with the Jews featured a certain complexity, the movement was largely antisemitic, with the White generals viewing the Revolution asa result of a Jewish conspiracy.[32][33][34] Antisemitism and more broad nationalism and xenophobia of the movement were manifested in the acts of theWhite Terror, which often targeted non-Russian ethnic groups of the former Russian Empire.
Some historians distinguish the White movement from the so-called "democratic counter-revolution" led mainly by theRight SRs and theMensheviks that adhered to the values ofparliamentary democracy and maintained democratic anti-Bolshevik governments (Komuch,Ufa Directory) until November 1918,[35][27] and then supported either the Whites or the Bolsheviks or opposed both factions, making attempts to overthrow the White administrations and create ones their own, such as the "Political Centre" in 1920.[22]
Following the military defeat of their movement, the Whites expelled from the USSR attempted to continue the struggle by creating armed groups which would wageguerilla warfare in the USSR. Some of the former White commanders also hoped to depose the Soviet authorities by means ofcollaboration withNazi Germany duringWorld War II. In exile, remnants and continuations of the movement remained in several organizations, some of which only had narrow support, enduring within the widerWhite émigré overseas community until after the fall of the European communist states in theEastern European Revolutions of 1989 and the subsequentdissolution of the Soviet Union in 1990–1991. This community-in-exile of anti-communists often divided into liberal and the more conservative segments, with some still hoping for the restoration of theRomanov dynasty.
In the Russian context after 1917, "White" had three main connotations which were:
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Although the Bolsheviks had many opponents that ahered to the values ofparliamentary democracy, such as theMensheviks and theSRs, the main force of the White movement were the imperial army officers, since, unlike the moderate left politicians, they were able to organize an armed movement and had a necessary unity of common experience developed in the army and the wars the Russian Empire was involved in. Although the Whites were disunited by such factors as personal rivalries, distances between the military formations, and lack of a clearly formulated political program and doctrine and a leader with an absolute authority who could formulate those, they shared a common ideological military culture of officer corps of the Russian Empire, which included such key elements as conservatism, distrust of technology and industrial civilization, "faith inélan" as a key to victory, and conservative militaryanti-intellectualism. During the Civil War, the officers did not produce a political program and a critique of Bolshevism, but instead simply viewed the revolutionaries as inherently evil,[10] viewing their struggle as a fight of Good against Evil and God against Satan,[30] and expected the people to realize this and turn to the conservative values of the Whites. The professional officers rejected "politics", understood primarily as party activities undermining the authority of the Tsar, and modern rational political thought promoting equality and social justice, as threats to the national spirit and the army. In such worldview, the army "stood above politics", while the defense of the autocracy was not a political act, but an article of faith. This stance was not consciously monarchist, and during theFebruary Revolution the officers did not resist the overthrow ofTsarism in order to keep the military effort; in a similar way, they mainly abstained from defending the Provisional Government against the Bolsheviks. Most officers preferred not to engage in political struggle during initial period after October Revolution, while the organizers of theVolunteer Army represented only the most conservative minority.[10]
The White officers believed socialist and pacifist politicians and intellectuals to be their enemies, condemning socialism as materialisticand anti-individualistic as opposed to "spiritual" and patriotic values of the army, and pacifism as threatening these values and allied with socialism. Liberal politics were distrusted as well, and during the Civil War the Whites preferred the Tsarist bureaucrats and officers to liberal civilians to administer the White-controlled territories.Racial antisemitism was widespread in the army and in Russian society in general; the Jews could not become army officers and were mistreated in the army, the officers believing them to be guilty of spreading subversive ideologies and not being able to become good soldiers. During the Civil War, antisemitism varied among the White officers, but was a crucial element of the ideology of the Whites.[10]
