Ulster Unionist Party | |
|---|---|
| Abbreviation | UUP |
| Leader | Mike Nesbitt |
| President | The Baroness Trimble |
| Chairman | The Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard |
| Deputy Leader | Robbie Butler |
| Founded | 3 March 1905; 120 years ago (1905-03-03) |
| Preceded by | Irish Unionist Alliance |
| Headquarters | Strandtown Hall 2–4 Belmont Road Belfast BT4 2AN |
| Youth wing | Young Unionists |
| Women's wing | Ulster Women's Unionist Council |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Centre-right[4] |
| European affiliation | European Conservatives and Reformists Party (2005–2025) |
| Great Britain affiliate | Conservative Party (1922–1972; 2009–2012) |
| Colours | Blue |
| Slogan | A Union of People |
| House of Commons (NI seats) | 1 / 18 |
| House of Lords | 3 / 825 |
| NI Assembly | 9 / 90 |
| Councillors in Northern Ireland[5] | 52 / 462 |
| Councils led | 2 / 11 |
| Website | |
| www | |
TheUlster Unionist Party (UUP) is aunionist political party inNorthern Ireland.[7] The UUP is the third oldest political party in theUnited Kingdom, and the oldest political party on the island ofIreland. The party was founded as the Ulster Unionist Council in 1905, emerging from theIrish Unionist Alliance inUlster. UnderSir Edward Carson, it led unionist opposition to theIrish Home Rule movement. Following thepartition of Ireland, it was thegoverning party ofNorthern Ireland between 1921 and 1972. It was supported by most unionist voters throughout the conflict known asthe Troubles, during which time it was often referred to as theOfficial Unionist Party (OUP).[8][9]
UnderDavid Trimble, the party helped negotiate theGood Friday Agreement of 1998, which ended the conflict. Trimble served as the firstFirst Minister of Northern Ireland from 1998 to 2002. However, it was overtaken as the largest unionist partyin 2003 by theDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP). As of 2022 it is the fourth-largest party in theNorthern Ireland Assembly, afterSinn Féin, the DUP, and theAlliance Party. Since August 2024 the party has been led byMike Nesbitt.
Between 1905 and 1972, itspeers and MPs took theConservative Partywhip atWestminster, in effect functioning as the Northern Irish branch of the party. This arrangement came to an end in 1972 over disagreements over theSunningdale Agreement. The two parties have remained institutionally separate ever since, with the exception of the 2009 to 2012Ulster Conservatives and Unionists electoral alliance. The first-ever membership survey of the UUP, published in January 2019, suggested that 67% of its members were supportive of the Conservative Party.[10]

The Ulster Unionist Party traces its formal existence back to the foundation of theUlster Unionist Council in 1905. It is the oldest political party on the island ofIreland.
Modern organised unionism emerged afterWilliam Ewart Gladstone's introduction in 1886 of the first of threeHome Rule Bills in response to demands by theIrish Parliamentary Party. In 1891, theIrish Conservative Party came to an end, merged into a newIrish Unionist Alliance (IUA) which also included the IrishLiberal Unionists, the latter having split from theLiberal Party over the issue ofhome rule. While usually dominated by unionists fromUlster, the IUA was often led by southern unionists. There were also some eighty members of theHouse of Lords who affiliated themselves with the IUA.
TheUlster Defence Union was also formed on 17 March 1893 to oppose the Liberal government's plans for theGovernment of Ireland Bill 1893.[11][12]
Although most unionist support was based inUlster, especially within areas that later becameNorthern Ireland, in the late 19th and early 20th century there were unionist enclaves throughout all of Ireland. Unionists inDublin andCounty Wicklow and in parts ofCounty Cork were particularly influential.
In September 1904, the Conservative government ofArthur Balfour published proposals for limited devolution to Ireland which would not amount to home rule. Coming from Conservatives, these led to great alarm among Irish unionists; in March 1905, the Ulster Unionist Council, which later became the Ulster Unionist Party, was formed as a co-ordinating organisation for a new form of local political activity.[13] It largely subsumed the Ulster Defence Union.
