TheNakh peoples are a group ofNorth Caucasian peoples identified by their use of theNakh languages and other cultural similarities. These are chiefly the ethnicChechen,Ingush andBats peoples of theNorth Caucasus, including closely related minor or historicalgroups.
"Nakh peoples" and "Vainakh peoples" are two terms that were coined by Soviet ethnographers such as the Russian linguistNikolai Yakovlev [ru] and Ingush ethnographerZaurbek Malsagov [ru]. The reasoning behind the creation of these terms was to unite the closely related nations ofChechen andIngush into one term. The terms "Vainakh" (our people) and "Nakh" (people) were first used as a term to unite two peoples in 1928.[1] It was subsequently popularized by other Soviet authors, poets, and historians such as Mamakaev and Volkova in their research. According to the historianVictor Schnirelmann, the terms "Vainakh" and "Nakh" were introduced more actively during the period from the 1960s through the 1980s.[2] The first documented collective term used to refer to the Nakh peoples in general, "Kists" was introduced byJohann Anton Güldenstädt in the 1770s.[3]Julius von Klaproth believed the term Kists only applied to theKistin society ofIngushetia, and instead used theTatar term "Mizdschegi" to refer to the Nakh peoples.[4]
The term Nakhchiy (in the form of Natschkha, Nakhchui and Nacha) at the end of the 18th and beginning of 19th centuries was mentioned as the name (i.e.exonym) that the Ingush gave to the Chechens and not as theself-name of the Ingush. Starting in the second half of the 19th century, the term was used by some Russian officers, historians and linguists for both the Chechen and Ingush nations (and sometimes for the Batsbi, notably byPeter von Uslar). Today, the term is in its modern lowland version of "Nokhchi" and is only used by Chechens andPankisi Kists. In 1859,Adolf Berge was the second one to use this term for both the Chechens and Ingush.[5] The famous Russian linguist Peter von Uslar, who studied the North Caucasian languages, also referred to both nations in 1888 as "Nakhchuy"/"Nakhchiy".[6] This classification was also used byPotto,[7]Veidenbaum [ru],[8]Gan [ru],[9]Dubrovin [ru][10] and many others during the 19th century.
According toUmalat Laudaev, the first Chechen ethnographer and historian,Nazranians (a subgroup of Ingush) used this ethnonym occasionally:[11]
TheShatois and Nazranians are reluctant to call themselves Nakhchoy, which stems from their previous hostile attitudes towards the Chechens. But with the outpouring of heartfelt feelings at meetings, at a party, on the way, etc. they always confirm their unity of tribe, expressing themselves: "We are common brothers (wai tsa vezherey detsy)" or "We are the same Nakhchoy (wai tsa nakhchoy du)".
— Umalat Laudaev, "Collection of information about the Caucasian highlanders, Vol. VI."
However, it was mentioned byPeter Simon Pallas in the late 18th century that a clear distinction between self-designation of the Ingush and Chechens had already existed:
There is a tribe of people differing entirely from all other inhabitants of the Caucasus, in language as well as in stature, and features of the countenance: the Galgai or Ingush, also referred to as Lamur, meaning "inhabitants of mountains". Their nearest relatives, both by consanguinity and language, are the Chechens, whom they call Natschkha.
— Peter Simon Pallas,"Travels Through the Southern Provinces of the Russian Empire, in the Years 1793 and 1794"
The 19th century historianBashir Dalgat [ru] published several works about Chechen and Ingush ethnography. He proposed to use the term "Nakhchuy" for both the Chechens and Ingush.[12] This, however, had no fruition in Caucasology, mainly due to the fact that the Ingush commonly referred to themselves as "Ghalghaï", while the Chechens called themselves "Nakhchoy" or "Nokhchoy".