Despite their conservatism, the Whites did not openly proclaim a reactionary movement and instead attempted not to alienate potential support and to attract a broad base, avoiding controversial decisions and openly expressing their stance on the major issues, and producing programs subject to various interpretations while neglecting propaganda work and promoting positive ideals.[10] The Whites had the stated aim to reverse the October Revolution and remove the Bolsheviks from power before aconstituent assembly, dissolved by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 could be convened.[39] There was no clear position on whether to consider the Provisional Government legitimate. However, while the socialists believed the socialist-dominated Constituent Assembly dissolved by the Bolsheviks to be legitimate, the White leaders did not recognize it and insisted on conveining a new Assembly after the Civil War. From 1918,Anton Denikin, while rejecting the outright slogans for the restoration of Tsarism popular within the officers as a possible detriment to their cause and recruitment and claiming the military could not decide for a government instead of the Russian people,[40] began referring to a future "National Assembly". While its difference from the Constituent Assembly had never been defined, this change could imply that the Whites did not support the principles of popular sovereignty and universal suffrage.[10] While the leaders of the movement continued to formally reject reactionary ideas, and some of the Whites accepted the ideas of the abolition of monarchy and some reforms, in general the movement sought to reestablish the traditional imperial social order.[28][29] During the last phase of its existence, the movement under the leadership of BaronPyotr Wrangel reverted to the term "Constituent Assembly", but issued a manifesto which advocated the necessity of "the Russian people" choosing "its own MASTER," implying that Wrangel meant a new Tsar.[41]
At the same time, the historian Vladimir Brovkin argues that it fought not "for a restoration of the prerevolutionary order, nor indeed for any mundane political goal, but rather for the mythical "Holy Russia." According to Brovkin, the Whites viewed the world primarily in religious categories, and they expressed their thinking in dense religious imagery. Yet, they were products of secular society, and their 'cult', the primary object of which was Russia, was shaped by World War I and the Revolution. The Whites often depicted the state of Russia after the Revolution in terms of "defilement," "impurity," and "blasphemy", opposite to the ideals of purity and of the triumph of the spirit over matter, derived from Christian and specifically Byzantine asceticism. The Revolution was seen as sacrilege and rape, and thus the Whites saw their goal as to purify Russia by means of self-sacrifice, similarly to the crucifixion of Christ, what was expressed in rendering the 'Great Siberian Ice March' as "walk[ing] the Way of the Cross" and its direct association with the crucifixion. Thus, the Revolution and the Civil War was understood through religious and extremely polar imagery, as a struggle of nobility and baseness, freedom and slavery, purity and defilement, light and darkness, life and death, and, ultimately, God and Satan. More to it, the Whites "believed that the epochal conflict between Good and Evil was coming to its summation and that Russia was its battleground."[30]
The movement was generally conservative, while the largest group within the movement which had leanings most similar tofascism were theCossacks, who were led by the economic motive of defending their estates and by their anti-modern culture. Their primary leader wasPyotr Krasnov,a staunch antisemite who appealed to the Cossacks with demagogue rhetoric and ideas of a mythical Cossack past. DuringWorld War II, Krasnov would become a prominent collaborator with Nazi Germany, leading collaborationist Cossack units.[42] Among the members of the movement could be monarchists, republicans,[24] rightists, andKadets.[43] The Kadets were one of the largest liberal parties in Russia, however, many of them shifted to conservatism during the Revolution[44] and more broadly World War I, when the Kadet party started promotingmilitary dictatorship and territorial integrity of the Russian Empire and afterwards by its scale of support of the Whites became next to the Russian nationalist parties.[45] At first, the Kadets as the main party of the Russian State attempted to build the government as a "collective dictatorship", until theKolchak coup took place, and the Kadets became the supporters of AdmiralAlexander Kolchak.[46] Kolchak became the dictator of the Russian State and was recognized as the principle leader of the Whites while gaining the title of the Supreme Ruler of Russia, thus uniting the movement around himself on an authoritarian-right platform.[26][27][6] Kolchak was a proponent of Russian nationalism andmilitarism, while opposing democracy which he believed to be tied to pacifism, internationalism, and socialism.[47]
