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The film uses the epic story of two friends to portray a Yugoslav history from the beginning ofWorld War II until the beginning of theYugoslav Wars. It is aninternational co-production with companies fromYugoslavia (Serbia), France, Germany, Czech Republic and Hungary. The theatrical version is 163 minutes long. Kusturica stated in interviews that hisoriginal version ran for over five hours, and that co-producers forced edits.
On the morning of 6 April 1941 inBelgrade, the capital of theKingdom of Yugoslavia, twobon vivants, Petar Popara, nicknamed Crni (Blacky) and Marko Dren, head home. They pass throughKalemegdan and shout salutes to Marko's brother Ivan, an animal keeper in theBelgrade Zoo. Marko lets Blacky's pregnant wife Vera know that they have enrolled Blacky in theCommunist Party (KPJ).
The hungover Blacky eats breakfast while Vera complains about his supposed affair with a theatre actress. After the roar of the planes is heard,German bombs begin falling on Belgrade. After the air raid is over, Blacky goes out against Vera's wishes and inspects the devastated city. Encountering ruins and escaped animals from the zoo, he also runs into disconsolate Ivan carrying Soni, a baby chimp. TheRoyal Yugoslav Army's resistance is broken, and German troops occupy and dismember the Kingdom. Blacky starts operating clandestinely as a communist activist along with Marko and others. Blacky occasionally visits his mistress Natalija Zovkov who has been assigned to a special actors' labour brigade that is helping the city's rebuilding effort under German occupation. A celebrated actress in theNational Theatre, Natalija has caught the eye of Franz, a high-ranking German officer.
Marko has set up a weapons stash in the cellar of his grandfather's house. Following their interception of a trainload of weapons, Marko and Blacky are identified as dangerous bandits in German radio bulletins. While Blacky hides in the woods as Germans intensify door-to-door raids, Marko takes Vera, Ivan and others into the cellar to hide. Vera gives birth to a baby boy, who she names Jovan before dying.
In 1944, Blacky is in town to celebrate Jovan's birthday at a communist hangout. The two best friends head for the theatre and see Natalija performing on stage in front of Franz and other German officers. Blacky shoots Franz in the chest (he survives) and, along with Natalija and Marko, reaches the river boat anchored outside Belgrade. There, they all get ready for aforced wedding despite Natalija's protestations.
The party is interrupted by German soldiers surrounding the boat. Franz yells, demanding Blacky and Marko release Natalija, who runs to him. Blacky is captured by Germans and tortured in a hospital with electric shocks while Franz and Natalija visit her brother Bata there. Meanwhile, Marko finds a way to enter the building through an underground sewer passage. Sneaking up on Franz, Marko strangles him to death with a cord in front of Natalija who switches sides once again. Marko then proceeds to free Blacky. They leave with a fatigued Blacky hidden in a suitcase, but he is injured by a grenade.
In 1961, Marko is one of Tito's closest associates and advisors. The physically recovered Blacky and company are still in the cellar under the impression that the War is still going on above. Marko and Natalija attend a ceremony to open a cultural center and unveil a statue of Petar Popara Blacky, who everyone thinks died, becoming aPeople's Hero. With the help of his grandfather who is in on the con, Marko oversees the weapons manufacturing and even controls time by removing hours to a day so the people in the cellar think that only 15 years passed since the beginning of World War II instead of 20.
The filming of a state-sponsored motion picture based on Marko's memoirs titledProleće stiže na belom konju (Spring Comes On A White Horse) begins above ground. Soon, Blacky's son Jovan will marry Jelena, a girl he grew up with in the cellar. Soni wanders into a tank and fires it, blowing a hole in the wall. Soni wanders off, and Ivan follows.
Blacky, with his son Jovan, emerges from underground for the first time in decades. They encounter the movie set and, believing the war is still on, kill two extras and the actor playing Franz. In the manhunt, Jovan drowns but Blacky escapes.
