Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity Внатрешна македонска револуционерна организација – Демократска партија за македонско национално единство | |
|---|---|
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| Abbreviation | VMRO-DPMNE |
| Leader | Hristijan Mickoski[1] |
| Secretary-General | Gjorgjija Sajkoski |
| Vice-President | Aleksandar Nikoloski Vlado Misajlovski Timčo Mucunski Gordana Dimitrievska Kocovska |
| Founders | Ljubčo Georgievski[2] Dragan Bogdanovski Boris Zmejkovski Gojko Jakovlevski[3] |
| Founded | 17 June 1990 |
| Headquarters | Skopje |
| Youth wing | Youth Force Union |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Centre-right toright-wing |
| National affiliation | Your Macedonia |
| European affiliation | European People's Party (associate) |
| International affiliation | International Democracy Union[5] |
| Colours | Red Black Gold |
| Assembly | 55 / 120 |
| Mayors | 54 / 80 |
| Local councils | 549 / 1,345 |
| Skopje city council | 18 / 45 |
| Website | |
| vmro-dpmne | |
TheInternal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (Macedonian:Внатрешна македонска револуционерна организација – Демократска партија за македонско национално единство,romanized: Vnatrešna makedonska revolucionerna organizacija – Demokratska partija za makedonsko nacionalno edinstvo), abbreviated asVMRO-DPMNE (Macedonian:ВМРО–ДПМНЕ), is aconservative[6][7] and the maincentre-right[8][9][10] toright-wing[11]political party inNorth Macedonia.
It was established as a nationalist and anti-communist party. It has later rebranded itself asChristian-democratic.[2][7][12] The party claims that their goals and objectives are to express the tradition of the Macedonian people on whose political struggle and concepts it is based.[13][14] Nevertheless, it has formed multiple coalition governments withethnic minority parties.[15] Under the leadership ofLjubčo Georgievski in the 1990s, the party supported Macedonian independence fromSocialist Yugoslavia, and led a policy of closer relationships with Bulgaria.[16] Georgievski left VMRO-DPMNE and formed theVMRO – People's Party in 2004.[17]
Under the leadership ofNikola Gruevski, the party promotedultranationalist[18]identity politics in the form ofantiquisation. Its nationalist stances were often alsoanti-Albanian.[19] During Gruevski's leadership the party changed from apro-European and аpro-NATO policy, to aRussophilic,pro-Serbian andanti-Western one.[20][further explanation needed] His government also managed to build strong anti-EU sentiments within the country.[21][further explanation needed]
The party's full name consists of the acronyms "VMRO" (standing forVnatrešna Makedonska Revolucionerna Organizacija and referencing theInternal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), a rebel movement formed in 1893)[22] and "DPMNE" (Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity,Demokratska partija za makedonsko nacionalno edinstvo).[23][24] After undergoing various transformations, the original organisation was suppressed after themilitary coup d'état of 1934, in its headquarters in Bulgaria. At that time the territory of the currentNorth Macedonia was a province calledVardar Banovina, part of theKingdom of Yugoslavia. As theBulgarian army entered Yugoslav Macedonia as German satellite during WWII, former IMRO members were active in organisingBulgarian Action Committees, charged with taking over the local authorities. After Bulgaria switched to side with the Allied powers in September 1944, they tried to create a pro-Bulgarianindependent Macedonian state under the protectorate of the Third Reich.[25][26] VMRO–DPMNE claims ideological descent from the old IMRO,[27] although there is no known continuity between the two organisations.[28] The historical IMRO was as a wholepro-Bulgarian grouping,[29][30] and its membership was allowed initially only for Bulgarians.[31][32]