The Whites presented themselves as proponents of Russian partiotism, nationalism and conservatism as opposed to internationalism and revolutionary social programme of the Bolsheviks; the Whites relied onconservative populism which maintained that the Russian people possessed unique and valuable qualities which distinguished them from Westerners and made Western institutions in Russia inappropriate. They proclaimed that they were fighting "for Russia" and implied that Russia as a political entity could exist only on the basis of traditional social and political principles congruent with the history of Russia, and those who wanted to fundamentally change the social and political order were thus against Russia. They proclaimed that the army "stood above classes" just as above "politics" and were reluctant to hesitant to solve social contradictions, partially because it would alienate the support of the landowners and owning classes. Although such leaders as Denikin and Kolchak made attempts to implement a land reform which proposed a compulsory alienation of land with compensation to former owners, these attempts were sabotaged by the lower-ranking officers and Tsarist bureaucrats to which the White leaders granted the authority to implement the reform, while the White leaders took little action to enforce the implementation of their reforms.[48][49]
The Whites rejectedethnic particularism andseparatism.[50] It proclaimed the slogan of "united and indivisible Russia [ru]" which meant its denial of theright to self-determination and the restoration of imperial state borders with possible exceptions for such states as Poland and Finland; in accordance with it, the Whites attempted to operate on the territories of the former empire they regarded as "Russia" but where ethnic Russians were a minority. This principle was violated during theEstonian War of Independence, where the Russian Whites aided the Estonian Republic. However, in accordance with this principle, the Whites did not recognize theUkrainian People's Republic and fought against it inUkrainian War of Independence, as well as against theMountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus. Following this principle, Kolchak refused GeneralMannerheim's offer to receive military aid from Finland in return for recognizing its independence, since for Kolchak a "Russia in pieces was not Russia."[18][16][17][31][49] Whites differed on policies toward theGerman Empire in its extended occupation ofwestern Russia, theBaltic states,Poland, andUkraine on theEastern Front in the closing days of the World War, debating whether or not to ally with it. While such White leaders asPyotr Krasnov (Don Republic) andPavlo Skoropadskyi (German-occupiedUkrainian State) agreed to receive support from Germany, many other leaders remained loyal to the Allies.[40]
An important element of the ideology of the Whites was antisemitism. There was a certain complexity with the relations with the Jews, since the 'liberal' official White programs never featured antisemitism, and there was even a number Jewish officers in the White armies. However, antisemitism was shared by the White generals and spread by White propaganda,which blamed the Jews for the Revolution and spreading non-Russian and 'modern' values; the officers described Jews as microbes and blamed them for misfortunes ranging from military defeat to inflation and lack of foreign support, while the White Orthodox Christian priests denounced Jews as Christ-killers and called for a holy crusade against Jewish Bolshevism. Antisemitism varies among the leaders of the Whites: while for such figures as Krasnov every Jew was a conspirator against Russia, Denikin was moderate. Denikin confessed to a Jewish delegation which asked for protection that he did not like Jews and he took various steps against Jewish economic interests, but denied antisemitism of the Whites and that the pogroms directed by the Whites were directed against the Jews. While it appears that such figures as Denikin did not share the militant antisemitism of their subordinates, they did little to stop them.[51][32][33]
The historian Peter Holquist describes the Russian nationalist and antisemitic underpinnings of theRussian White Terror in the following way: "Anti-Soviet commanders and foot soldiers alike believed they knew who their enemies were, and they equally believed they knew what they had to do with such foes. White commanders sifted their POWs, selecting out those they deemed undesirable and incorrigible (Jews, Balts, Chinese, Communists), and executed these individuals in groups later, a process the Whites described as "filtering."[52] Joshua Sanborn traces the antisemitic White Terror to state-supported antisemitism of the Russian Empire:[33]
...in the case of the Jews, we see not only the development of terror practices (like hostage-taking, decimation, mass retribution, mass deportation, rape, robbery, and sadistic, spectacularly cruel violence), but of the social intent. Most notably, efforts on the part ofIanushkevich’sStavka to gather material on Jewish behavior in the army stressed that commanders were to gather this to prove all the “harm” that Jews posed to the army and to the nation. [...] These were processes that were justified by the war atmosphere, but whose vision extended well into the post-war period. As a result, the White Terror, like the Imperial Army's Terror campaign from 1914–1917, was revolutionary in its Terror against Jews, and who knows, might have taken this kernel even further had they prevailed in the Civil War.
