Valens[c] (/ˈveɪlənz/;[11]Ancient Greek:Ουάλης,romanized: Ouálēs; 328 – 9 August 378) wasRoman emperor from 364 to 378. Following a largely unremarkable military career, he was named co-emperor by his elder brotherValentinian I, who gave him theeastern half of theRoman Empire to rule. In 378, Valens was defeated and killed at theBattle of Adrianople against the invadingGoths, which astonished contemporaries and marked the beginning of barbarian encroachment into Roman territory.
As emperor, Valens continually faced threats both internal and external.[12] He defeated, after some dithering, the usurperProcopius in 366, and campaigned against the Goths across theDanube in 367 and 369. In the following years, Valens focused on the eastern frontier, where he faced the perennial threat ofPersia, particularly inArmenia, as well as additional conflicts with theSaracens andIsaurians. Domestically, he inaugurated theAqueduct of Valens inConstantinople, which was longer than all the aqueducts ofRome. In 376–77, theGothic War broke out, following a mismanaged attempt to settle the Goths in the Balkans. Valens returned from the east to fight the Goths in person, but lack of coordination with his nephew, the western emperorGratian (Valentinian I's son), as well as poor battle tactics, led to Valens and much of the eastern Roman army dying in a battle nearAdrianople in 378.
A capable administrator[13] who significantly relieved the burden of taxation on the population,[14] Valens is also described as indecisive, impressionable, a mediocre general and overall "utterly undistinguished".[15] His suspicious and fearful disposition resulted in numerous treason trials and executions which heavily stained his reputation. In religious matters, Valens favored a compromise betweenNicene Christianity and the variousnon-trinitarian Christian sects,[9] and interfered little in the affairs of the pagans.[16][14][17]
Julian was killed in battle against thePersians in June 363, and his successor Jovian died the following February while traveling home to Constantinople.[23] The Latin historianAmmianus Marcellinus relates that Valentinian was summoned toNicaea by a council of military and civil officials, who acclaimed himaugustus on 25 February 364.[24][25]
Solidus of Valens showing Valentinian and Valens on the reverse, marked:victoriaaugg· ("theVictory of Our Augusti"). They hold together theorb, a symbol of power.
Valentinian appointed his brother Valenstribunus stabulorum (orstabuli) on 1 March 364.[26] It was the general opinion that Valentinian needed help to handle the administration, civil and military, of the large and unwieldy empire, and, on 28 March, at the express demand of the soldiers for a secondaugustus, he selected Valens as co-emperor at theHebdomon, before theConstantinian Walls.[26][27][24]
Asolidus of Valens with a pearl diadem and a roseatefibulaReverse of asolidus of Valens, marked:restitutor reipublicae ("the restitutor of the Republic") and showing the emperor holding avexillum and a globe supporting aVictory, who crowns him with alaurel wreath
Both emperors were briefly ill, delaying them in Constantinople.[24][28][29] As soon as they recovered, the twoaugusti travelled together throughAdrianople andNaissus toMediana, where they divided their territories. Valens obtained the eastern half of the Empire:Greece, theBalkans,Egypt,Anatolia and theLevant as far as the border with theSasanian Empire. Valentinian took the western half, where theAlemannic wars required his immediate attention.[30][31] The brothers began their consulships in their respective capitals, Constantinople andMediolanum (Milan).[32][33]
In the summer of 365, the365 Crete earthquake and ensuing tsunami caused destruction around the Eastern Mediterranean.[34]
The empire had recently retreated from most of its holdings inMesopotamia andArmenia, because of a treaty that Jovian had made withShapur II of the Sasanian Empire. Valens' first priority after the winter of 365 was to move east in hopes of shoring up the situation.[35]
Recent tax increases,[36] and Valens' dismissal of Julian's popular ministerSalutius, contributed to a general disaffection and to the acceptability of a revolution.[37] With the emperor absent from the imperial city,Procopius, a maternal cousin of Julian, declared himselfaugustus on 28 September 365.[38][39] Procopius had held office under Constantius II and Julian[40] and was rumored to have been Julian's intended successor,[38] despite how he had died without naming one.[41] Jovian, aside from depriving him of his command, took no measures against this potential rival, but Valentinian regarded Procopius with hostility.[42] Procopius met the danger from the new emperors with his own bid for power, emphasizing his connection to the reveredConstantinian Dynasty: during his public appearances he was always accompanied by Constantia, the posthumous daughter of Constantius II, and her motherFaustina, thedowager empress.[43]
