| United States invasion of Grenada | |||||||
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| Part of theCold War | |||||||
 An AmericanSikorsky CH-53 Sea Stallion helicopter hovers above the ground near an abandoned SovietZU-23-2 anti-aircraft weapon during the American invasion of Grenada, 1983. | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
 Grenada (PRG) Cuba Soviet Union | |||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
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| Strength | |||||||
CPF:
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Cuba: 784 (including 636 construction workers according to Cuba)[1]: 6, 26, 62 | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
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| 24 civilians killed (18 of them when amental hospital was mistakenly bombed by U.S. Navy A-7s)[3] | |||||||
TheUnited States and acoalition ofCaribbean countries[a] invaded the island nation ofGrenada at dawn on 25 October 1983. CodenamedOperation Urgent Fury by the U.S. military, it resulted in military occupation within a few days.[8] It was triggered by strife within thePeople's Revolutionary Government, which led to the house arrest and execution of the previous leader and secondPrime Minister ofGrenada,Maurice Bishop, and to the establishment of the Revolutionary Military Council, withHudson Austin as chairman. Following the invasion there was an interim government appointed, and thengeneral elections held in December 1984.
The invasion drew criticism from many countries. British Prime MinisterMargaret Thatcher privately disapproved of the mission, in part because she was not consulted in advance and was given very short notice of the military operation, but she supported it in public.[9] On October 28, 1983, three days after the invasion, theU.N. Security Council by a vote of 11 to one passed a resolution "deeply deploring" the invasion, calling it a "flagrant violation of international law" (the United States vetoed the resolution).[10] TheUnited Nations General Assembly condemned it as "a flagrant violation of international law" on 2 November 1983, by a vote of 108 to 9.[11]
The invading force consisted of the 1st and 2nd battalions of theU.S. Army's75th Ranger Regiment, the82nd Airborne Division, and elements of the formerRapid Deployment Force,U.S. Marines,U.S. Army Delta Force,Navy SEALs, and a small group Air ForceTACPs from the 21st TASS Shaw AFB ancillary forces, totaling 7,600 troops, together withJamaican forces and troops of theRegional Security System (RSS).[12] The invaders quickly defeated Grenadian resistance after a low-altitude assault by the Rangers and 82nd Airborne atPoint Salines Airport on the island's south end, and a Marine helicopter and amphibious landing atPearls Airport on the north end. Austin's military government was deposed. An advisory council was designated bySir Paul Scoon,Governor-General of Grenada, to administer the government until the 1984 elections.
The invasion date of 25 October is now a national holiday in Grenada, calledThanksgiving Day, commemorating the freeing of several political prisoners who were subsequently elected to office. Atruth and reconciliation commission was launched in 2000 to re-examine some of the controversies of that tumultuous period in the 1980s; in particular, the commission made an unsuccessful attempt to locate the remains of Maurice Bishop's body, which had been disposed of at Austin's order and never found.[13]
The invasion exposed communication and coordination problems between the different branches of the U.S. military when operating together as a joint force. This triggered post-action investigations resulting in sweeping operational changes in the form of theGoldwater–Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act.[14]
In 1974,Sir Eric Gairy led Grenada to independence from theUnited Kingdom, but his term in office was marred by civil unrest. Although hisGrenada United Labour Party claimed victory in thegeneral election of 1976, the opposition did not accept the result as legitimate.[15] During his tenure, many Grenadians believed Gairy was personally responsible for the economic decline of the island and accused him of corruption.[16][17] The civil unrest took the form of street violence between Gairy's private militia, theMongoose Gang, and a militia organized by thecommunistNew Jewel Movement (NJM) party.[18]
On 13 March 1979, while Gairy was temporarily out of the country,Maurice Bishop and his NJM seized power in a nearly bloodlesscoup.[19] He established thePeople's Revolutionary Government, suspended the constitution, and detained several political prisoners.[19] Bishop was a forceful speaker who introduced Marxist ideology to Grenadians while also appealing to Black Americans during the 1970s heyday of theBlack Panther movement. After seizing power, Bishop attempted to implement the firstMarxist-Leninist nation in the British Commonwealth.[20] To lend itself an appearance of constitutional legitimacy, the new administration continued to recognizeQueen Elizabeth II asQueen of Grenada and SirPaul Scoon as her viceregal representative.[21]
The Bishop government began constructing thePoint Salines International Airport with the help of theUnited Kingdom,Cuba,Libya,Algeria, and other nations. The British government proposed the airport in 1954 when Grenada was still a British colony.Canadians designed it, the British government underwrote it, and aLondon firm built it. The U.S. government accused Grenada of constructing facilities to aid aSoviet-Cuban military buildup in the Caribbean. The accusation was based on the fact that the new airport's 9,000-foot (2,700 m) runway would be able to accommodate the largest Soviet aircraft, such as theAn-12,An-22, andAn-124. Such a facility, according to the U.S., would enhance the Soviet and Cuban transportation of weapons to Central American insurgents and expand Soviet regional influence. Bishop's government claimed that the airport was built to handle commercial aircraft carrying tourists, pointing out that such jets could not land at Pearls Airport with its 5,200-foot (1,600 m) runway on the island's north end, and that Pearls could not be expanded because its runway abutted a mountain on one side and the ocean on the other.[22]
