TheUnited States House Committee on Appropriations is acommittee of theUnited States House of Representatives that is responsible for passingappropriation bills along with itsSenate counterpart.[1] The bills passed by the Appropriations Committee regulate expenditures of money by the government of the United States. As such, it is one of the most powerful committees, and its members are seen as influential.
Theconstitutional basis for the Appropriations Committee comes fromArticle one, Section nine, Clause seven of the U.S. Constitution, which says:
No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.
This clearly delegated the power of appropriating money to Congress, but was vague beyond that. Originally, the power of appropriating was taken by theCommittee on Ways and Means, but theUnited States Civil War placed a large burden on the Congress, and at the end of that conflict, a reorganization occurred.[vague][citation needed]
The Committee on Appropriations was created on December 11, 1865, when the U.S. House of Representatives separated the tasks of the Committee on Ways and Means into three parts.[2] The passage of legislation affecting taxes remained with Ways and Means. The power to regulate banking was transferred to theCommittee on Banking and Commerce. The power to appropriate money—to control the federal purse strings—was given to the newly created Appropriations Committee.
The root of the Appropriations Committee's power is its ability to disburse funds, and thus as theUnited States federal budget has risen, so has the power of the Appropriations Committee. The first federal budget of the United States, in 1789, was for $639,000—a hefty sum for the time, but a much smaller amount relative to the economy than the federal budget would later become. By the time the Appropriations committee was founded, the Civil War andinflation had raised expenditures to roughly $1.3 billion, increasing the clout of Appropriations. Expenditures continued to follow this pattern—rising sharply during wars before settling down—for over 100 years.
Another important development for Appropriations occurred in thepresidency of Warren G. Harding. Harding was the first president of the United States to deliver a budget proposal to Congress.
In May 1945, when U.S. RepresentativeAlbert J. Engel queried extra funds for theManhattan Project, the administration approved a visit to theClinton Engineer Works at Oak Ridge (CEW) (and one toHEW if desired) by selected legislators, including Engel, Mahon, Snyder,John Taber andClarence Cannon (the committee chair). About a month earlier Taber and Cannon had nearly come to blows over the expenditure but, after visiting CEW, Taber asked GeneralGroves and ColonelNichols "Are you sure you're asking for enough money?" Cannon commented "Well, I never expected to hear that from you, John."[3]
In the early 1970s, the Appropriations Committee faced a crisis. PresidentRichard Nixon began "impounding" funds, not allowing them to be spent, even when Congress had specifically appropriated money for a cause. This was essentially aline-item veto. Numerous court cases were filed by outraged interest groups and members of Congress. Eventually, the sense that Congress needed to regain control of the budget process led to the adoption of theCongressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which finalized the budget process in its current form.
The Appropriations committee is widely recognized by political scientists as one of the "power committees",[citation needed] since it holds thepower of the purse. Openings on the Appropriations committee are often hotly demanded, and are doled out as rewards. It is one of the "exclusive" committees of the House, meaning its members typically sit on no other committee. Under House Rules, an exception to this is that five Members of the Appropriations Committee must serve on theHouse Budget Committee—three for the majority and two for the minority. Much of the power of the committee comes from the inherent utility of controlling spending. Its subcommittee chairs are often called "Cardinals", likening them tothe most senior members of theCatholic Church, because of the power they wield over the budget.
Since the House is elected from single-member districts, securing financing for projects in the district can help a member to be reelected as the funds can create jobs and raise economic performance. This type of spending is derided by critics aspork barrel spending, while those who engage in it generally defend it as necessary and appropriate expenditure of government funds. The members of the Appropriations committee can do this better than most, and better direct funding towards another member's district, increasing the stature of committee members in the House and helping them gain support for their priorities, including seeking leadership positions or other honors.
The committee tends to be less partisan than other committees or the House overall. While the minority party will offer amendments during committee consideration, appropriations bills often get significant bipartisan support, both in committee and on the House floor. This atmosphere can be attributed to the fact that all committee members have a compelling interest in ensuring legislation will contain money for their own districts. Conversely, because members of this committee can easily steer money to their home districts, it is considered very difficult to unseat a member of this committee at an election—especially if he or she is a "Cardinal".
In addition, the ability to appropriate money is useful tolobbyists and interest groups; as such, being on Appropriations makes it easier to collect campaign contributions (see:campaign finance).
The Appropriations Committee has one of the largest jurisdictions of any federal committee. Under Rule 10 of the House rules, the committee's jurisdiction is defined as:
Appropriation of the revenue for the support of the Government
Rescissions of appropriations contained in appropriations Acts
Transfers of unexpected balances
Bills and joint resolutions reported by other committees that provide new entitlement authority as defined in section 3(9) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 and referred to the committee under clause 4(a)(2)
In 2007, the number of subcommittees was increased to 12 at the start of the110th Congress. This reorganization, developed by ChairDavid Obey and his Senate counterpart,Robert Byrd, for the first time provided for common subcommittee structures between both houses, a move that both chairs hoped will allow Congress to "complete action on each of the government funding on time for the first time since 1994".[6]
The new structure added the Subcommittee on Financial Services and General Government, and transferred jurisdiction over Legislative Branch appropriations from the full committee to a newly reinstated Legislative Branch Subcommittee, which had not existed since the108th Congress.
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