The oldest mention ofNakhchiy occurred in 1310 by theGeorgian Patriarch Cyril Donauri, who mentions the "People of Nakhche" amongTushetians,Avars and many otherNortheast Caucasian nations. The termNakhchiy has also been connected to the cityNakhchivan and the nation of Nakhchamatyan (mentioned in the 7th-century Armenian workAshkharhatsuyts) by many Soviet and modern historians.[13] Chechen manuscripts in Arabic from the early 1820s do mention a certainNakhchuvan (near modern-dayKagizman,Turkey) as the homeland of all Nakhchiy.[14]
The etymology of "Nakhchi" is believed to have come from "Nakh" (people) + "-chi" (suffix) or "Nakh" (people) + "Chuo" (territory). Chechen researcherAhmad Suleymanov [ru] claimed that the terms "Nakh" and "Nakhchi" are not the same, and have different foundations and different origins.[15] Whatever the case, contemporary historians and linguists agree that the ethnonym includes the term "Nakh" (people). Many historians such as Potto, Berge, Gan, Dubrovin believed that it meant "the nation".[13] Linguists like Arbi Vagapov have also pointed out that similar terms are found in otherNortheast Caucasian languages such asRutul where "Nukhchi" translates to "Tribesman".[16]
Chechen ethnographerUmalat Laudaev offered a different etymology for the origin of the ethnonym Nakhchi:
In primitive times, having not yet been acquainted with arable farming, for lack of bread they (lowland Chechens) ate a large amount of cheese; boasting of their abundance in front of their compatriots who lived in the meager Argun mountains and populous Ichkeria, they called themselves in Chechen "Nakhchoy". Cheese in Chechen is called "nakhchi"; the plural form of the word is "nakhchiy", hence the popular name "Nakhchoy", that is, "people abounding with cheese." It is also possible that this name was ascribed to the lowland Chechens as a mockery, calling them raw foodists, just as today theNadterechny Chechens are mockingly called "kaldash yuts nakh", that is, people who eat cottage cheese. That the Chechens got the name "Nakhchoy" from cheese is also confirmed by the fact that the Nazrans, who do not speak in the same Chechen language, call cheese "nakhchi", and the Chechens – "Nakhchiy".
This version has been criticized by many authors including the Chechen linguistI. Aliroev [ru] who believed the etymology made no sense.[17] Linguists and historians such as Shavlaeva and Tesaev, however, believed the etymology confused "Nakhch" (cheese) with the Chechen term "Nakhch" (processed), which has the same root. In their version, the etymology would mean "the processed ones" (i.e. the people who are accepted in society due to their qualities and lineage).[18] Authors such asBerge mentioned also that the term "Nakhchi" could mean "the people of excellence".[19]
| Name | Author | Source | Date |
|---|---|---|---|
| Nakhche[20] | Archbishop Cyril Donauri | Historical document | 1310 |
| Nakhshai[21] | Sala-Uzden Prince Adzhi | Historical letter | 1756 |
| Natschkha[22] | Peter Simon Pallas | "Travels through the southern provinces of the Russian Empire in the years 1793 and 1794" | 1793 |
| Nakhchui[23] | Julius Klaproth | "Description of trips to the Caucasus and Georgia in 1807 and 1808" | 1807 |
| Nacha[24] | Semyon Bronevsky | "News of the Caucasus" | 1823 |
| Nakhchoy[25] | Chechen Manuscript | "Migration from Nakhchuvan" | 1828 |
| Nakhche[26] | Adolf Berge | "Chechnya and Chechens" | 1859 |
| Nakhchoy[27] | Kedi Dosov | "Nakhchoyn Juz" | 1862 |
| Nakhche[28] | Nikolai Dubrovin | "History of war and domination of Russians in the Caucasus" | 1871 |
| Nakhchoy[29] | Umalat Laudaev | "The Chechen Tribe" | 1872 |
| Nakhche[30] | Kerovbe Patkanian | "Armenian geography of the 7th century AD" | 1877 |
Ghalghaï (Ingush:ГIалгIай,[ˈʁəlʁɑj]) is the self-name of theIngush, aCaucasian people,[31][32][33][34][35] that is most often associated with the word "ghāla" (гIала) – meaning "tower" or "fortress" and the plural form of the suffix of person – "gha" (гIа), thus, translated as "people/inhabitants of towers", though according to some researchers the ethnonym has a more ancient origin.[36] Some scholars associate it with the ancientGargareans[37][38][39][40] andGelaï[41][42][43][44][45] mentioned in the 1st century in the work of the ancient historian and geographerStrabo. InGeorgian sources, in the form ofGligvi, modern researchers mention them living in theDarial Gorge at the time of the deployment ofMirian I's forces into theDarial Pass in the 1st century.[46] They are also mentioned in the 18th century edition ofGeorgian Chronicles during the reign ofKvirike III.[47][48] In Russian sources, "Ghalghaï" first becomes known in the second half of the 16th century, in the form of "Kolkans"/"Kalkans", "Kolki"/"Kalki", "Kalkan people".[49][50][51][52] The famousGeorgian historian and linguistIvane Javakhishvili proposed to use Ghalghaï (Georgian:Ghilghuri orGhlighvi)[53] as a general name or classification for the Ingush, Chechen and Bats languages:
"Chachnuri" (Chechen) – i.e. "Nakhchouri" (Nakhchoy), "Ingushuri" (Ingush) – i.e. "Kisturi" (Kist) in the North Caucasus, and "Tsovuri" (Tsova) – i.e. "Batsburi" (Batsbi) in Georgia, in the Tushin community, constitute another separate group, which currently does not have its own common distinct name. In ancient times, Greek and Roman geographers called the native inhabitants of the middle and eastern parts of the North Caucasus – "Geli" and "Legi". The name Geli (Gelae) is the equivalent of the modern "Ghalgha", as pronounced in their own language and in the Tushin language; and the equivalent of Legi is the Georgian "Lekebi" (Leks, Avars). In Georgian, the first corresponds to "Ghilghvi" (singular) and "Ghilghvelebi" (plural), which are often found in old Tushin folk poems. And in other regions of Georgia, it is customary to designate them as "Ghlighvi". Since there is no common name for the above three languages, such a name is necessary, therefore, instead of an artificially invented name, it is better to use the (traditional) name that existed in antiquity. It is with this in mind that I choose to present this group of languages – Chachnuri (Chechen), Kisturi (Ingush) and Tsovuri (Tsova, i.e. Batsbi) — under the general name "Ghilghuri" (Ghalghaï)
— I. Javakhishvili, "The initial structure and relationship of the Georgian and Caucasian languages." Tbilisi, 1937. / p. 97[54]
Traditionally, Nakh peoples were known as a society with a highly developed and complex clan system. Individuals are united in family groups called "Tsa" – house. Several Tsas are part of the "Gar" -branch or "Nekh"-road, a group of Gars is in turn called ateip, a unit of tribal organization of Vainakh people. Teip has its own Council of Elders and unites people from the political, economic and military sides. Teips leave all cases to the democratically elected representatives of houses i.e. "Tsa". The number of participants of Teipan-Kheli depends on the number of houses.
Some believe that most teips made unions calledshahars andtukkhums, a military-economic or military-political union of teips. However, this has been heavily disputed by several historians and ethnographers, including Dalgat who claims that most Chechens never used tukkhums. He also claims that they were only used by some societies in the lowlands.[60]
The national scale issues were addressed through Mehk-Khel, the People's Council. Representatives of the Council were elected by each Teip Council and had an enormous influence on the destiny of the people. They could start a war or prohibit and prevent any teip from starting one. Mehk-Khel could gather in different places at different times. It used to gather in Terloy-Mokhk and Akkhi-Mokhk's Galain-Chozh region. A gigantic Mehk-Kheli stone still stands in Galain-Chozh, around which Mehk-Kheli members solved issues.[61]
Chechen-Ingush society has always been egalitarian, unstratified, and classless.[dubious –discuss][citation needed] Traditionally, there was no formal political organization and no political or economic ranking.[62]Many observers, including famous Russians such asLeo Tolstoy, have been very impressed by the democratic nature of the indigenous Chechen governments prior to Russian conquest. According to the Western Ichkerophile Tony Wood, the Vainakh peoples, in particular the Chechens (as the Ingush and the Batsbi have fallen under foreign domination much more frequently and as a result, the indigenous system and democratic values are less deeply ingrained), could be described as one of the few nations in the world with an indigenous system highly resemblant of democracy[63] (others cited are often Scots,Albanians andBasques; notably, all three, much like the Vainakh peoples, are mountain dwelling peoples with a clan-based social organization and a strong attachment to the concept of freedom). In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, a couple ofCircassian tribesoverthrew their traditional aristocracy and established a democratic, egalitarian society, with some adoptions from the Nakh system. This advance, which may have spread eventually to all of the Circassian tribes, was halted by their political state being annihilated by Russian conquest, a fate later shared by the rest of the Caucasus.
It is notable that the Chechen and Ingush systems, as well as the system later adopted from them by some Eastern Circassian tribes, resembles the typical Western democratic republic. It has a central government with a legislative body (the Mehk-Khel), a body resemblant of an executive branch (the Mehk-Khetasho) as well as a judicial branch (the other councils). The adat and other bodies have served as the constitution. The members of all three of the main national councils of the nation were elected, producing an indigenous democracy of the Nakh peoples.[64]
During theSoviet Union period, as well as duringRamzan Kadyrov's regime, the Teip-Council system was strongly criticized by the federal and local administration installed in Chechnya and Ingushetia, who viewed it as a destabilizing force and an obstacle to maintaining order. They said that such a system was illustrative of the anarchic nature of the Caucasian ethos.[65]
The democratic and egalitarian nature, the values of freedom and equality of Chechen society have been cited as factors contributing to their resistance to Russian rule (in addition, there was no elite to be coopted by Tsarist authorities, as Wood notes).[66][67][68][69]
A characteristic feature of Vainakh architecture in the Middle Ages, rarely seen outside Chechnya and Ingushetia, was theVainakh tower. This was a kind of multi-floor structure that was used for dwelling or defense (or both). Nakh tower architecture and construction techniques reached their peak from the 15th to 17th centuries.[61]
Residential towers had two or three floors, supported by a central pillar of stone blocks, and were topped with flat shale roofing. These towers have been compared in character to the prehistoric mountain settlements dating to 8000 BC.