From the beginning, the new organization had a strong association with theOrange Order, aProtestantfraternal organisation. The original composition of the Ulster Unionist Council was 25% Orange delegates;[14] however, this proportion was reduced through the years. The initial leadership of the Ulster unionists all came from outside what would later become Northern Ireland. In particular, from 1905Colonel Saunderson was simultaneously leader of the Irish Unionist Alliance MPs and leader of the Ulster Unionist Council in Belfast. In 1906 he was succeeded in both roles byWalter Hume Long, a Dublin MP. Another Dubliner,Sir Edward Carson, one of the two Irish Unionist Alliance MPs for theDublin University constituency, andLord Midleton were also southern unionists active in both. Carson went on to become the first leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, from 1910. Throughout his years of leadership, he fought a sustained campaign against Irish Home Rule, including taking the lead in the formation of theUlster Volunteers at the onset of theHome Rule Crisis in 1912.
In 1912, at Westminster the Home Rule Crisis led to the Liberal Unionist Party merging with the Conservatives, thus giving rise to the current name of theConservative and Unionist Party, to which the Ulster Unionist Party was formally linked, to varying degrees, until 1985.
At the1918 general election, Carson switched constituencies from Dublin University toBelfast Duncairn.
After theIrish Convention of 1917–1918 failed to reach an understanding on home rule, and even more after thePartition of Ireland under theGovernment of Ireland Act 1920, Irish unionism in effect split. Many southern unionist politicians quickly became reconciled with the newIrish Free State, sitting in itsSenate or joining its political parties, while in Northern Ireland the existence of a separate Ulster Unionist Party became entrenched as it took control of the newGovernment of Northern Ireland, established in 1921.
Carson strongly opposed the partition of Ireland and the end of unionism as an all-Ireland political force, so he refused the opportunity to bePrime Minister of Northern Ireland or even to sit in theNorthern Ireland House of Commons, citing a lack of connection with the new province. The leadership of the UUP and, subsequently, Northern Ireland, was taken bySir James Craig.

Until almost the very end of its period of power inNorthern Ireland, the UUP was led by a combination oflanded gentry (The 1st Viscount Brookeborough,Hugh MacDowell Pollock andJames Chichester-Clark),aristocracy (Terence O'Neill) and gentrified industrial magnates (The 1st Viscount Craigavon andJ. M. Andrews – nephew ofThe 1st Viscount Pirrie). Only its lastPrime Minister,Brian Faulkner, was from a middle-class background. During this era, all but 11 of the 149 UUP Stormont MPs were members of the Orange Order, as were all Prime Ministers.[15]
Sir James Craig, who in 1927 was createdViscount Craigavon, led the government of Northern Ireland from its inception until his death in November 1940 and is buried with his wife by the east wing ofParliament Buildings atStormont. His successor, J. M. Andrews, was heavily criticised for appointing octogenarian veterans of Lord Craigavon's administration tohis cabinet. His government was also believed to be more interested in protecting the statue of Carson at the Stormont Estate than the citizens of Belfast during theBelfast Blitz. A backbench revolt in 1943 resulted in his resignation and replacement bySir Basil Brooke (laterViscount Brookeborough), although Andrews was recognised as leader of the party until 1946.
Lord Brookeborough, despite having felt that Craigavon had held on to power for too long, was Prime Minister for one year longer. During this time he was on more than one occasion called to meetings of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland to explain his actions, most notably following the 1947 Education Act which made the government responsible for the payment ofNational Insurance contributions of teachers in Catholic Church-controlled schools.Ian Paisley called for Brookeborough's resignation in 1953 when he refused to sackBrian Maginess andClarence Graham, who had given speeches supporting re-admitting Catholics to the UUP.[16] He retired in 1963 and was replaced byTerence O'Neill, who emerged ahead of other candidates,Jack Andrews and Faulkner.