Following the death of Yugoslav PresidentJosip Broz Tito in 1980,SFR Yugoslavia began to disintegrate and democratic politics were revived in Macedonia. Many exiles returned to thenSR Macedonia from abroad, and a new generation of young Macedonian intellectuals rediscovered the history ofMacedonian nationalism.Dragan Bogdanovski, who was a proclaimed Macedonian rights movement activist, had created the political program for theDemocratic Party for Macedonian National Unity on 23 January 1990 inStockholm, Sweden. A meeting at the end of May happened betweenLjubčo Georgievski and Bogdanovski, Boris Zmejkovski, and a few other activists, where they agreed to make the party.[33] Under the name VMRO–DPMNE, it was founded on 17 June 1990 inSkopje,[34] as a Macedonian nationalist and anti-communist party.[35][23][36] Georgievski was elected as the party's first president in the constituent assembly.[37] The party advocated for the independence of Macedonia, the withdrawal of theYugoslav National Army, creation of aMacedonian defence force, establishment of an independent currency and international recognition as a sovereign state.[38]
After thefirst multi-party elections in 1990, VMRO–DPMNE became the strongest party in the parliament.[39] It did not form a government because it did not achieve a majority of seats; this forced it to form a coalition with an ethnic Albanian party, but it refused to do so. The party boycotted the second round of the1994 elections claiming fraud in the first round.[37] During the early 1990s, the party presented itself as an extreme right-wing nationalist party with anti-Albanian sentiments.[23] It also promoted the irredentist concept ofUnited Macedonia.[40] By the mid-1990s, it created offices in most major cities.[39] The party opposed the 1995 Interim Accord with Greece.[41] During that period, the party moderated its rhetoric.[23] After winning the1998 election, VMRO–DPMNE formed a coalition government with theDemocratic Alternative andDemocratic Party of Albanians (DPA), with Georgievski as prime minister.[37] In 1999, VMRO–DPMNE's candidateBoris Trajkovski was elected president. Under Georgievski, there was an improvement inBulgaria–Macedonia relations.[17] He signed a bilateral agreement with Bulgarian prime ministerIvan Kostov regarding good neighbourly relations.[14]
In 2001, the party participated in a government of national unity.[42] VMRO–DPMNE's government was defeated at the2002 parliamentary elections. In an alliance with theLiberal Party of Macedonia, VMRO–DPMNE won 28 out of 120 seats. In 2004, Trajkovski died in a plane crash andBranko Crvenkovski was elected president, defeating VMRO–DPMNE's candidateSaško Kedev. After losing the 2002 elections, Georgievski left the party and established theVMRO-NP in 2004.[17]
Nikola Gruevski was elected as the new leader of the party in May 2003.[37] The widespread public support for EU membership in the 2000s encouraged the party to evolve into a moderate and pro-European party.[39] It also rebranded itself as centre-right and Christian democratic.[2] VMRO-DPMNE opposed the legalisation of theTetovo University in early 2004.[24] The party became the largest party in parliament again after a net gain of over a dozen seats in the2006 parliamentary elections. With 44 of 120 seats, the party formed a government in coalition with the DPA again, with Gruevski becoming the prime minister.[37] In its 2006 party programme, it emphasised the pursuit of EU and NATO membership as its major foreign policy goals.[43] On 15 May 2007, the party became an observer-member of theEuropean People's Party.[17]
The party won2008 early parliamentary elections. In the 120-seat Assembly, VMRO–DPMNE won 63 seats and formed a coalition government with the Democratic Union for Integration.[7][37] In 2009, the VMRO–DPMNE-led coalition "For a better Macedonia" won 56 out of 84municipalities, the party's presidential candidateGjorge Ivanov also won thepresidential election.[44] The party won again in the2011 early parliamentary elections. VMRO–DPMNE won 56 seats of the 120-seat Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia, the party formed a government in coalition with the Democratic Union for Integration in the Macedonian Parliament (mandate period 2011–2015). In 2014,early parliamentary elections were held together with the presidential election, VMRO–DPMNE won again 61 seats of the 120-seat Assembly and formed agovernment in coalition with theDemocratic Union for Integration (mandate period 2014–2018).