Military ("combat") towers were 25 meters high or more,[61] with four of five floors and a square base approximately six meters wide. Access to the second floor was through a ladder. The defenders fired at the enemy throughloopholes. The top of the tower hadmashikul – overhanging small balconies without a floor. These towers were usually crowned with pyramid-shaped roofing built in steps and topped with a sharpened capstone.
Buildings combining the functions of residential and military towers were intermediate in size between the two types, and had both loop-holes andmashikuls. Nakh towers used to be sparingly decorated with religious or symbolicpetrographs, such as solar signs or depictions of the author's hands, animals, etc. Military towers often bore a Golgotha cross.
Lack of arable land in sufficient quantities in themountainous areas forced Vainakhs to use their territory of residence as efficiently as possible. They leveled the steep slopes and organizedterraces suitable for agriculture. On the barren rocky slopes of rocks, which are unsuitable for agriculture, Vainakhs hew foundations for terraces. On carts, they harnessed donkeys and oxen to bringblack soil of thelowlands and filled artificial terraces with it.[70] For maximum harvest was organized by the entire irrigation system, which consisted of small artificial stream canals connected with the mountain rivers. These canals were called Taatol. They also built small stone canals called Epala and small wooden troughs Aparri. Some scholars, notablyI. Diakonov andS. Starostin, proposed that Epala and Aparri may correspond toUrartian irrigation canal name "pili" andHurrian "pilli/a".[71]Some irrigation structures were built also on lowlands but they were less complicated.
Carts andcarriages made by Vainakh masters were highly valued in the region and beyond. Products of Vainakh masters brought power not only to theCaucasian peoples, but also by such excess power to the established industry ofRussia. To support non-competitive domestic producers, Russia overlaid Vainakh manufacturers with large fees. At this complainingTerek Cossacks in their letters to Russian Government, despite the fact that they are a natural enemy of the tree.[72] In 1722 the Russian Army bought 616 vehicles for 1308 rubles, at a time when the annual salary of the governor of the three villages was only 50 rubles.[73][74]
Since ancient times Ingush and Chechens have been producing thin felt carpets calledIsting (Ingush) orIstang (Chechen).[75][76][77] Ingush and Chechen rugs are distinguished by a peculiar pattern and high quality. Jacob Reineggs, who visited the region in the 18th century, noticed that Chechen and Ingush women skillfully manufactured carpets andfringes.[78] Vainakh carpets were divided among themselves into different groups dependent on patterns:
During theMiddle Ages, Vainakh society felt a strongByzantine influence that led to the adoption ofEastern Orthodox Christianity in some parts of the country (particularly the mountainous South). However, Christianity did not last long. After the devastation of the country byTamerlane, Christianity was extinguished (due to the temporary loss of contacts between Georgia and Nakh Christians) and gradually the Chechens and Ingush returned to theirnative, pagan beliefs (while the Bats were permanently Christianized).Islam began to spread on Nakh peoples lands from 16th and 17th centuries.
Vainakhs are predominantlyMuslim of theShafi`i school of thought ofSunni Islam.[79] The majority ofChechens (approx. 2 million) andIngush (approx. 1 million people)[80] are Muslim of the Shafi`i school.Kists (about 15,400 people) are mainly Sunni Muslims with aGeorgian Orthodox minority, whileBats (approx. 3,000 people) are Christian (Georgian Orthodox).[79]
By rite, most Chechens areQadiris, with a considerableNaqshbandi minority. There is also a tinySalafi minority (Sunni sect).[81] The two main groups (Salafism is more of a modern introduction to the region, and is still considered to be completely foreign) have often had divergent responses to events (for example, the Qadiri authorities initially backing the Bolsheviks who promised to grant freedom to the Chechens from Russia; while the Naqshbandis were more sceptical of the Bolsheviks' sincerity).