In the 1960s, identifying with thecivil rights movement ofMartin Luther King Jr. and encouraged by attempts at reform under O'Neill, various organisations campaigned for civil rights, calling for changes to the system for allocating public housing and the voting system for the local government franchise, which was restricted to (disproportionately Protestant)rate payers.[17][18][19][20] O'Neill had pushed through some reforms but in the process the Ulster Unionists became strongly divided. At the1969 Stormont general election UUP candidates stood on both pro- and anti-O'Neill platforms. Several independent pro-O'Neill unionists challenging his critics, while theProtestant Unionist Party of Ian Paisley mounted a hard-line challenge. The result proved inconclusive for O'Neill, who resigned a short time later. His resignation was probably caused by a speech ofJames Chichester-Clark who stated that he disagreed with the timing, but not the principle, of universal suffrage at local elections.
Chichester-Clark won theleadership election to replace O'Neill and swiftly moved to implement many of O'Neill's reforms. Civil disorder continued to mount, culminating in August 1969 when CatholicBogside residents clashed with theRoyal Ulster Constabulary inDerry because of anApprentice Boys of Derry march, sparking days of riots. Early in 1971, Chichester-Clark flew to London to request further military aid following the1971 Scottish soldiers' killings.[citation needed] When this was all but refused, he resigned to bereplaced by Brian Faulkner.
Faulkner's government struggled though 1971 and into 1972. AfterBloody Sunday, the British Government threatened to remove control of the security forces from the devolved government. Faulkner reacted by resigning with his entire cabinet, and the British Government suspended, and eventually abolished, theNorthern Ireland Parliament, replacing it withDirect Rule.
The liberal unionist group, theNew Ulster Movement, which had advocated the policies of Terence O'Neill, left and formed theAlliance Party of Northern Ireland in April 1970, while the emergence of Ian Paisley's Protestant Unionist Party continued to draw off some working-class and more loyalist support.
In June 1973 the UUP won a majority of seats in the newNorthern Ireland Assembly, but the party was divided on policy. TheSunningdale Agreement, which led to the formation of a power-sharing Executive under Ulster Unionist leaderBrian Faulkner, ruptured the party. In the 1973 elections to the Executive the party found itself divided, a division that did not formally end until January 1974 with the triumph of the anti-Sunningdale faction. Faulkner was then overthrown, and he set up theUnionist Party of Northern Ireland (UPNI). The Ulster Unionists were then led byHarry West from 1974 until 1979. In theFebruary 1974 general election, the party participated in theUnited Ulster Unionist Council (UUUC) withVanguard and theDemocratic Unionist Party, successor to the Protestant Unionist Party. The result was that the UUUC won 11 out of 12 parliamentary seats in Northern Ireland on a fiercely anti-Sunningdale platform, although they barely won 50% of the overall popular vote. This result was a fatal blow for the Executive, which soon collapsed.
Up until 1972 the UUP sat with the Conservative Party atWestminster, traditionally taking the Conservative parliamentarywhip. To all intents and purposes the party functioned as the Northern Ireland branch of the Conservative Party. In 1972, in protest over the prorogation of theParliament of Northern Ireland, the Westminster Ulster Unionist MPs withdrew from the alliance.[21][22][23] The party remained affiliated to theNational Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations, but in 1985, withdrew from it as well, in protest over theAnglo-Irish Agreement. Subsequently, the Conservative Party hasorganised separately in Northern Ireland, with little electoral success.
Under West's leadership, the party recruitedEnoch Powell, who became Ulster Unionist MP forSouth Down inOctober 1974 after defecting from the Conservatives. Powell advocated a policy of 'integration', whereby Northern Ireland would be administered as an integral part of the United Kingdom. This policy divided both the Ulster Unionists and the wider unionist movement, as Powell's ideas conflicted with those supporting a restoration of devolved government to Northern Ireland. The party also made gains upon the break-up of theVanguard Party and its merger back into the Ulster Unionists. The separateUnited Ulster Unionist Party (UUUP) emerged from the remains of Vanguard but folded in the early 1980s, as did the UPNI. In both cases the main beneficiaries of this were the Ulster Unionists, now under the leadership ofJames Molyneaux (1979–95).
David Trimble led the party between 1995 and 2005. His support for theBelfast Agreement caused a rupture within the party into pro-agreement and anti-agreement factions. Trimble served asFirst Minister of Northern Ireland in the power-sharing administration created under theBelfast Agreement.