News of the revolt reached Valens at Caesarea (Kayseri) in Cappadocia,[44] after most of his troops had already crossed theCilician Gates intoSyria. His first reaction was despair, and he considered abdication and perhaps even suicide.[45] Procopius quickly gained control of the provinces ofAsia andBithynia, winning increasing support for his insurrection. Valens recovered his nerve and sent an army to Constantinople; according to Ammianus Marcellinus, the soldiers defected to Procopius, whose use of his Constantinian hostages had met with some success.[43][36]
Having reappointed Salutius, Valens dispatched more troops under veteran generals,Arinthaeus andArbitio, to march on Procopius.[46] According to Ammianus Marcellinus and the later Greek historians Socrates Scholasticus andSozomen, the forces of Valens eventually prevailed after eight months, defeating Procopius in battles atThyatira andNacoleia.[47][36] On both occasions, Procopius was deserted by his own following in fear of their adversaries' formidable commanders. Put on trial by members of his own escort, Procopius was executed on 27 May 366.[48] Ammianus Marcellinus relates that Procopius' relativeMarcellus was proclaimed emperor in his place, but according to Zosimus he was swiftly captured and executed.[47] Valens could turn his attention back to external enemies, theSasanian Empire and theGoths.[19]
Coin of Valens after hisquinquennalia on 25 February 369, showing the three reigning emperors on the reverse marked:spesr p ("the hope of the Republic")
During Procopius' insurrection, theGothic kingErmanaric, who ruled a powerful kingdom north of theDanube from theEuxine to theBaltic Sea,[49] had engaged to supply him with troops for the struggle against Valens. The Gothic army, reportedly numbering 30,000 men, arrived too late to help Procopius, but nevertheless invadedThrace and began plundering the farms and vineyards of the province. Valens, marching north after defeating Procopius, surrounded them with a superior force and forced them to surrender. Ermanaric protested, and when Valens, encouraged by Valentinian, refused to make atonement to the Goths for his conduct, war was declared.[50]
In spring 367, Valens crossed the Danube and attacked theVisigoths underAthanaric, Ermanaric's tributary. The Goths fled into theCarpathian Mountains, and the campaign ended with no decisive conclusion. The following spring, a Danube flood prevented Valens from crossing; instead the Emperor occupied his troops with the construction of fortifications. In 369, Valens crossed again, fromNoviodunum, and by devastating the country forced Athanaric intogiving battle. Valens was victorious, and took the titleGothicus Maximus in time for the celebration of hisquinquennalia.[47] Athanaric and his forces were able to withdraw in good order and pleaded for peace.
Fortunately for the Goths, Valens expected a new war with theSasanid Empire in theMiddle East and was therefore willing to come to terms. In early 370 Valens and Athanaric met in the middle of the Danube and agreed to a treaty that ended the war.[19][51] The treaty seems to have largely cut off relations between Goths and Romans, confiningtrade and the exchange of troops for tribute.[52]
Portrait head of Valens, or his brother, on a modern bust historically mislabelled as Constantine (Uffizi)[53]
As mentioned before, among Valens' reasons for contracting a hasty and not entirely favorable peace in 369 was the deteriorating state of affairs in the East. Jovian had surrendered Rome's much disputed claim to control over Armenia in 363, andShapur II was eager to make good on this new opportunity. The Persian emperor began enticing Armenian lords over to his camp and eventually forced the defection of theArsacid Armenian king,Arshak II (Arsaces II), whom he quickly arrested and incarcerated. The Armenian nobility responded by asking Valens to return Arshak's son,Pap.[54] Valens agreed and sent Pap back to Armenia, but as these events took place during the war with the Goths he could not support him militarily.[54]
In response to the return of Pap, Shapur personally led an invasion force to seize control of Armenia.[55] Pap and his followers took refuge in the mountains whileArtaxata, the Armenian capital, and the city of Artogerassa along with several strongholds and castles were destroyed.[55] Shapur sent a second invasion force toCaucasian Iberia to drive out the pro-Roman kingSauromaces II, and put his own appointee, Sauromaces's uncleAspacures II, on the throne.