Burial vaults or crypts remained from the pagan period in the history of Vainakhs, before some of them converted to Islam in the 16th century (Islam has spread throughout the entire region only in the 17th century). They were built either a bit deepening into the ground or half underground and on the surface. The latter formed whole "towns of the dead" on the outskirts of the villages and reminded sanctuaries from the outside, with a dummy vaults constructed of overlapping stones. The deceased were placed on the special shelves in the crypts, in clothes and decorations and arms.
The general Islamic rituals established burials with the further penetration of Islam inside the mountainous regions of Chechnya and Ingushetia. Stone steles, churts, inscribed with prayers and epitaphs, began to be erected at the graves and more prosperous mountaineers were honoured with mausoleums after death. The Borgha-Kash Mausoleum dating to the very beginning of the 15th century and built for a Noghai prince is a good example of this.
Only a few fragments of Vainakh mythology have survived to modern times. These fragments consist of the names of deities personifying elements of animist ideas, theNart sagas, cosmogonic tradition, remnants of stock-breeding and landtilling, totemic beliefs, and folk calendar.[82]
The greatest samples of Nakh mythology are the legends ofPkharmat, Lake Galanchozh, the epic war of Pkhagalberi (hare riders) dwarves against the Narts, Lake Kezenoyam, and myths about how sun, moon and stars appeared.[83]
The Nakh myth recounts the tale of the legendary figure Pkharmat, who was purportedly shackled atop Mount Kazbek by God Sela as punishment for his audacious theft of heavenly fire. This narrative bears notable similarities to the Greek myth ofPrometheus and the Georgian myth ofAmirani. The legendary war of Pkhalberi (hare riders) dwarves against the Narts can be compared to the Greek myth of "Cranes and Pygmies war".[84] The Golden Fleece myth appears to be intricately intertwined with the Nakh 11-year calendar tradition. According to this myth, a ram's skin was ceremonially placed within an oak frame known as "Jaar" for a duration of 11 years, eventually yielding the revered Golden Fleece known as "Dasho Ertal."[85]
This legend has explicit parallels withBiblicalSodom and Gomorrah,Grecian Baucis and Philemon, and theIslamicLot. It relates that there once stood a very rich town at the place where now there is only a lake. Despite their great wealth, the people of this town were afflicted with insatiablegreed and covetousness. Thus it came to pass that the supreme god Dela sent his representatives in the guise of beggars, to test them. They begged the wealthy citizens to give them food, but were driven away with only blows and curses in return. Only one poor family in the village shared their food with them, keeping only a morsel of burnt bread for themselves, while giving an unburnt loaf of fine white bread to their guests. On leaving the house, the grateful strangers told the family that after some time had passed, water would begin to form puddles outside their front door, and that when this happened they should gather up only the barest of necessities, leave their home, and go to the mountains. The poor family heeded this advice, but, before departing for higher ground, warned the rich of the town of the impending disaster, and begged them to follow them, but, such was theavarice of the rich folk, that they would not abandon their treasures – not even to save themselves from a watery grave. That evening, the family watched from the mountains as a terrible catastrophe unfolded: they saw the water cover their house and with it the greedy folk who had stayed behind. To commemorate the terrible flood, the Vainakhs named the newly-formed lake Kouzan-am/Kezenoyam 'lake of sorrow and cruelty'.
Interestingly, the tradition of an ancient settlement associated with the lake is borne out by the archeological record for the area: traces of human habitation dating back as far as 40,000 BC have been found near Kouzan-am. Cave paintings, artifacts, and other archaeological evidence bear witness to continuous habitation for some 8,000 years.[86] People living in these settlements used tools, fire, and clothing made of animal skins.[86]
.jpg)
Legend has it that two women once decided to wash their laundry in the purest water to be found near their village, and that this water proved to be that of the sacred Lake Galain-am, abode ofTusholi, daughter of the Vainakh supreme deity Dela. The goddess, outraged at such sacrilege, punished the offenders by turning them into two stones. This, however, did not solve the problem of the ritually impure lake and the enraged goddess could no longer bear to dwell in its sullied waters. Emerging from them, she assumed the form of a supernatural bull, and began systematically to destroy the villages that dotted the hillside. This destruction continued until, at last, the bull was tamed in theaul of Ame in the area namedGalain-Chazh (after theGalay-teip, a clan laterdeporteden masse to Kazakhstan in 1944). The inhabitants of Galain-Chazh harnessed the energies of the newly-tamed animal, availing themselves of its mighty strength to plough their fields; but the following Spring torrential rain began to fall upon the fields which the sacred animal had ploughed. This pelting rain continued to flood the fields until at last they disappeared beneath the waters of a new lake, into which Tusholi gratefully disappeared, rejoicing in the purity of her newly-formed abode.