In 1983, RepresentativeRon Dellums (D-CA) traveled to Grenada on a fact-finding mission, having been invited by Prime Minister Bishop. Dellums described his findings beforeCongress:
Based on my personal observations, discussion, and analysis of the new international airport under construction in Grenada, it is my conclusion that this project is specifically now and has always been for the purpose of economic development and is not for military use.... It is my thought that it is absurd, patronizing, and totally unwarranted for the United States government to charge that this airport poses a military threat to the United States' national security.[23]
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In March 1983, President Reagan began issuing warnings about the danger to the United States and Caribbean nations if the Soviet-Cuban militarization of that region was allowed to proceed. He pointed to the excessively long airport runway being built and referenced intelligence reports showing increased Soviet interest in the island. He said the runway, along with the airport's numerous fuel storage tanks, were unnecessary for commercial flights and that the evidence suggested the airport would become a Cuban-Soviet forward military airbase.[24]
Meanwhile, an internal power struggle was brewing in Grenada over Bishop's leadership performance.[25] In September 1983 at aCentral Committee party meeting, he was pressured into sharing power with Deputy Prime MinisterBernard Coard. Bishop initially agreed to the joint leadership proposal, but later balked at the idea, which brought matters to a crisis.[26]
Two days prior to the United States' invasion of Grenada, U.S. marines in Beirut suffered heavy casualties in the1983 Beirut barracks bombings. The terrorist bombing in Beirut killed 241 American servicemen, the deadliest single attack on Americans overseas since World War II.American Experience suggested the invasion of Grenada was meant to distract the public from the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing: "By the time of the1984 election, the Grenada success replaced the bitter memory of the massacre at Lebanon.”[27]
On the evening of 13 October 1983, the Coard faction of the Central Committee, in conjunction with the People's Revolutionary Army, placed Prime Minister Bishop and several of his allies under house arrest. On 19 October, after Bishop's secret detention became widely known, he was freed by a large crowd of supporters, estimated between 15,000 and 30,000.[28] He led the crowd to a relatively unguarded Fort Rupert (later renamed Fort George) which they soon occupied.[26] At nearby Fort Frederick, Coard had gathered nine Central Committee members and sizable factions of the military.[28] As one journalist writes, "What happened next, and on whose orders, is still a controversy."[26] But a mass of troops in armored personnel carriers, under the supervision of Lt. Colonel Ewart Layne, departed Fort Frederick for Fort Rupert to, as Layne described it, "recapture the fort and restore order."[29] After surrendering to the superior force, Bishop and seven leaders loyal to him were lined up against a wall in Fort Rupert's courtyard and executed by a firing squad.[26][28]
The army underHudson Austin then stepped in and formed a military council to rule the country, and placed Sir Paul Scoon under house arrest inGovernment House. The army instituted a strict four-day curfew during which anyone seen on the streets would be shot on sight.[30][31]
Within only a few days of these events in Grenada, theReagan administration mounted a U.S.-ledmilitary intervention following a formal appeal for help from theOrganisation of Eastern Caribbean States, which had received a covert request for help from Paul Scoon (though he put off signing the official letter of invitation until 26 October).[32] Among the key invasion planners wereSecretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger and his senior military assistantColin Powell.[33] Regarding the speed with which the invasion commenced, it was said the U.S. had been conducting mock invasions of Grenada since 1981: "These exercises, part of Ocean Venture '81 and known as Operation Amber and the Amberdines, involved air and amphibious assaults on thePuerto Rican island of Vieques. According to the plans for these maneuvers, 'Amber' was considered a hypothetical island in the Eastern Caribbean which had engaged in anti-democratic revolutionary activities."[28][33]
Reagan stated that he felt compelled to act due to "concerns over the 600 U.S. medical students on the island" and fears of a repeat of theIran hostage crisis, which ended less than three years earlier.[34] FutureU.S. Secretary of StateLawrence Eagleburger, who was then serving as Reagan'sUnder Secretary of State for Political Affairs, later admitted that the prime motivation for the intervention was to "get rid" of the coup leader Hudson Austin, and that the students were a pretext.[35] Although the invasion occurred after the execution of Prime Minister Bishop, the remaining Grenadian ruling party members were still committed to Bishop's Marxist ideology. Reagan said he viewed these factors, alongside the party's growing connection to Fidel Castro, as a threat to democracy.[36]