In the summer following his Gothic settlement, Valens sent hismagister peditum (Master of Foot)Arinthaeus to support Pap.[56] The following spring twelve legions were sent underTerentius to regain Iberia and to garrison Armenia near Mount Npat. When Shapur counterattacked into Armenia in 371, his forces were bested by Valens' generalsTraianus andVadomarius and the Armeniansparapet (general)Mushegh Mamikonian atBagavan andGandzak.[57] Valens had overstepped the 363 treaty and then successfully defended his transgression. A truce settled after the 371 victory held as a quasi-peace for the next five years while Shapur was forced to deal with aKushan invasion on his eastern frontier.
Meanwhile, troubles broke out with the boy-king Pap, who purportedly had the Armenian patriarchNerses assassinated and demanded control of a number of Roman cities, includingEdessa. Controversy also ensued over the issue of the appointment of a new patriarch of Armenia, with Pap appointing a candidate without the traditional approval from Caesarea. Pressed by his generals and fearing that Pap would defect to the Persians, Valens made an unsuccessful attempt to capture the prince and later had him executed inside Armenia. In his stead, Valens imposed another Arsacid,Varazdat, who ruled under the regency of thesparapet Mushegh Mamikonian, a friend of Rome.[citation needed]
None of this sat well with the Persians, who began agitating again for compliance with the 363 treaty. As the eastern frontier heated up in 375, Valens began preparations for a major expedition. Meanwhile, trouble was brewing elsewhere. InIsauria, the mountainous region of westernCilicia, a major revolt had broken out in 375 which diverted troops formerly stationed in the East. Furthermore, by 377, theSaracens underQueen Mavia had broken into revolt and devastated a swath of territory stretching fromPhoenicia andPalestine as far as theSinai. Though Valens successfully brought both uprisings under control, the opportunities for action on the eastern frontier were limited by these skirmishes closer to home.
Valens became the senioraugustus on 17 November 375, after his older brother Valentinian died suddenly at Brigetio (Szőny) while on campaign against theQuadi in Pannonia.[58][59] In the west, Valentinian was succeeded by his elder sonGratian, co-emperor since 367,[60][61] and his younger sonValentinian II, whom the army on the Danube proclaimedaugustus without consulting Gratian or Valens.[62][58]
Valens' eastern campaign required an ambitious recruitment program, designed to fill gaps left in his mobile forces when troops were transferred to the Western Empire in 374. Meanwhile, migrations of theHuns began to displace the Goths, who sought Roman protection.[19] Refugees from the former kingdom ofErmanaric, unable to hold theDniester orPrut rivers against Hunnic invaders, retreated southward in a massive emigration, seeking more defensible lands on the Roman side of theDanube. In 376, theVisigoths under their leaderFritigern advanced to the far shores of the lower Danube and sent requests for asylum to Valens inAntioch.[63]
Valens granted permission for a Danube crossing to Fritigern and his followers,[19] who had allied with the Romans in the 370s against Athanaric's persecution ofGothic Christians, and, it was hoped, could now be hired to bolster the eastern army. The Gothic troops would have to be paid in gold or silver, but their presence would decrease Valens' dependence on conscription from the provinces—thereby increasing revenues from the recruitment tax. Though a number of Gothic groups apparently requested entry, Valens granted admission only to Fritigern's people. Others would soon follow, however.[64]
Valens' mobile forces were tied down on the Persian frontier, where the emperor was attempting to withdraw from the harsh terms imposed by Shapur and was meeting some resistance on the latter's part. This meant that onlylimitanei units were present to oversee the arrival of Fritigern and his Goths, to the number of 200,000 warriors and almost a million all told. The sparse imperial troops could not stop subsequent Danube crossings by groups ofOstrogoths,Huns, andAlans, none of whom had been included in the original treaty. The controlled resettlement foreseen by the government threatened to turn into a major invasion, and the situation was worsened by corruption in the local Roman administration. Valens' generals accepted bribes rather than depriving the Goths of their weapons as Valens had stipulated, then enraged the settlers by imposing exorbitant prices for food.[65] In early 377, the Goths revolted after a commotion with the people ofMarcianopolis, and defeated the corrupt Roman governorLupicinus near the city at theBattle of Marcianople.[66]