The propaganda service of the Volunteer Army, theOsvag [ru], made the claim that "theJews must pay for everything: for theFebruary and October revolutions, forBolshevism and for the peasants who took their land from the owners". The organization also reissuedThe Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Although Denikin's troops committed only 17.2% of thepogroms (most of which were carried out byUkrainian nationalists or by rebel armies not affiliated with any side),[dubious –discuss] "white" officers praise soldiers who commit anti-Semitic crimes, some of whom even receive bonuses.[53]
Winston Churchill personally warned GeneralAnton Denikin (1872–1947), formerly of the Imperial Army and later a major White military leader, whose forces effectedpogroms and persecutions against the Jews:
[M]y task in winning support inParliament for the Russian Nationalist cause will be infinitely harder if well-authenticated complaints continue to be received from Jews in the zone of the Volunteer Armies.[54]
However, Denikin did not dare to confront his officers and remained content with vague formal condemnations.[citation needed]
Somewarlords who were aligned with the White movement, such asGrigory Semyonov andRoman Ungern von Sternberg, did not acknowledge any authority but their own.[citation needed]
TheVolunteer Army in South Russia became the most prominent and the largest of the various and disparate White forces.[10] Starting off as a small and well-organized military in January 1918, the Volunteer Army soon grew. TheKuban Cossacks joined the White Army and conscription of both peasants and Cossacks began. In late February 1918, 4,000 soldiers under the command of GeneralAleksei Kaledin were forced to retreat fromRostov-on-Don due to the advance of the Red Army. In what became known as theIce March, they traveled toKuban in order to unite with theKuban Cossacks, most of whom did not support the Volunteer Army. In March, 3,000 men under the command of GeneralViktor Pokrovsky joined the Volunteer Army, increasing its membership to 6,000, and by June to 9,000. In 1919 theDon Cossacks joined the Army. In that year between May and October, the Volunteer Army grew from 64,000 to 150,000 soldiers and was better supplied than its Red counterpart.[55] The White Army's rank-and-file comprised active anti-Bolsheviks, such as Cossacks, nobles, and peasants, as conscripts and as volunteers.
The White movement had access to various naval forces, both seagoing and riverine, especially theBlack Sea Fleet.
Aerial forces available to the Whites included the Slavo-British Aviation Corps (S.B.A.C.).[56] The Russian aceAlexander Kazakov operated within this unit.
The White movement's leaders and first members[57] came mainly from the ranks of military officers. Many came from outside the nobility, such as generalsMikhail Alekseyev andAnton Denikin, who originated in serf families, or GeneralLavr Kornilov, a Cossack.
The White generals never mastered administration;[58] they often utilized "prerevolutionary functionaries" or "military officers with monarchististic inclinations" for administering White-controlled regions.[59]
The White Armies were often lawless and disordered.[39] Also, White-controlled territories had multiple different and varying currencies with unstable exchange-rates. The chief currency, the Volunteer Army's ruble, had nogold backing.[60]
The Whites and the Reds fought the Russian Civil War from November 1917 until 1921, and isolated battles continued in theFar East until June 1923. The White Army—aided by the Allied forces (Triple Entente) from countries such asJapan, theUnited Kingdom,France,Greece,Italy and theUnited States and (sometimes) the Central Powers forces such asGermany andAustria-Hungary—fought inSiberia,Ukraine, and inCrimea. They were defeated by the Red Army due to military and ideological disunity, as well as the determination and increasing unity of the Red Army.