In ancient Nakh cosmology, the universe was created by the supreme god Dela. Earth, created in three years, was three times larger than the heavens and was propped up on gigantic bull horns. The realm of the Vainakh Gods lay above the clouds. Ishtar-Deela was the ruler of the subterranean world, Deeli-Malkhi. Deeli-Malkhi was larger than the human realm and took seven years to create. Nakhs believed that when the sun sets in the west it goes to the netherworld and rises out of it in the east. Deeli-Malkhi was not an evil realm of the dead or undead, but not far removed in morality from the upper world – even superior to it in some respects – most notably in its social structures. Unlike in certain other religions, there was no judgment in the afterlife.Dela-Malkh was the sun god playing a central role in religious celebrations. On December 25, Nakhs celebrated the Sun Festival in honour of the Sun God's birthday.[86]
The names of stars and constellations were also connected to myths:
A 2011 study by Oleg Balanovsky and a number of other geneticists showed that theY-DNAhaplogroupJ2a4b* (a subclade ofJ2, located mainly in the Middle East, Caucasus and Mediterranean) was highly associated with Nakh peoples.[87] J2a4b* accounted for the majority of the Y-chromosomes of Ingush and Chechen men, with the Ingush having a much higher percentage, 87.4%, than Chechens, who had 51–58% depending on region (the lowest being inMalgobek, the highest inDagestan andAchkhoy-Martan). In their paper, Balanovskyet al. speculated that the differences between fraternal Caucasian populations may have arisen due togenetic drift, which would have had a greater effect among the Ingush than the Chechens due to their smaller population.[87] The Chechens and the Ingush have the highest frequencies of J2a4b* yet reported (other relatively high frequencies, between 10 and 20 percent, are found in the Mediterranean and Georgia).
The Vainakh have been referred to by various names, includingDurdzuks in medieval Arab, Georgian and Armenian ethnography.
Historical linguists, includingJohanna Nichols, have connected ancestralNakh languages andtheir distant relatives to aNeolithic migration from theFertile Crescent.[88][89]
Igor Diakonoff andSergei Starostin have suggested that Nakh is distantly related to Hurro-Urartian, which they included as a branch of theNortheastern Caucasian language family (which were dubbedAlarodian languages by Diakonoff).[90][91][92] Several studies argue that the connection is probable.[93][94] Other scholars, however, doubt that the language families are related,[95][96] or believe that, while a connection is possible, the evidence is far from conclusive.[97][98] Various interpretations of the Nakh-Urartian relationship exist: another, held by Kassian (2011), is that Urartian and Nakh's common vocabulary instead reflects a history of intense borrowing from Urartian into Nakh.[99]
According toAmjad Jaimoukha, the mythologicalGargareans, a group who migrated from eastern Asia Minor to the North Caucasus mentioned by Greek writerStrabo,[100] are connected to the Nakh rootgergara, meaning "kindred" in proto-Nakh.[101] However, Jaimoukha's theory is unlikely as Strabo and other ancient Greek writers considered the Gargareans to be Greeks.[102]
The following is a list of historical or prehistoric peoples who have been proposed as speakers of Nakh languages.
According to Georgian scholars I. A. Djavashvili andGiorgi Melikishvili theUrartuan state ofSupani was occupied by the ancient Nakh tribe Tzov, the state of which is called Tsobena in ancient Georgian historiography.[107][108][109] Sophene was part of the kingdom ofUrartu from the 8th to 7th centuries BCE. After uniting the region with his kingdom in the early 8th century BCE, kingArgishtis I of Urartu resettled many of its inhabitants to his newly built city ofErebuni. However, Djavashvili's and Melikishvili's theory is not widely accepted.
Jaimoukha argued that the Vainakhs are descended from theGargarei, a mythological tribe who are mentioned in theGeographica ofStrabo (1st century BCE)[110] and inNaturalis Historia ofPliny the Elder (1st century CE).[111] Strabo wrote that "... theAmazons live close to Gargarei, on the northern foothills of theCaucasus Mountains".Gaius Plinius Secundus also localizes Gargarei as living north of the Caucasus, but calls them Gegar.[112] Some scholars (P. K. Uslar, K. Miller, N. F. Yakovleff, E. I. Krupnoff, L. A. Elnickiy,I. M. Diakonoff, V. N. Gamrekeli) supported the proposal thatGargarei is an earlier form of the Vainakh ethnonym. Jaimoukha notes that "Gargarean" is one of many Nakh root words – gergara, meaning, in fact, "kindred" in proto-Nakh.[113] If this is the case, it would make Gargarei virtually equivalent to the Georgian termDzurdzuk (referring to the lake Durdukka in the South Caucasus, where they are thought to have migrated from, as noted by Strabo, before intermixing with the local population) which they applied to a Nakh people who had migrated north across the mountains to settle in modern Chechnya and Ingushetia.