The party pursued the "antiquisation" policy between 2006 and 2017, in which it sought to claimancient Macedonian figures likeAlexander the Great andPhilip II of Macedon for the country. The policy was pursued since its coming to power in 2006,[45] and especially since Macedonia's non-invitation to NATO in 2008, as a way of putting pressure on Greece as well as in an attempt to construct a new identity on the basis of a presumed link to the world of antiquity.[46][47] The policy received academic criticism as it demonstrated feebleness of archaeology and other historical disciplines in public discourse, as well as a danger ofmarginalization.[48] The policy also attracted criticism domestically, by ethnic Macedonians within the country, who saw as dangerously dividing the country between those who identify withclassical antiquity and those who identify with the country's Slavic culture.[46] EthnicAlbanians saw it as an attempt to marginalize them and exclude them from the national narrative.[46]Bulgaria also accused the country of falsification of history.[46] According to researcher Anastas Vangeli, it harmed interethnic relations and the country's international position.[49] Foreign diplomats warned that the policy reduced international sympathy for Macedonia's position in the naming dispute with Greece.[46]SDSM was opposed to theSkopje 2014 project and alleged that the monuments could have cost six to ten times less than what the government paid, which may already have exceeded 600 million euros.[50][51][52] In 2012, a statue of the member of the IMROSimeon Radev, who was also a Bulgarian diplomat, was installed on the building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs but it was later taken down, and according toMakfax, with the explanation that it had been a mistake.[53][54] The party built new headquarters for itself in Skopje in 2015.[55]
In the 2010s and the 2020s, Georgievski criticised the party several times, seeing it as a personal failure and a fake party without any ideology, etc.[56] The party opposed the Friendship Treaty with Bulgaria in 2017.[57]
As a result of the political crisis, the political parties signed thePržino Agreement, which also resulted in the resignation of Gruevski in January 2016.[58][59] VMRO-DPMNE was widely accused of nepotism and authoritarianism and was involved in a series of wiretapping, corruption and money-laundering scandals, with the Macedonian Special Prosecution ordering in 2017 a series of investigations against the party's former leader and ex-Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, as well as ministers and other high-ranked officials, for involvement in illegal activities. In 2018, amid ongoing investigations, a Skopje court froze the party's property assets.[60] Gruevski himself was sentenced to two years in prison for the illegal purchase of a Mercedes car in 2018 butfled to Hungary when he was ordered to serve his prison sentence.[61] Nevertheless, he remained an honorary chairman of the party until July 2020.[62] On 8 October 2018,Gordana Jankulovska, the former Minister of Interior and senior member of the party, was sentenced to six years in prison for illegally purchasing the Mercedes, which Gruevski had used secretly.[63][64]
Hristijan Mickoski became the leader of the party on 23 December 2017, replacing Gruevski.[65] VMRO-DPMNE has been criticised for its hard-line stance against thePrespa Agreement that was reached in June 2018 between theRepublic of Macedonia andGreece, which resolved the long-standingMacedonia naming dispute by renaming the country asNorth Macedonia and recognising that Macedonian culture and language are distinct and unrelated toancient Hellenic civilisation. On 16 October 2018,US Assistant Secretary of StateWess Mitchell sent a letter to Mickoski, in which he expressed the disappointment of the United States with the positions of the party's leadership, including him personally, regarding its position against the Prespa agreement and asked him to "set aside partisan interests" and work to get the name change approved.[66][67][68] Despite the party's opposition, eight deputies of the party voted in favour of the initiation of the constitutional amendments to allow the country's name change.[69][17]
In April 2022, aBulgarian club named after the last leader of the historical IMRO,Ivan Mihailov, was officially opened inBitola. After its opening, the club was set on fire, and Mickoski demanded that the arsonist, who was arrested, be released.[70] The deputy chairman of the party Alexander Nikoloski expressed later his support to the decision of the Commission for Protection against Discrimination, which announced that the club "Ivan Mihailov" is discriminative towards the citizens of the country on national and ethnic grounds. VMRO-DPMNE deputyRashela Mizrahi declared also the last leader of the organisation whose name it bears to be afascist.[71][72] Later, the party submitted a bill demanding that such names be banned for use in the country to increase distancing from fascism and Nazism.[73][74] The bill was adopted, in collaboration with the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia.[75]
The party became the main oppositional force which participated in the2022 North Macedonia protests, surrounding its accession into theEU.[76][77] In September 2022, the party proposed a referendum under which the friendship treaty between Bulgaria and North Macedonia would be denounced.[78][79] The party is against the recognition of theBulgarians in North Macedonia as an official ethnic minority, which isconditio sine qua non the country to become a member of the EU.[80][81] In this way, the party effectively halted the European integration of North Macedonia.[82] The party won the2024 parliamentary elections.[83][84] It formed a government withVLEN andZNAM in June.[85] On 25 September 2024, the EU announced the separation of Albania from North Macedonia on the EU accession path.[86] Following this decision, Albania continued its path separately.