The White Army operated in three maintheatres:
Organization of the White Army located in the South started on 15 November 1917, (Old Style) under GeneralMikhail Alekseyev. In December 1917, GeneralLavr Kornilov took over the military command of the newly namedVolunteer Army until his death in April 1918, after which GeneralAnton Denikin took over, becoming head of the"Armed Forces of the South of Russia" in January 1919.
The Southern Front featured massive-scale operations and posed the most dangerous threat to the Bolshevik Government. At first it depended entirely upon volunteers in Russia proper, mostly the Cossacks, among the first to oppose the Bolshevik Government. On 23 June 1918, the Volunteer Army (8,000–9,000 men) began its so-called Second Kuban Campaign with support fromPyotr Krasnov. By September, the Volunteer Army comprised 30,000 to 35,000 members, thanks to mobilization of the Kuban Cossacks gathered in theNorth Caucasus. Thus, the Volunteer Army took the name of the Caucasus Volunteer Army. On 23 January 1919, the Volunteer Army under Denikin oversaw the defeat of the11th Soviet Army and then captured the North Caucasus region. After capturing theDonbas,Tsaritsyn andKharkiv in June, Denikin's forces launched an attack towardsMoscow on 3 July, (N.S.). Plans envisaged 40,000 fighters under the command of GeneralVladimir May-Mayevsky storming the city.
After General Denikin's attack upon Moscow failed in 1919, the Armed Forces of the South of Russia retreated. On 26 and 27 March 1920, the remnants of the Volunteer Armyevacuated from Novorossiysk to the Crimea, where they merged with the army ofPyotr Wrangel.
The Eastern Front started in spring 1918 as a secret movement among army officers and right-wing socialist forces. In that front, they launched an attack in collaboration with theCzechoslovak Legions, who were then stranded inSiberia by the Bolshevik Government, who had barred them from leaving Russia, and with the Japanese, who also intervened to help the Whites in the east.Admiral Alexander Kolchak headed the eastern White Army and a provisional Russian government. Despite some significant success in 1919, the Whites were defeated being forced back to Far Eastern Russia, where they continued fighting until October 1922. When the Japanese withdrew, the Soviet army of theFar Eastern Republic retook the territory. The Civil War was officially declared over at this point, althoughAnatoly Pepelyayev still controlled theAyano-Maysky District at that time. Pepelyayev'sYakut revolt, which concluded on 16 June 1923, represented the last military action in Russia by a White Army. It ended with the defeat of the final anti-communist enclave in the country, signalling the end of all military hostilities relating to the Russian Civil War.
Headed byNikolai Yudenich,Evgeni Miller, andAnatoly Lieven, the White forces in the North demonstrated less co-ordination than General Denikin's Army of Southern Russia. TheNorthwestern Army allied itself withEstonia, while Lieven'sWest Russian Volunteer Army sided with theBaltic nobility. Authoritarian support led byPavel Bermondt-Avalov andStanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz played a role as well. The most notable operation on this front, OperationWhite Sword, saw an unsuccessful advance towards the Russian capital ofPetrograd in the autumn of 1919.
The defeated anti-Bolshevik Russians went into exile, congregating inBelgrade,Berlin,Paris,Harbin,Istanbul, andShanghai. They established military and cultural networks that lasted throughWorld War II (1939–1945), e.g. theHarbin andShanghai Russians. Afterward, the White Russians'anti-communist activists established a home base in the United States, to which numerous refugees emigrated.