Despite Jaimoukha's claims, Strabo suggests that the Gargareans wereAeolian Greeks and locates their homelandGargara inTroad, in the far west of modern Turkey.[114]
The Tsanars were a people of East-Central Northern Georgia, living in an area around modernKhevi.Tsanaria was their state, and it distinguished itself by the decisive role it and its people played in fending off the Arab invasion of Georgia. Their language is thought by many historians (including Vladimir Minorsky and Amjad Jaimoukha) to be Nakh, based on placenames, geographic location, and other such evidence.[115] However, there is opposition to the theory that theirs was a Nakh language. Others claim they spoke a Sarmatian language like Ossetic. The Tsanars, too, eventually were assimilated within Georgiandom.
Ghlighvi has been a historical name for the Ingush, deriving from their ethnonymGhalghaï. It was mentioned byVakhushti of Kartli in 1745, a Georgian noble.[116]
The Dvals were a historic people living in modern-day South Ossetia and some nearby regions, as well as the southern parts of North Ossetia (South and West of the Gligvs, South and East of the Malkh). They integrated themselves into the Georgian kingdom and produced a number of fine Georgian calligraphers and historians. They also produced an Orthodox saint: Saint Nicholas of Dvaleti. The language of theDvals is thought to be Nakh by many historians,[115][117][118][119][120][121] though there is a rival camp which argues for its status as a close relative ofOssetic.[121] Another theory posits that the Dvals were of Karvelian (Georgian) origin.[122] Various evidence given to support the Nakh theory (Different scholars use different arguments.) includes the presence of Nakh placenames in former Dval territory,[121] taken as evidence of Nakh–Svan contact, which probably would have indicated the Nakh nature of the Dvals or of people there before them,[115] and the presence of a foreign-origin Dval clan among the Chechens.[120] The Dvals were assimilated by the Georgians and the Ossetians. It is thought that Dval did not become fully extinct until the 18th century, making the Dvals the most recent Nakh people known to have disappeared.
The Malkhs were a Nakh people,[115] who were deemed to be the westernmost Nakh people, and made an alliance with the GreekBosporus Kingdom.
Durdzuk is a medieval ethnonym used mainly in Georgian, Armenian andArabic sources in the 9th–18th centuries, in which most researchers identify the Durdzuks as the ancestors of modernChechens andIngush. Some researchers localize the Durdzuks in the mountainous Ingushetia and identify them with the Ingush,[123][124][125][126] others believe that during the Middle Ages the population of Chechnya was known to the South Caucasian peoples under the name "Durdzuks" (or "Dzurdzuks"),[127] and the population of Ingushetia under the names "Gligvi"[128][129][130] The Georgian historian V. N. Gamrekeli claims that "Durdzuk" is definitely and, with all its references, uniformly localized, between Didoet-Dagestan in the east and the gorge of the Terek River, in the west.[131]
The Durdzuks constructed numerous kingdoms, notably Durdzuketi; and they were noted for their exceptionally fierce devotion to freedom and their ability to resist invaders, ranging from the Arabs to the Scythians to Turkic peoples to the Mongolian invaders. They seemed also to have been employed as mercenaries by various parties. They had a written language using Georgian script (It is not known whether they spoke that language however.), but most of these writings have been lost, with only a few pieces surviving. After the 14th-century Second Mongol Invasion of Durdzuketi and the destruction wrought by the two invasions (including, as Amjad Jaimoukha notes, the destruction of their memory of their past[115]), they radically changed their culture.
The Isadiks were an ancient Nakh people of the North Caucasus who were farmers.[132] They were probably undone by Scythian invaders. A remnant of them may have been absorbed by the Vainakh, as their name can now be seen in the Chechen teipSadoy.
The Khamekits were another ancient Nakh people of the North Caucasus who were farmers.[133] They were also probably undone by Scythian invaders. A remnant of them may have been absorbed by the Vainakh, as their name may now be reflected in the Ingush teipKhamki.