TheOrganization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS),Barbados, andJamaica all appealed to the United States for assistance.[1] For safety reasons, Paul Scoon had requested the invasion through secret diplomatic channels,[37] using thereserve powers vested in theCrown.[38] On 22 October 1983, the Deputy High Commissioner inBridgetown,Barbados, visited Grenada and reported that Scoon was well and "did not request military intervention, either directly or indirectly".[39] However, on the day after the invasion,Prime Minister of DominicaEugenia Charles stated the request had come from Scoon, through the OECS, and,[21] in his 2003 autobiography,Survival for Service,[40][38] Scoon maintains he asked the visiting British diplomat to pass along "an oral request" for outside military intervention at this meeting.[21]
On 25 October, the combined forces of the United States and theRegional Security System (RSS) based in Barbados invaded Grenada in an operation codenamedOperation Urgent Fury. The United States insisted this was being done at the request ofBarbados' Prime MinisterTom Adams and Dominica's Prime Minister Eugenia Charles. The invasion was sharply criticized by the governments in Canada,Trinidad and Tobago, and the United Kingdom. By a vote of 108 to 9, with 27 abstentions,[41] the United Nations General Assembly condemned it as "a flagrant violation of international law."[11]
H-hour for the invasion was set for 05:00 on 25 October 1983. U.S. troops deployed for Grenada by helicopter fromGrantley Adams International Airport on Barbados before daybreak.[42][43] Nearly simultaneously, American paratroopers arrived directly by transport aircraft from bases in the eastern United States, and U.S. Marines were airlifted to the island fromUSSGuam offshore. It was the largest American military action since theVietnam War.[44][8] Vice AdmiralJoseph Metcalf III, Commander of the Second Fleet, was the overall commander of American forces, designated Joint Task Force 120, which included elements of each military service and multiple special operations units. Fighting continued for several days and the total number of American troops reached some 7,000 along with 300 troops from theOrganization of American States, commanded by Brigadier Rudyard Lewis of Barbados.
The main objectives on the first day were for the75th Ranger Regiment to capturePoint Salines International Airport in order for the82nd Airborne Division to land reinforcements on the island; the2nd Battalion, 8th Marine Regiment to capturePearls Airport; and other forces to rescue the American students at the True Blue Campus ofSt. George's University. In addition, a number of special operations missions were undertaken by Army Delta Force operatives and Navy SEALs to obtain intelligence and secure key individuals and equipment. Many of these missions were plagued by inadequate intelligence and planning; the American troops used tourist maps with military grids superimposed on them.[45]
The invading forces encountered about 1,500 Grenadian soldiers of thePeople's Revolutionary Army (PRA) manning defensive positions. The PRA troops were for the most part equipped with light weapons, mostlyKalashnikov-pattern automatic rifles of Sovietbloc origin and semiautomatic CzechVz. 52 carbines, along with smaller numbers of obsoleteSKS carbines andPPSh-41 submachine guns.[46] They had few heavy weapons and no modern air defense systems.[46] The PRA was not regarded as a serious military threat by the U.S., which was more concerned by the possibility that Cuba would send a large expeditionary force to intervene on behalf of its erstwhile ally.[46]
The PRA did possess eightBTR-60PB armored personnel carriers and twoBRDM-2 armored cars delivered as military aid from the Soviet Union in February 1981, but no tanks.[47][48]
The Cuban military presence in Grenada was more complex than initially evaluated by the U.S.[49][50] Most of the Cuban civilian expatriates present were also military reservists.[50]Fidel Castro described the Cuban construction crews in Grenada as "workers and soldiers at the same time", claiming the dual nature of their role was consistent with Cuba's "citizen soldier" tradition.[50] At the time of the invasion, there were an estimated 784 Cuban nationals on the island.[51] About 630 of the Cuban nationals listed their occupations as construction workers, another 64 as military personnel, and 18 as dependents.[51] The remainder were medical staff or teachers.[51]
Colonel Pedro Tortoló Comas was the highest-ranking Cuban military officer in Grenada in 1983 was evacuated from the Soviet Embassy viaMerida, Mexico back to Havana by a Soviet commercial airplane.[52] He later stated that he issued small arms and ammunition to the construction workers for the purpose of self-defense during the invasion, which may have further blurred the line between their status as civilians and combatants.[51] They were also expressly forbidden to surrender to U.S. military forces if approached.[51] The regular Cuban military personnel on the island were serving as advisers to the PRA at the time.[46] Cuban advisers and instructors deployed with overseas military missions were not confined to non-combat and technical support roles; if the units to which they were attached participated in an engagement, they were expected to fight alongside their foreign counterparts.[53]
Bob Woodward wrote inVeil that captured "military advisors" from socialist countries, including Cuba, were actually accredited diplomats and their dependents. He claimed that none of them took any actual part in the fighting.[54] The U.S. government asserted that most of the supposed Cuban civilian technicians on Grenada were in fact military personnel, including special forces and combat engineers.[55] A summary of the Cuban presence inThe Engineer, the official periodical of theU.S. Army Engineer School, noted that "resistance from these well-armed military and paramilitary forces belied claims that they were simply construction crews."[56]