Unusually for a unionist party, the UUP had a CatholicMLA in theNorthern Ireland Assembly,Sir John Gorman until the 2003 election. In March 2005, the Orange Order voted to end its official links with the UUP. Trimble faced down Orange Order critics who tried to suspend him for his attendance at a Catholic funeral for a young boy killed by theReal IRA in theOmagh bombing. In a sign of unity, Trimble andPresident of IrelandMary McAleese walked into the church together.
In the 2001 general election, the Ulster Unionists lost a number of seats belonging to UUP stalwarts; for example,John Taylor, the former deputy leader of the party, lost his seat ofStrangford toIris Robinson.
The party held six seats at Westminster immediately before the 2005 general election, down from seven after the previous general election following the defection ofJeffrey Donaldson in 2004. The election resulted in the loss of five of their six seats. The only seat won by an Ulster Unionist was North Down, bySylvia Hermon, who had won the seat in the 2001 general election from Robert McCartney ofUK Unionist Party.David Trimble himself lost his seat inUpper Bann and resigned as party leader soon after. The ensuingleadership election was won byReg Empey.
In May 2006 UUP leader Empey attempted to create a new assembly group that would have includedProgressive Unionist Party (PUP) leaderDavid Ervine. The PUP is the political wing of the illegalUlster Volunteer Force (UVF).[24][25][26] Many in the UUP, including the last remaining MP,Sylvia Hermon, were opposed to the move.[27][28] The link was in the form of a new group called the 'Ulster Unionist Party Assembly Group' whose membership was the 24 UUP MLAs and Ervine. Empey justified the link by stating that under thed'Hondt method for allocating ministers in the Assembly, the new group would take a seat in the Executive from Sinn Féin.
Following a request for a ruling from the DUP'sPeter Robinson, the Speaker ruled that the UUPAG was not a political party within the meaning of thePolitical Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000.[29]
The party lost 9 seats in the2007 Northern Ireland Assembly election, retaining 18 MLAs.[30] Empey was the only leader of one of the four main parties not to be re-elected on first preference votes alone in the Assembly elections of March 2007.
In July 2008, the UUP and Conservative Party announced that a joint working group had been established to examine closer ties. On 26 February 2009, the Ulster Unionist Executive and area council of Northern Ireland Conservatives agreed to field joint candidates in future elections to the House of Commons and European Parliament under the name "Ulster Conservatives and Unionists – New Force" (UCUNF). The agreement meant that Ulster Unionist MPs could have sat in a Conservative Government, renewing the relationship that had broken down in 1974 over theSunningdale Agreement and in 1985 over theAnglo-Irish Agreement.[31][32][33] The UUP's sole remaining MP at the time, Sylvia Hermon, opposed the agreement, stating she would not be willing to stand under the UCUNF banner.[34]
In February 2010, Hermon confirmed that she would not be seeking a nomination as a UCUNF candidate for the forthcoming general election.[35] On 25 March 2010, she formally resigned from the party and announced that she would be standing as an independent candidate at the general election.[36] As a result, the UUP were left without representation in the House of Commons for the first time since the party's creation. At the2010 general election, UCUNF won no seats in Northern Ireland (while Hermon won hers as an independent). The UCUNF label was not used again.