After joining forces with theOstrogoths underAlatheus and Saphrax who had crossed without Valens' consent, the combined barbarian group spread out to devastate the country before combining to meet Roman advance forces under Traianus andRichomeres. In a sanguinarybattle atAd Salices, the Goths were momentarily checked,[67] andSaturninus, now Valens' lieutenant in the province, undertook a strategy of hemming them in between the lowerDanube and theEuxine, hoping to starve them into surrender. However, Fritigern forced him to retreat by inviting some of theHuns to cross the river in the rear of Saturninus' ranged defenses. The Romans then fell back, incapable of containing the irruption, though with an elite force of his best soldiers the general Sebastian was able to fall upon and destroy several of the smaller predatory bands.[68]
Valens requested assistance in Thrace from his nephew and co-emperor Gratian, but ultimately took the offensive before Gratian could join him.[19][59] Leaving behind a skeletal force—some of them Goths—the eastern army withdrew from the frontier, reaching Constantinople by 30 May, 378. The imperial councillors,comes Richomeres, the generalsFrigeridus andVictor, and letters from Gratian all cautioned Valens to wait for the arrival of the western army, but the populace of Constantinople became impatient at the delay. Public opinion criticized Valens for failing to control the Goths after inviting them into his territory, and compared him unfavourably with Gratian as a military commander.[69] Valens decided to advance at once and win a victory on his own.[70]
According to the Latin historians Ammianus Marcellinus andPaulus Orosius, on 9 August 378, Valens and most of his army were killed fighting the Goths near Hadrianopolis in Thrace (Adrianople,Edirne).[19][59] Ammianus is the primary source for the battle.[71]
Valens opened the campaign with arrangements aimed at building his troop strength and gaining a toehold in Thrace, then moved out to Adrianople, from whence he marched against the confederated barbarian army. Although negotiations were attempted, these broke down when a Roman unit sallied forth and carried both sides into battle. Valens had left a sizeable guard with his baggage and treasures, depleting his force. His right cavalry wing arrived at the Gothic camp sometime before the left wing arrived. It was a very hot day and the Roman cavalry was engaged without strategic support, wasting its efforts and suffering in the heat.[citation needed]
Meanwhile, Fritigern once again sent an emissary of peace in his continued manipulation of the situation. The resultant delay meant that the Romans present on the field began to succumb to the heat. The army's resources were further diminished when an ill-timed attack by the Roman archers made it necessary to recall Valens' emissary,comes Richomeres. The archers were beaten and retreated in humiliation. Returning from foraging to find the battle in full swing, Gothic cavalry under the command of Alatheus and Saphrax now struck and, in what was probably the most decisive event of the battle, the Roman cavalry fled.
From here, Ammianus gives two accounts of Valens' demise. In the first account, Ammianus states that Valens was "mortally wounded by an arrow, and presently breathed his last breath" (XXXI.12). His body was never found or given a proper burial. In the second account, Ammianus states the Roman infantry was abandoned, surrounded and cut to pieces. Valens was wounded and carried to a small wooden hut. He died when the Goths, evidently unaware of the prize within, set the hut on fire (XXXI.13.14–16).
A third, apocryphal, account states that Valens was struck in the face by a Gothic dart and then perished while leading a charge. He wore no helmet, in order to encourage his men. This action turned the tide of the battle which resulted in atactical victory but a strategic loss. The church historianSocrates likewise gives two accounts for the death of Valens.
Some have asserted that he was burnt to death in a village whither he had retired, which the barbarians assaulted and set on fire. But others affirm that having put off his imperial robe he ran into the midst of the main body of infantry; and that when the cavalry revolted and refused to engage, the infantry were surrounded by the barbarians, and completely destroyed in a body. Among these it is said the Emperor fell, but could not be distinguished, in consequence of his not having on his imperial habit.[72]
When the battle was over, two-thirds of the eastern army lay dead. Many of their best officers had also perished. What was left of the army of Valens was led from the field under the cover of night bycomes Richomeres and general Victor.
J. B. Bury, a noted historian of the period, provides a specific interpretation on the significance of the battle: it was "a disaster and disgrace that need not have occurred."[73]
For Rome, the battle incapacitated the government. Emperor Gratian, nineteen years old, was unable to deal with the catastrophe, until he appointedTheodosius I. The total defeat cost the administration important precious metal resources, as bullion had been centralized with the imperial court.[19] Valens wasdeified byconsecratio as Latin:Divus Valens,lit. 'the Divine Valens'.[47]
The Roman emperor Valens pours money into a coffer, etching by C. Murer after himself, c. 1600–1614.