U.S. Special Operations Forces were deployed to Grenada beginning on 23 October, before the 25 October invasion. Navy SEALs fromSEAL Team 6 and Air Force combat controllers were air-dropped at sea to perform a reconnaissance mission on Point Salines.[57] The helicopter drop went wrong; four SEALs were lost at sea and their bodies never recovered, causing most people to suspect they had drowned.[58] The four SEALs were Machinist Mate 1st Class Kenneth J. Butcher, Quartermaster 1st Class Kevin E. Lundberg, Hull Technician 1st Class Stephen L. Morris, and Senior Chief Engineman Robert R. Schamberger. In an interview conducted by Bill Salisbury and published on 4 October 1990, Kenneth Butcher's widow claimed that she had gone to Grenada hoping that her husband had survived. She said, "There was this fisherman who said he saw four guys in wetsuits come out of the water, and then two days later he saw four bodies being thrown into the water. So we would like to think they made it, 'cause there was a boat smashed up on the beach. We would like to think the four of them got in that boat, made it to shore, got someplace, and were captured. And they're, you know, gonna come back."[59] The SEAL and Air Force survivors continued their mission, but their boats flooded while evading a patrol boat, causing the mission to be aborted. Another SEAL mission on 24 October was also unsuccessful, due to harsh weather, resulting in little intelligence being gathered in advance of the impending intervention.[60]
Alpha and Bravo companies of the 1st Battalion of the75th Ranger Regiment embarked onC-130s atHunter Army Airfield at midnight on 25 October to perform an air assault landing on Point Salines Airport, intending to land at the airport and then disembark. The Rangers had to switch abruptly to a parachute landing when they learned mid-flight that the runway was obstructed. The air drop began at 05:30 on 25 October in the face of moderate resistance fromZU-23 anti-aircraft guns and several BTR-60armored personnel carriers (APCs), which were knocked out byM67 recoilless rifle fire.AC-130 gunships provided support for the landing. Cuban construction vehicles were commandeered to help clear the airfield, and one even used to provide mobile cover for the Rangers as they moved to seize the heights surrounding the airfield.[61]
The Rangers cleared the airstrip of obstructions by 10:00, and transport planes were able to land and unload additional reinforcements, includingM151 Jeeps and members of theCaribbean Peace Force assigned to guard the perimeter and detainees. Starting at 14:00, units began landing at Point Salines from the82nd Airborne Division underEdward Trobaugh, including battalions of the325th Infantry Regiment. At 15:30, three BTR-60s of the Grenadian Army Motorized Company counter-attacked, but the Americans repelled them with recoilless rifles and an AC-130.[62]
The Rangers fanned out and secured the surrounding area, negotiating the surrender of over 100 Cubans in an aviation hangar. However, a Jeep-mounted Ranger patrol became lost searching forTrue Blue Campus and was ambushed, with four killed. The Rangers eventually secured True Blue campus and its students, where they found only 140 students and were told that more were at another campus in Grand Anse, northeast of True Blue. In all, the Rangers lost five men on the first day, but succeeded in securing Point Salines and the surrounding area.[61]
A platoon of Navy SEALs fromSEAL Team 4 under Lieutenant Mike Walsh approached the beach nearPearls Airport around midnight on 25 October after evading patrol boats and overcoming stormy weather. They found that the beach was lightly defended but unsuitable for an amphibious landing. The2nd Battalion of the8th Marine Regiment then landed south of Pearls Airport usingCH-46 Sea Knight andCH-53 Sea Stallion helicopters at 05:30 on 25 October; they captured Pearls Airport, encountering only light resistance, including aDShK machine gun which a MarineAH-1 Cobra destroyed.[63]
UH-60 Blackhawk helicopters deliveredSEAL Team 6 operators in the early morning of 25 October to Radio Free Grenada with the purpose of using the radio station forpsychological operations.[62] They captured the station unopposed and destroyed the radio transmitter. However, they were attacked by Grenadian forces in cars and an armored personnel carrier (APC), which forced the lightly armed SEALs to cut open a fence and retreat into the ocean while receiving fire from the APC. The SEALs then reportedly swam toUSSCaron.[64] They swam toward the open sea, and were picked up several hours later after being spotted by a reconnaissance plane.[60]
On 25 October,Delta Force's A and B squadrons, and C Company,1st Ranger Battalion embarked inUH-60 andMH-6 Little Bird helicopters ofTask Force 160 to capture Fort Rupert (now known as Fort George), where they believed the Revolutionary Council leaders lived, andRichmond Hill Prison, where political prisoners were being held.[65][66] The raid on Richmond Hill Prison lacked vital intelligence, leaving the attackers unaware of the presence of several anti-aircraft guns and steep hilly terrain that left no room for helicopter landings. Anti-aircraft fire wounded passengers and crew and forced one UH-60 helicopter tocrash land, causing another helicopter to land next to it to protect the survivors. One pilot was killed, and the Delta Force operators had to be relieved by a NavySea King helicopter.[67] The raid on Fort Rupert, however, was successful in capturing several leaders of the People's Revolutionary Government.[68]
The last major special operation was a mission to rescue Governor-General Scoon from his mansion inSaint George, Grenada. The mission departed late at 05:30 on 25 October from Barbados, resulting in the Grenadian forces being already aware of the invasion and they guarded Scoon closely. The SEAL team entered the mansion without opposition, butBTR-60 armored personnel carriers counter-attacked and trapped the SEALs and governor inside.AC-130 gunships,A-7 Corsair strike planes, andAH-1 Cobra attack helicopters were called in to support the besieged SEALs, but they remained trapped for the next 24 hours.