Moreover, in the 1920s and the 1930s the White movement established organisations outside Russia, which were meant todepose the Soviet government withguerrilla warfare, e.g., theRussian All-Military Union, theBrotherhood of Russian Truth, and theNational Alliance of Russian Solidarists, a far-right anticommunist organization founded in 1930 by a group of young White emigres in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. Some White émigrés adopted pro-Soviet sympathies and were termed "Soviet patriots". These people formed organizations such as theMladorossi, theEurasianists, and theSmenovekhovtsy. A Russian cadet corps was established to prepare the next generation of anti-Communists for the "spring campaign"—a hopeful term denoting a renewed military campaign to reclaim Russia from the Soviet Government. In any event, many cadets volunteered to fight for theRussian Protective Corps during World War II, when a number of White Russianscollaborated withNazi Germany.[61] The collaborators included some prominent figures of the White movement, likePyotr Krasnov, the leader of the White Don Cossacks during the civil war.
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After the war, active anti-Soviet combat was almost exclusively continued by theNational Alliance of Russian Solidarists. Other organizations either dissolved, or began concentrating exclusively on self-preservation and/or educating the youth. Various youth organizations, such as the Russian Scouts-in-Exteris, promoted providing children with a background in pre-Soviet Russian culture and heritage. Some supportedZog I of Albania during the 1920s and a few independently served with theNationalists during theSpanish Civil War. White Russians also served alongside the SovietRed Army during theSoviet invasion of Xinjiang and theIslamic rebellion in Xinjiang in 1937.
After theFebruary Revolution, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania declared themselves independent. However, they had a substantial Communist or Russian military presence within their newly proposed independent states at the time. Civil wars followed, wherein the anti-communist side may be referred to as White Armies, e.g. in Finland theWhite Guard-led, partially conscriptedFinnish White Army [fi] (Finnish:Valkoinen Armeija) who fought againstSoviet Russia-sponsoredRed Guards. However, since they were nationalists, their aims were substantially different from the Russian White Army proper; for instance, Russian White generals never explicitly supported Finnish independence. The defeat of the Russian White Army made the point moot in this dispute. The countries remained independent and governed by non-Communist governments.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)"Архивированная копия"(PDF). Archived from the original on 2012-01-03. Retrieved2020-04-25.The White movement as a whole, despite the presence of political shades: republicans, monarchists, non-predeterminists, was a military-political movement that defended the values ofStolypin's Russia.
Then there occurred another story which has become traumatic, this one for the Russian nationalist psyche. At the end of the year 1918, after the Russian Revolution, the Chinese merchants in the Russian Far East demanded the Chinese government to send troops for their protection, and Chinese troops were sent to Vladivostok to protect the Chinese community: about 1600 soldiers and 700 support personnel.
White Terror, claims the late historian of the Whites, Viktor G. Bortnevski "was logically produced by a White political system of military dictatorship..."
Authoritarian tendencies also prevailed in the territory occupied by the opponents of the Soviet Republic. The militarization of life, the growth of the influence of officers, and the strengthening of right-wing socio-political groups led to the evolution of the political system to the right. [...] On the night of November 18, 1918, the army overthrew the Directory, handing over power to the Supreme Ruler, Admiral A. Kolchak. His dictatorship was supported by other leaders of the White movement.
...with the ritual condemnation of reaction, the goal of the movement was to restore order, in its main features corresponding to the pre-revolutionary one.
Not all the participants in the White movement wanted to recreate tsarist Russia. [...] Nevertheless, the Civil War divided those who preferred tsarist Russia to the society which they feared their country was heading toward, and those who hated the old and had confidence that they could build a more just and rational society. After three years of struggle the Whites lost the war, proving that the traditional order had too few defenders... The defeat of the Whites was the final and conclusive defeat of Imperial Russia.
The White movement fought for the "united and indivisible" Russia and did not recognize the right of nations to self-determination.
It was Ivan III (1462–1505) who is well known as the first one to present himself as a tsar to foreigners, though it must be accepted that his use of the title was very sparse.
[...] the brief mention that the Muscovite ruler is by some called 'the White King' ('albus rex').
Soon after landing we started to recruit for the Slavo-British Aviation Corps (S.B.A.C.) [...].
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