Following the election, Empey resigned as leader. He was replaced byTom Elliott as party leader in the subsequentleadership election. During the leadership election, it emerged that a quarter of the UUP membership came fromFermanagh and South Tyrone, the constituency of Elliott.[37] The Dublin-based political magazine,the Phoenix, described Elliott as a "blast from the past" and said that his election signified "a significant shift to the right" by the UUP.[38] Shortly after his election, three 2010 general election candidates resigned: Harry Hamilton, Paula Bradshaw andTrevor Ringland.[39] Bradshaw and Hamilton subsequently joined the Alliance Party.[40]

The party lost two seats in the2011 Assembly elections and won fewer votes than the nationalistSocial Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) (although it won more seats than the SDLP). Two of its candidates, Bill Manwaring and Lesley Macaulay, subsequently joined the Conservative Party. In the2011 local elections it lost seats to the Alliance Party east of the Bann and was also overtaken by them on Belfast City Council.[41]
Tom Elliott was criticised for comments he made in his victory speech where he described elements of Sinn Féin as "scum".[42] Elliott resigned in March 2012 saying some people had not given him a 'fair opportunity' to develop and progress many party initiatives.[43]Mike Nesbitt was elected leader on 31 March 2012, beatingJohn McCallister, by 536 votes to 129.[44]
In the2014 European electionJim Nicholson held his MEP seat, although his percentage of the vote decreased to 13.3% (−3.8%). The party gained 15 seats in thelocal elections that same day. They polled 16.1% (+0.9%), making it the only party to increase its vote share.
At the2015 general election, the UUP returned to Westminster, gaining the South Antrim seat from the DUP and Fermanagh & South Tyrone (where they had an electoral pact with the DUP not standing) from Sinn Féin.[45]
In 2016, the UUP and the SDLP decided not to accept the seats on theNorthern Ireland Executive to which they would have been entitled and to form an official opposition to the executive. This marked the first time that adevolved government in Northern Ireland did not include the UUP.
In the 2016European Union referendum the UUP was the only unionist party to support the remain campaign, the UUP Executive passing a motion on 5 March 2016 that the party "believes that on balance Northern Ireland is better remaining in the European Union, with the UK Government pressing for further reform and a return to the founding principle of free trade, not greater political union. The Party respects that individual members may vote for withdrawal."[46][47]
At the2017 general election the UUP lost both of its Commons seats, losing South Antrim to the DUP and Fermanagh & South Tyrone to Sinn Féin.[48] The party polled 10.3% (−5.7%) and failed to take any other seats.
In the2019 local elections the UUP polled 14.1% (−2.0) winning 75 council seats, 13 fewer than in 2014.[49]
They lost their single MEP at the2019 European Parliament elections following the retirement of Jim Nicholson.[50]Danny Kennedy stood as the UUP candidate polling 9.3% (−4.0%).Steve Aiken succeededRobin Swann as leader in November 2019.[51]
The party increased its vote share to 11.7% (+1.4%) in the2019 general election, but failed to re-gain a seat. Their best result was in Fermanagh and South Tyrone, where Tom Elliott lost to Sinn Féin by 57 votes.
Steve Aiken resigned on 8 May 2021, andDoug Beattie was elected asleader on 17 May 2021.[52] Beattie, a former soldier, is perceived as a progressive unionist, and it was predicted that following his election as leader, the party would reclaim some of the centre ground that they had lost to the Alliance Party.[53]
After Beattie became leader, a number of new members joined the party including formerBelfast PUP councillor Julie-Anne Corr-Johnston,Derry and Strabane DUP councillor Ryan McCready, former IndependentIrish SenatorIan Marshall, Belfast Alliance Party councillor Carole Howard and Belfast PUP councillorJohn Kyle.[54][55][56][57][58]
In October 2021,Newry and Mourne UUP councillorHarold McKee resigned from the party because of Beattie's promotion of 'liberal values'.[59]
In January 2022, Beattie made what some saw as amisogynistic joke aboutDAERA ministerEdwin Poots and his wife. After this, it was found that he had made other controversial jokes on social media, before entering politics, and he made a statement apologizing.[60][61]
The party contested all 18 constituencies in the2022 Assembly election.[62] They received 96,390 votes, 11.2% of the total, down 1.7% from the2017 Assembly election. They had 9 MLAs elected, down 1 from 2017 afterRoy Beggs Jr lost his seat inEast Antrim to Alliance.[63]
In the2023 local elections, Beattie characterised the election as a 'choice between delivery or dysfunction'.[64] The UUP ran 101 candidates across the 11 councils,[65] with a manifesto pledging 'city and growth deals', the appointment of 'prompt payment champions' to each council, 'below inflation rate rises' and the devolution of regeneration powers to councils.[66] They received 81,282 votes, 10.9% of the total, down 3.2% from the2019 local elections. The party had 54 councillors elected, down 21 from 2019.[67]
Following the losses for the UUP in the 2023 local elections, Beattie said that unionism was always likely to "take a hit across the board" due toSinn Féin's gains.[68]
Ahead of the2024 general election, the UUP 'absolutely' ruled out anelectoral pact with the DUP.Robbie Butler, the UUP's deputy leader, said that politics is about "maximising and having confidence in your own voice."[69] In January 2024, it was announced that Iraq veteranTim Collins had joined the UUP and been selected as the party's prospective parliamentary candidate for theNorth Down constituency.[70]
In May 2024,Antrim and Newtownabbey Councillor, Paul Michael quit the party following the decision to replaceRobin Swann withMike Nesbitt asHealth Minister.[71]
The UUP returned to Westminster following the 2024 general election and Robin Swann's victory inSouth Antrim. Beattie announced he was stepping down as leader in August 2024 and was succeeded by former leader Mike Nesbitt.