At 19:00 on 25 October, 250 marines from G Company of the2nd Battalion, 8th Marine Regiment landed at Grand Mal Bay equipped withamphibious assault vehicles and fourM60 Patton tanks; they relieved the Navy SEALs the following morning, allowing Governor Scoon, his wife, and nine aides to be safely evacuated at 10:00 that day. The Marine tank crews continued advancing in the face of sporadic resistance, knocking out a BRDM-2 armored car.[48] G Company subsequently defeated and overwhelmed the Grenadian defenders at Fort Frederick.[63]
NavyA-7 Corsairs and MarineAH-1 Cobra attack helicopters made airstrikes against Fort Rupert and Fort Frederick. An A-7 raid on Fort Frederick targeting anti-aircraft guns hit a nearby mental hospital, killing 18 civilians.[1]: 62 Two Marine AH-1T Cobras and a UH-60 Blackhawk were shot down in a raid against Fort Frederick, resulting in five casualties.[63]
General Trobaugh of the 82nd Airborne Division had two goals on the second day: securing the perimeter around Point Salines Airport, and rescuing American students held in Grand Anse. The Army lacked undamaged helicopters after the losses on the first day and consequently had to delay the student rescue until they made contact with Marine forces.
Early on the morning of 26 October, Cuban forces ambushed a patrol from the 2nd Battalion of the 325th Infantry Regiment near the village ofCalliste. The American patrol suffered six wounded and two killed, including the commander of Company B, CPT Michael F. Ritz and squad leader SSG Gary L. Epps. Navy airstrikes and an artillery bombardment by105mm howitzers targeting the main Cuban encampment eventually led to their surrender at 08:30. American forces pushed on to the village of Frequente, where they discovered a Cuban weapons cache reportedly sufficient to equip six battalions. Cuban forces ambushed a reconnaissance platoon mounted on gun-jeeps, but the jeeps returned fire, and a nearby infantry unit added mortar fire; the Cubans suffered four casualties with no American losses. Cuban resistance largely ended after these engagements.[61]
On the afternoon of 26 October, Rangers of the2nd Battalion of the 75th Ranger Regiment mounted MarineCH-46 Sea Knight helicopters to launch an air assault on the Grand Anse campus. The campus police offered light resistance before fleeing, wounding one Ranger, and one of the helicopters crashed on approach after its blade hit a palm tree. The Rangers evacuated the 233 American students byCH-53 Sea Stallion helicopters, but the students informed them that there was a third campus with Americans at Prickly Bay.[63] A squad of 11 Rangers were accidentally left behind; they departed on a rubber raft which was picked up byUSS Caron at 23:00.[62]
By 27 October, organized resistance was rapidly diminishing, but the American forces did not yet realize this. The2nd Battalion, 8th Marines continued advancing along the coast and capturing additional towns, meeting little resistance, although one patrol did encounter a singleBTR-60 during the night, dispatching it with aM72 LAW. The 325th Infantry Regiment advanced toward the capital of Saint George, capturing Grand Anse and discovering 200 American students whom they had missed the first day. They continued to the town ofRuth Howard and Saint George, meeting only scattered resistance. An air-naval gunfire liaison team called in anA-7 airstrike and accidentally hit the command post of the 2nd Brigade, wounding 17 troops, one of whom died.[61]
The Army had reports that PRA forces were amassing at the Calivigny Barracks, only five kilometers from the Point Salines airfield. They organized an air assault by the 2nd Battalion of the 75th Ranger Regiment preceded by a preparatory bombardment by field howitzers (which mostly missed, their shells falling into the ocean), A-7s,AC-130s, and USSCaron. However, theBlackhawk helicopters began dropping off troops near the barracks but their approach was too fast. One of them crash landed and the two behind it collided with it, killing three and wounding four. The barracks were deserted.[62]
In the following days, resistance ended entirely and the Army and Marines spread across the island, arresting PRA officials, seizing caches of weapons, and seeing to the repatriation of Cuban engineers. On 1 November, two companies from the 2/8 Marines made a combined sea and helicopter landing on the island ofCarriacou 17 miles (27 km) northeast of Grenada. The 19 Grenadian soldiers defending the island surrendered without a fight. This was the last military action of the campaign.[63] On 3 November, Reagan announced the ten-day American mission had been "successfully completed" and that many of the troops in the invasion force would be withdrawn in the following days.[69]