"Valens was utterly undistinguished, still only aprotector, and possessed no military ability: he betrayed his consciousness of inferiority by his nervous suspicion of plots and savage punishment of alleged traitors," writesA. H. M. Jones, a modern historian. But Jones admits that "he was a conscientious administrator, careful of the interests of the humble. Like his brother, he was an earnest Christian."[15] According toEdward Gibbon (c. 1776–1789), Valens diminished the oppressive burden of the taxes which had been instituted by Constantine and his sons, and was humbly deferential to Valentinian's edicts of reform, as with the institution ofDefensors (a sort of substitute for the ancientTribunes, guardians of the lower classes).[74] Gibbon continues that his moderation and chastity in his private life were everywhere celebrated.[75] At the same time, continuous proscriptions and executions, originating in his weak and fearful disposition, disgraced the dozen years of his reign. "An anxious regard to his personal safety was the ruling principle of the administration of Valens", writes Gibbon.[76] To have died in so inglorious a battle has thus come to be regarded as the nadir of an unfortunate career. This is especially true because of the profound consequences of Valens' defeat. Adrianople spelled the beginning of the end for Roman territorial integrity in the late Empire and this fact was recognized even by contemporaries. Ammianus understood that it was the worst defeat in Roman history since theBattle of Edessa, andRufinus called it "the beginning of evils for the Roman empire then and thereafter."
Valens is also credited with the commission of a short history of the Roman State. This work, produced by Valens' secretaryEutropius, and known by the nameBreviarium ab Urbe condita, tells the story of Rome from its founding. According to some historians, Valens was motivated by the necessity of learning Roman history, that he, the royal family, and their appointees might better mix with the Roman senatorial class.[77]
During his reign, Valens had to confront the theological diversity that was beginning to create division in the Empire.Julian (361–363), had tried to revive the pagan religions. His reactionary attempt took advantage of the dissensions among the different Christian factions, and a largely Paganrank and file military. However, in spite of broad support, his actions were often viewed as excessive, and before he died in a campaign against the Persians, he was often treated with disdain. His death was considered a sign from the Christian God.
Valens was baptised by the Arianbishop of Constantinople before he set out on his first war against theGoths.[78] While the Nicene Christian writers of his time identified Valens with theArian faction and accused him of persecuting Nicene Christians, modern historians have described both Valens andValentinian I as primarily interested in maintaining social order and have minimized their theological concerns.[79] AlthoughAthanasius was impelled, under his reign, to briefly go into hiding, Valens maintained a close dependency on his brother Valentinian and treatedSt. Basil mildly, both of whom supported the Nicene position.[80] Not long after Valens died the cause of Arianism in the Roman East was to come to an end. His successorTheodosius I made Nicene Christianity the state religion of Rome and suppressed the Arians.
The coin portraits of Valentinian and Valens give the faces of both emperors "heavy features", rendered with "no animation, and little consistency".[81] Toward the end of hisRes Gestae (XXXI.14.7), Ammianus says that Valens was physically compact, dark-complected, and of average height, "knock-kneed, and somewhatpot-bellied", and had a "dimmed" pupil in one eye (the translator John C. Rolfe suggests that this is a description of acataract).[82]
^From the fourth century onwards, emperors and other high-profile men bore the name "Flavius", thenomen adopted by the Constantinian dynasty. It was used only as a status marker,[3] but it's still often included as part of late emperors' names.[4]
^His full name is sometimes given as "Flavius Julius Valens".[5] This name is only attested in one inscription from theL'Année Épigraphique, which also refers to Valentinian as "Flavius Julius Valentinianus".[6] ThePLRE mentions this in Valens's entry,[1] but not in Theodosius'.[7]
^Noel Emmanuel Lenski (2002).Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D.. University of California Press.[full citation needed]
^Kent, J. P. C.; Hirmer, Max; Hirmer, Albert (1978).Roman Coins. London: Thames and Hudson. p. 57.ISBN0-500-23273-3.
^Marcellinus, Ammianus (1972).Loeb Classical Library: Ammianus Marcellinus, III. Translated by Rolfe, John C. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press and William Heinemann Ltd. pp. 486–487.ISBN0-674-99365-9.
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