In 1992, at the height of theYugoslav Wars, Ivan re-emerges with Soni with whom he was recently reunited. He stumbles upon Marko who attempts to broker an arms deal in the middle of a conflict zone. The deal falls through and Ivan catches up with Marko and beats him to unconsciousness, then commitssuicide. Natalija arrives and rushes to Marko's side. They are captured by militants and they are ordered to be executed as arms dealers by militants' commander, Blacky.
Blacky moves his people out to the cellar where he lived years ago, taking Soni with him. He sees an image of Jovan in a well, and falls in while reaching for him, presumably ending his life as well.
In a dreamlike sequence, Blacky, Marko, Vera and others re-emerge from underneath the water and are reunited at an outside dinner party on a small grass peninsula to celebrate Jovan's wedding. Ivan gives a few parting words, saying that they will impart to their children fairy tales that start with "Once upon a time, there was a country." As the group sings and dances, the ground separates from the peninsula, forming an island, and seemingly floats away into the distance with them still on it.
Miki Manojlović as Marko Dren, a career-climbingCommunist Party activist who becomes its high-ranking official and organizer of the communist resistance weapons manufacturing during World War II as well as the lucrative arms trade after the war ends. In parallel, he becomes an influential and wealthyarms dealer as well as a post-war Communist Yugoslavia state dignitary.
Lazar Ristovski as Petar "Blacky" Popara, an electrician who idealistically joins the Communist Party right before World War II and goes on to mark himself out as a skilled and determinedPartisan guerilla resistance fighter during the war's early stages only to end up in a weapons manufacturing cellar for the remainder of it. Once he finally emerges from the cellar, many decades after World War II ended, he becomes a Yugoslavian patriot during the Yugoslav Wars.
Mirjana Joković as Natalija Zovkov, an opportunistic theatre actress constantly switching loyalties
Slavko Štimac as Ivan Dren, Marko's stutterer brother who cares for zoo animals
Ernst Stötzner as Franz, a Wehrmacht officer in charge of occupied Belgrade during World War II. Stötzner also portrays the actor playing Franz inProleće stiže na belom konju.
Srđan Todorović as Jovan Popara, Blacky's son, who lives almost his entire life underground
The shooting of the film began in fall 1993 and lasted off-and-on until early spring 1995. The state-ownedRadio Television of Serbia had a small role in financing the film, and the film used rented Yugoslav Army (VJ) equipment as props.[4]
Underground has not been widely reviewed byEnglish-language critics, though it has gained generally favorable reviews.Rotten Tomatoes reports an 86% approval rating based on 37 reviews, with an average rating of 7.5/10. The website's critics consensus reads: "Offering an insightful look at Communist Eastern Europe through the microcosm of a long friendship,Underground is an exhausting, exhilarating epic."[5]Metacritic assigned the film a weighted average score of 79 out of 100, based on 17 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".[6]
In theNew York Daily News,Dave Kehr lauded the film as "ferociously intelligent and operatically emotional,"[7] and Kevin Thomas of theLos Angeles Times called it a "sprawling, rowdy, vital film laced with both outrageousabsurdist dark humor and unspeakable pain, suffering and injustice".[8]Variety's Deborah Young reviewed the film after seeing it at the 1995 Cannes Film Festival, praising it as "a steamroller circus that leaves the viewer dazed and exhausted, but mightily impressed", and adding that "ifFellini had shot a war movie, it might resembleUnderground".[9]
Janet Maslin of theNew York Times wrote that the film's "real heart is its devastating idea of a morning after: the moment when, after being in the grip of a political delusion lasting several decades, a man can emerge from a subterranean hiding place in his native Yugoslavia and be told that there is no Yugoslavia any more". While acknowledging that "the politics ofUnderground have been assailed and dissected by international audiences", she feels that "this debate is largely specious as there's no hidden agenda to this robust and not terribly subtle tale of duplicity with Mr. Kusturica's central idea being a daringly blunt representation of political chicanery that fools an entire society, and of the corruption that lets one man thrive at the expense of his dearest friend".[11] In her article "Europe (Un)Divided: How Peace Was Won and the War Never Lost in Wim Wender'sLisbon Story (1995) and Emir Kusturica'sBila Jednom Jedna Zemlja/Underground (1995)" for theJournal for Contemporary European Studies, Evelyn Preuss points out how the film critiques dominant Western ideologies by showing East and West as well as past and present in a continuity rather than divided or marked by caesuras.[12] This critique explains the fervent political response to the film.