It was confirmed Scoon had been in contact withQueen Elizabeth II ahead of the invasion; however, Queen Elizabeth's office denied knowledge of any request for military action and the Queen was "extremely upset" by the invasion of one of her realms. The only document signed by the Governor-General and asking for military assistance was dated after the invasion, which fueled speculation that the United States had used Scoon as an excuse for its incursion into Grenada.[21]
Official U.S. sources state that some of the opponents were well-prepared and well-positioned and put up stubborn resistance, to the extent that the Americans called in two battalions of reinforcements on the evening of 26 October. The total naval and air superiority of the American forces had overwhelmed the defenders. Nearly 8,000 soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines had participated in Operation Urgent Fury, along with 353 Caribbean allies from the Caribbean Peace Forces. The final U.S. report claims 19 killed and 116 wounded; the Cubans to have had 25 killed, 59 wounded and 638 "combatants" captured; the Grenadians to have suffered 45 killed and 358 wounded. At least 24 civilians were also killed, 18 of whom died in the accidental bombing of a Grenadian mental hospital.[1]: 62 The U.S. troops also destroyed a significant amount of Grenada's military hardware, including sixBTR-60 APCs and a BRDM-2 armored car.[48] A secondBRDM-2 armored car was impounded and shipped back toMarine Corps Base Quantico for inspection.[70]
The American government defended its invasion of Grenada as an action to protect American citizens living on the island, including medical students, and asserted it had been carried out at the request of the Governor-General.[21] Deputy Secretary of StateKenneth W. Dam said that action was necessary to "resolve" what Article 28 of the charter of theOrganization of American States (O.A.S.) refers to as "a situation that might endanger the peace". He added that the OAS charter and the UN charter both "recognize the competence of regional security bodies in ensuring regional peace and stability",[71] referring to the decision by theOrganisation of Eastern Caribbean States to approve the invasion.
TheUN Charter prohibits the use of force by member states except in cases of self-defense or when specifically authorized by theUN Security Council. The UN Security Council had not authorized this invasion.[72][73][74][75] Similarly, the United Nations General Assembly adopted General Assembly Resolution 38/7 by a vote of 108 to 9 with 27 abstentions, which "deeply deplores the armed intervention in Grenada, which constitutes a flagrant violation of international law".[11] A similar resolution in the United Nations Security Council received widespread support but was vetoed by the United States.[76][77]
Time magazine described the invasion as having "broad popular support". A congressional study group concluded that the invasion had been justified, as most members felt that American students at the university near a contested runway could have been taken hostage as American diplomats in Iran had been four years previously. The group's report causedHouse SpeakerTip O'Neill to change his position on the issue from opposition to support.[78]
However, some members of the study group dissented from its findings. CongressmanLouis Stokes (D-OH) stated: "Not a single American child nor single American national was in any way placed in danger or placed in a hostage situation prior to the invasion". TheCongressional Black Caucus denounced the invasion, and seven Democratic congressmen introduced an unsuccessful resolution to impeach President Reagan, led byTed Weiss (D-NY).[78]
Medical students in Grenada, speaking toTed Koppel on the 25 October 1983 edition of his newscastNightline, stated that they were safe and did not feel their lives were in peril.[79][80] The next evening, medical students told Koppel how grateful they were for the Army Rangers and the invasion which probably saved their lives.State Department officials had assured the students they would be able to complete their medical school education in the United States.[81]
An anti-war march attended by over 50,000 people, includingBurlington, Vermont MayorBernie Sanders, was held inWashington, D.C. The march received support from presidential candidateJesse Jackson.[82]
TheUnited Nations General Assembly adopted General Assembly Resolution 38/7 on 2 November 1983 by a vote of 108 to 9 which "deeply deplores the armed intervention in Grenada, which constitutes a flagrant violation of international law and of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that State".[11] It went on to deplore "the death of innocent civilians" and the "killing of the Prime Minister and other prominent Grenadians", and it called for an "immediate cessation of the armed intervention" and demanded, "that free elections be organized".