Pan-Nakhism[134] refers to a political and cultural movement aimed at the unification, cooperation, and solidarity of theNakh peoples, primarily theChechens andIngush, as well as other related ethnic groups such as theKists ofGeorgia.The movement seeks to promote the shared linguistic, cultural, and historical heritage of the Nakh peoples while advocating for their autonomy, preservation of identity, and protection of their rights.
Но после их объединения в 1934 г. в единую Чечено-Ингушскую автономную область (Чечено-Ингушская АССР с 1936 г.) власти всеми силами пытались обеспечить слияние чеченцев и ингушей в единый народ, для которого было создано новое название «вейнахи/вайнахи». В 1960-1980-х гг. эта идентичность активно внедрялась в сознание чеченцев и ингушей и постепенно приобретала все большую популярность.
Вот исчисление всех племен, на которые принято делить Чеченцев. В строгом же смысле деление это не имеет основания. Самим Чеченцам оно совершенно неизвестно. Они сами себя называют Нахче, т.е. "народ" и это относится до всего народа, говорящего на Чеченском языке и его наречиях. Упомянутые же названия им были даны или от аулов, как Цори, Галгай, Шатой и др., или от рек и гор, как Мичиковцы и Качкалыки. Весьма вероятно, что рано или поздно все или большая часть приведенных нами имен исчезнут и Чеченцы удержат за собою одно общее наименование.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)Предлагаемая азбука составлена для языка народа, который сам себя назвал "нахчуй" или "нахчий" (в единственном числе – "нахчуо"), а у нас называемо чеченцами или кистинцами (последнее название грузинское). Язык нахчуй дробится на множество наречий, которые возникли частью по уединенному положению некоторых обществ, частью под влиянием языков соседних народов, осетин, и в особенности кумыков» [...] язык нахчуй демонстрирует «замечательное характерное единство» за исключением диалекта джераховцев, которые говорят весьма измененным наречием.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)Чеченцев обыкновенно делят на множество групп, или обществ, давая им имя от рек и гор, на которых они обитали, или от значительных аулов, обнаруживающих влияние на другие. Таковы алдинцы, атагинцы, назрановцы, карабулаки, джерахи, галгаевцы, мичиковцы, качкалыковцы, ичкеринцы, ауховцы и прочие, и прочие. Но это разделение чеченского народа на множество отдельных родов сделано, однако же, русскими и, в строгом смысле, имеет значение только для них же. Местным жителям оно совершенно неизвестно. Чеченцы сами себя называют нахче, то есть народ, и название это относится одинаково ко всем племенам и поколениям, говорящим на чеченском языке и его наречиях.
В старинных русских дипломатических актах, относящихся к 16–17 столетиям, упоминается в горах по Тереку народ мичкизы. Впоследствии, когда русские войска побывали за Тереком, появились названия чеченцев и кистов, наконец, при более близком знакомстве с горцами восточной половины северного склона Кавказского хребта, мы узнали о существовании галгаев, глигвов, ингушей, карабулаков, назрановцев, ичкеринцев, ауховцев и много других народов. После лингвистических исследований оказалось, что все они составляют одно племя или народ, который сам себя называет нахчий, у нас же известен теперь под именем чеченцев. Bcе же приведенные выше названия означают или родовые подразделения этого народа, или заимствованы нами от названий селений (напр. назрановцы и чеченцы) и местностей (ауховцы, ичкеринцы), или же, наконец, взяты у соседних народов
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)В Чечне живут чеченцы, число которых по переписи 1897 года простирается до 283 421 лиц обоего пола. Имя свое получили они от разрушенного большого аула Чечень, расположенного в нижнем течении Аргуна. Русские делили их на 20 различных племен, как-то: назрановцев, кистин, галгаев, цоринов, шатойцев, шароецев, чабирлойцев, ичкеринцев, качкаликов и т. д. Народ сам не знает этих названий. Они сами называют себя "нахче", т.е. народ»
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)"Кисты сами себя называютъ поперемѣнно Кисты, Галга, Ингуши, и одно названiе вмѣсто другаго употребляютъ..."
"Ингуши трудолюбивы, особенно женщины. Они не только хлопочут по хозяйству, но также шьют одежду для своих мужей, ходят в лес за дровами и несут этот тяжелый груз верст 10 через горные хребты. Женщины работают на мельницах,делают ковры и войлочные одеяла. Они также изготовляют тонкую шерстяную ткань, предназначаемую для тцуки, которая служит одеждой для мужчин, женщин и детей."
{{cite book}}:|journal= ignored (help)
| Caucasian (areal) |
|  | ||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Indo- European |
| |||||||||||||||||
| Turkic |
| |||||||||||||||||
| Others | ||||||||||||||||||