Critics saw the characters Marko and Blacky as "Kusturica's idealization of Serbs trapped into desperate acts by history and others' evil while the cowardly characters in the film were Croats and Bosnians, who chose betrayal and collaboration."[13]
Stanko Cerović, director of the Serbo-Croatian editorial department ofRadio France Internationale, strongly denounced the film in June 1995, accusing Kusturica of spreading Serbian propaganda, using historical footage in cases except "thebombardment of Vukovar, or thethree-year-long destruction of his native city by the Serbian army".[14] However, in 2012 Cerović said that it was not propaganda and "It's quite possible thatUnderground will age well".[15]
Throughout the 1990s, Kusturica was frequently attacked by French public intellectualsBernard-Henri Lévy andAlain Finkielkraut in the French media over his life and career choices. Generally, the two viewed Kusturica as a "traitor who crossed over to the enemy side thus turning his back on his city, his ethnic roots, and his nation".[16][17][18] Finkielkraut had not seen the film, but wrote inLibération "that offensive and stupid falsification of the traitor taking the palm of martyrdom had to be denounced immediately". Meanwhile, Lévy called Kusturica a "fascist author" while reserving his further judgment upon seeing the film.[19] After watchingUnderground, Lévy called Kusturica a "racist genius in the mold ofLouis-Ferdinand Céline".[20] Other intellectuals such asAndré Glucksmann andPeter Handke joined the debate.[21]
During the September 2008 discussion between the Slovenian philosopherSlavoj Žižek and Bernard-Henri Lévy on the issues surrounding the historical and social significance ofMay 1968 in France, Žižek brought upUnderground and Kusturica to Lévy by saying: "Underground I think is one of the most horrible films that I've seen ... What kind of Yugoslav society you see in Kusturica'sUnderground? A society where people all the time fornicate, drink, fight - a kind of eternal orgy." Lévy answered that he considers himself an "enemy of Kusturica, the man", but thatUnderground is "not a bad movie" before going on to commend the film's narrative structure and conclude that "Kusturica is one of the cases, we have some writers like this, where the man is so, so, so more stupid than his work".[22] Bosnian-American novelistAleksandar Hemon criticizedUnderground in 2005, saying that it downplayed Serbian atrocities by "presenting the Balkan war as a product of collective, innate, savage madness."[23]
On 8 March 2001, Serbian newsmagazineVreme published an op-ed piece by Serbian playwrightBiljana Srbljanović under the headline "Hvala lepo" in which she refers toUnderground in passing as "being financed byMilošević" and accuses Kusturica of being "an immoral profiteer". She goes on to accuse the director of "directly collaborating with the regime via his friend Milorad Vučelić".[35] On 20 March 2001, Kusturica decided to sue Srbljanović for libel.[36]
Before the first court date in September 2001,Vreme magazine organized a mediation attempt between the two parties, with Kusturica and Srbljanović meeting face to face in the magazine's offices. At the meeting Kusturica expressed willingness to drop the charges if Srbljanović issued a public apology, which Srbljanović refused. The next day at the first court date Srbljanović once again rejected the offer of a public apology.[37] The court case thus continued with Kusturica's lawyer Branislav Tapušković presenting details of the film's financing sources, most of which were French production companies. On 11 December 2003, the municipal court ruled in Kusturica's favour, ordering Srbljanović to paydamages as well as to cover the court costs.[38]