TheYouth Force Union (Macedonian:Унија на млади сили на ВМРО-ДПМНЕ), also known asUMS (Macedonian:УМС), is the youth wing organisation of the VMRO-DPMNE, formed in 1991.[87]
A number of projects arising from the Youth Force Union were conducted in the past 20 years. It organised demonstrations against the introduction of the Albanian language in the pedagogical faculty of theUniversity of Skopje in 1997.[88][89]
| Election | Party candidate | Votes | % | Votes | % | Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| First round | Second round | |||||
| 1994 | Ljubiša Georgievski | 197,109 | 21.6% | – | – | Lost N |
| 1999 | Boris Trajkovski | 219,098 | 21.1% | 582,808 | 53.2% | Elected Y |
| 2004 | Saško Kedev | 309,132 | 34.1% | 329,179 | 37.4% | LostN |
| 2009 | Gjorge Ivanov | 345,850 | 35.04% | 453,616 | 63.14% | ElectedY |
| 2014 | 449,442 | 51.69% | 534,910 | 55.28% | ElectedY | |
| 2019 | Gordana Siljanovska-Davkova | 318,341 | 44.16% | 377,713 | 46.41% | LostN |
| 2024 | 363,085 | 41.21% | 561,000 | 69.01% | ElectedY | |
| Election | Party leader | Vote | % | Seats | +/– | Position | Government | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1990 | Ljubčo Georgievski | First round | 154,101 | 14.3% | 38 / 120 |  38 | 1st | Opposition |
| Second round | 238,367 | 29.9% | ||||||
| 1994 | First round | 141,946 | 14.3% | 0 / 120 |  38 | Extra-parliamentary | ||
| Second round | Boycotted | |||||||
| 1998 | First round | 312,669 | 28.1% | 49 / 120 | 49 | 1st | Government | |
| Second round | 381,196 | 49% | ||||||
| 2002 | 298,404 | 25% | 33 / 120 | 16 | 2nd | Opposition | ||
| 2006 | Nikola Gruevski | 303,543 | 32.5% | 45 / 120 | 12 | 1st | Government | |
| 2008 | 481,501 | 48.48% | 63 / 120 | 18 |  1st | Government | ||
| 2011 | 438,138 | 39.98% | 56 / 123 | 7 | 1st | Government | ||
| 2014 | 481,615 | 42.98% | 61 / 123 | 5 | 1st | Government | ||
| 2016 | 454,519 | 38.14% | 51 / 120 | 10 | 1st | Opposition | ||
| 2020 | Hristijan Mickoski | 315,344 | 34.57% | 44 / 120 | 7 | 2nd | Opposition | |
| 2024 | 436,407 | 44.58% | 58 / 120 | 14 | 1st | Government | ||
A more modern national hero is Gotse Delchev, leader of the turn-of-the-century Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), which was actually a largely pro-Bulgarian organization but is claimed as the founding Macedonian national movement.
The first name of the IMRO was "Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committees", which was later changed several times. Initially its membership was restricted only for Bulgarians. It was active not only in Macedonia but also in Thrace (theVilayet of Adrianople). Since its early name emphasized the Bulgarian nature of the organization by linking the inhabitants of Thrace and Macedonia to Bulgaria, these facts are still difficult to be explained from the Macedonian historiography. They suggest that IMRO revolutionaries in the Ottoman period did not differentiate between 'Macedonians' and 'Bulgarians'. Moreover, as their own writings attest, they often saw themselves and their compatriots as 'Bulgarians' and wrote in Bulgarian standard language.
The revolutionary committee dedicated itself to fight for "full political autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople." Since they sought autonomy only for those areas inhabited by Bulgarians, they denied other nationalities membership in IMRO. According to Article 3 of the statutes, "any Bulgarian could become a member".
The most controversial revisionist effort concerned the attempt to include the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (VMRO) of theinterwar period within the Macedonian national narrative. Previous scholarship had regarded this organization as a reactionary force of Bulgarian expansionism, pointing to its support for conservative circles in Bulgaria, its contacts with the fascist Croatian Ustashe and Nazi Germany, and its display of Bulgarian national identity. The attempt to rehabilitate it was directly linked to efforts by the VMRO-DPMNE party, to declare itself the legitimate successor of the historical VMRO.
...the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), an ultranationalist party whose irredentist platform called for the creation of a "United Macedonia".
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