This was the first overthrow of a Communist government by armed means since the end ofWorld War II. The Soviet Union said that Grenada had been the object of United States threats, that the invasion violated international law, and that no small nation would find itself safe if the aggression were not rebuffed. The governments of some countries stated that the United States intervention was a return to the era of barbarism. The governments of other countries said the United States had violated several treaties and conventions to which it was a party.[83] A similar resolution was discussed in the United Nations Security Council but it was ultimately vetoed by the United States.[76][84][77]
PresidentRonald Reagan was asked if he was concerned by the lopsided 108–9 vote in the UN General Assembly. He said, "it didn't upset my breakfast at all".[85] He called the operation a "rescue mission" and the troops involved "liberators"[69]
Grenada is part of theCommonwealth of Nations and the intervention was opposed by several Commonwealth members including the United Kingdom, Trinidad and Tobago, and Canada.[1]: 50 British Prime MinisterMargaret Thatcher, a close ally of Reagan on other matters, personally opposed it. Reagan had forewarned her it might happen; she did not know for sure that it was coming until three hours before. Although she publicly supported the action, she sent the following message to Reagan at 12:30 on the morning of the invasion:
This action will be seen as intervention by a Western country in the internal affairs of a small independent nation, however unattractive its regime. I ask you to consider this in the context of our wider East/West relations and of the fact that we will be having in the next few days to present to our Parliament and people the siting ofCruise missiles in this country. I must ask you to think most carefully about these points. I cannot conceal that I am deeply disturbed by your latest communication. You asked for my advice. I have set it out and hope that even at this late stage you will take it into account before events are irrevocable.[86][87] (the full text remains classified).
Her complaints were not heeded, and the invasion continued as planned. While the fighting was still going on, Reagan phoned Thatcher to apologize for any miscommunication between them,[88] and their long-term friendly relationship endured.[89][90]
The American and Caribbean governments quickly reaffirmed Governor-General Sir Paul Scoon as QueenElizabeth II's sole legitimate representative in Grenada, and hence the only lawful authority on the island. In accordance with Commonwealth constitutional practice, Scoon assumed power as interim head of government and formed an advisory council which namedNicholas Brathwaite as chairman, pending new elections.[37][38] TheNew National Party wonthe elections in December 1984 and formed a government led by Prime MinisterHerbert Blaize.
American forces remained in Grenada after combat operations finished in December as part of Operation Island Breeze. The remaining forces performed security missions and assisted members of the Caribbean Peacekeeping Force and the Royal Grenadian Police Force, including military police, special forces, and a specialized intelligence detachment.
In 1985, Queen Elizabeth II visited Grenada and personally presided over the State Opening of theParliament of Grenada.
In 1986, seventeen political, military and civilian figures were convicted of crimes associated with the 19 October 1983 executions of Prime Minister Bishop and his supporters. The convicted group became known as theGrenada 17. In light of their lengthy imprisonment,Amnesty International referred to them as "the last of the Cold War prisoners".[28]
The invasion showed misalignment within the American "information apparatus", whichTime magazine described as still being in "some disarray" three weeks after the invasion. For example, the State Department falsely claimed that a mass grave had been discovered which held 100 bodies of islanders who had been killed by communist forces.[78] Major GeneralNorman Schwarzkopf, deputy commander of the invasion force, said that 160 Grenadian soldiers and 71 Cubans had been killed during the invasion; the Pentagon had given a count of 59 Cuban and Grenadian deaths.[78] Ronald H. Cole's report for theJoint Chiefs of Staff showed an even lower count.[1]
Also of concern were the problems that the invasion exposed in military planning and operations. There was a lack of intelligence about Grenada which exacerbated the difficulties faced by the quickly assembled invasion force. For example, they did not know that the students were actually at two different campuses, and there was a 30-hour delay in reaching students at the second campus.[78] Maps provided to soldiers on the ground (to report locations of units and request artillery and aircraft fire support) were tourist maps on whichmilitary grid reference lines were drawn by hand. These maps did not show topography and were not marked with crucial positions. Communications between services were not compatible and hindered the coordination of operations.[91] Maps given to some members of the invasion force had their landing strips drawn by hand.[92]
Reagan attempted to use the invasion of Grenada to endVietnam Syndrome, a term used in reference to the American public's aversion to overseas conflicts that resulted from the Vietnam War.[93][94][95][96] After the invasion, on 13 December 1983, Reagan asserted that "our days of weakness are over. Our military forces are back on their feet and standing tall."[97]
TheDepartment of Defense recognized a need for improved communications and coordination among the branches of the U.S. military. Congress investigated many of the problems and passed theGoldwater–Nichols Act of 1986 (Pub. L.99–433).[98] This act reworked the command structure of the military, making the most sweeping changes to the Department of Defense since the department was established in theNational Security Act of 1947.[citation needed] It increased the power of theChairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and advanced the concept of unified joint forces organized under one command.
25 October is a national holiday in Grenada, called Thanksgiving Day, to commemorate the invasion.St. George's University (SGU) built a monument on its True Blue campus to honor the American servicemen killed during the invasion, and marks the day with an annual memorial ceremony.[99][100]
After the Grenada invasion, Cuba became increasingly concerned the U.S. might also invade socialistNicaragua where Cuba had supplied primary school teachers to help the country establish rural schools. As a consequence of the invasion, Cuba removed its female primary school teachers from Nicaragua.[101]
On 29 May 2009, the Grenadian government changed the name of Point Salines International Airport toMaurice Bishop International Airport.[102][103] Hundreds of Grenadians turned out for the occasion to honor Bishop's memory. Prime MinisterTillman Thomas gave the keynote speech and referred to the airport renaming as an act of the Grenadian people coming home to themselves.[104] He also hoped it would bring closure to a chapter of denial in Grenada's history.
Vice AdmiralJoseph Metcalf, III, COMSECONDFLT, became Commander of Joint Task Force 120 (CJTF 120) and commanded units from the Air Force, Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard from the MARG flagshipUSSGuam. Rear Admiral Richard C. Berry (COMCRUDESGRU Eight) (Commander Task Group 20) supported the task force on the aircraft carrierUSSIndependence. Commanding Officer USS Guam (Task Force 124) was assigned the mission of seizing Pearls Airport and the port of Grenville, and of neutralizing any opposing forces in the area.[105] Simultaneously, Army Rangers in Task Force 123 would secure points at the southern end of the island, including the airfield under construction near Point Salines. The 82d Airborne Division (Task Force 121) were designated to follow and assume the security at Point Salines once it was seized by Task Force 123. Task Group 20.5, a carrier battle group built around USSIndependence, and Air Force elements would support the ground forces.[105]
Two formations of U.S. warships took part in the invasion.USS Independence carrier battle group; and Marine Amphibious Readiness Group, flagshipUSS Guam,USS Barnstable County,USS Manitowoc,USS Fort Snelling, andUSS Trenton.Carrier Group Four was allocated the designation Task Group 20.5 for the operation.
| Surface warships | Carrier Air Wing Six (CVW-6) squadrons embarked aboard flagshipIndependence | |
|---|---|---|
| USSIndependence | Fighter Squadron 14 (VF-14): 13F-14A | Carrier Airborne Early Warning Squadron 122 (VAW-122): 4E-2C |
| USS Coontz | Fighter Squadron 32 (VF-32): 14 F-14A | Electronic Attack Squadron 131 (VAQ-131): 4EA-6B |
| USS Moosbrugger | Attack Squadron 176 (VA-176): 16A-6E/KA-6D | Helicopter Antisubmarine Squadron (15 HS-15): 6SH-3H |
| USS Caron | Attack Squadron 87 (VA-87): 12 A-7E | Sea Control Squadron 28 (VS-28): 10S-3A |
| USS Clifton Sprague | Attack Squadron 15 (VA-15): 12 A-7E | COD: 1C-1A |
| USS Suribachi | ---- | ---- |
In addition, the following ships supported naval operations:
USS Kidd,USS Aquila,USS Aubrey Fitch,USS Briscoe,USS Nicholson,USS Portsmouth,USS Recovery,USS Saipan,USS Sampson,USS Samuel Eliot Morison,USS John L. Hall,USS Silversides,USS Taurus,USNS Neosho,USS Caloosahatchee,USS Richmond K. TurnerUSS Trenton, andUSS Edson.
On 20 October, the administration's Crisis Preplanning Group met and discussed a rescue plan for the students, but also the possibility of overthrowing the hostile Grenadian regime. According toLawrence Eagleburger, the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs at the State Department, 'The prime motivation was to get rid of that son of a bitch [General Austin] before the Cubans got any further embedded … The students were the pretext … but we would not have done it simply because of the students.'
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)Reagan, who blamed Congress for the outcome in Vietnam and in 1978 called the conflict 'a long, bloody war which our government refused to win,' contends his arms buildup, invasion of Grenada, and dispatch of U.S. forces to world trouble spots signaled the end of 'the Vietnam Syndrome.'
His biographer Lou Cannon calls him 'shameless' in using Grenada to revive America's Vietnam-wounded pride.
The Reagan Administration sought to shake off the Vietnam syndrome as it invaded Grenada in 1983 and bombed Libya in 1986.
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