The UUP'sNorth Antrim MLA,Colin Crawford, announced in June 2025 that he was standing down following an internal disagreement over the party's response to the2025 Northern Ireland riots.[72] In July 2025,Andy Allen resigned asUlster Unionist Chief Whip, leaving the position vacant as the party is struggling to find a replacement with a number of MLAs turning down the opportunity to succeed Allen.[73]
The UUP's Deputy Leader position was created following the adoption of a new Constitution on 29 March 2025. The UUP's first Deputy Leader was nominated and approved on 5 July 2025. Prior to the creation of the position, the person who was Deputy Leader of the Assembly Group or Parliamentary Party was often incorrectly called the UUP's Deputy Leader.[74]
| Image | Name | Tenure | Notes | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Robbie Butler | 2025 | present | Chairperson of Committee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (2024-present) Deputy Leader of the Assembly Group (2021-present) | |
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| Sections and subsections | Membership |
|---|---|
| Executive Committee | Delegates and substitute delegates elected from across all sections of the UUP. |
| Council | All UUP members. |
| Management Board | Party officers elected by the Council, and party officers and secretary appointed by the Leader. |
| Representative Bodies | The Ulster Young Unionist Council, the Ulster Women's Unionist Council, the Ulster Unionist Councillors’ Association and the Westminster Ulster Unionist Association. |
| Associations | All UUP members in a single or group of parliamentary constituencies. |
| Divisional Associations | All UUP members in a group of branches within an Association. |
| Branches | All UUP members in a subsection of an Association. |
The UUP is organised around the Ulster Unionist Council, which was from 1905 until 2004 the only legal representation of the party. Following the adoption of a new Constitution in 2004, the UUP has been an entity in its own right, however the UUC still exists as the supreme decision-making body of the Party.[citation needed] In autumn 2007 the delegates system was done away with, and today all UUP members are members of the Ulster Unionist Council, with entitlements to vote for the Leader, party officers and on major policy decisions.[citation needed] The UUP's Executive Committee includes a delegates system with delegates and substitute delegates drawn from across the Party. The UUP's Management Board was created following the adoption of a new Constitution on 29 March 2025. It includes all elected and appointed party officers.
The UUP maintained a formal connection with the Orange Order from its foundation until 2005, and with theApprentice Boys of Derry until 1975.[citation needed] While the party was considering structural reforms, including the connection with the Order, it was the Order itself that severed the connection in 2004. The connection with the Apprentice Boys was cut in a 1975 review of the party's structure as they had not taken up their delegates for several years beforehand.[citation needed]
There are four 'representative bodies', the Ulster Women's Unionist Council, the Ulster Young Unionist Council, the Westminster Ulster Unionist Association (the party's Great Britain branch) and the Ulster Unionist Councillors Association. Each constituency association and representative body elects a number of delegates to the executive committee, which governs many areas of party administration such as membership and candidate selection.
The UUP's youth organisation is theYoung Unionists, which was re-constituted by young activists in March 2004 as a rebrand of the Ulster Young Unionist Council. The UYUC was formed in 1946 and disbanded twice, in 1974 and 2004. There are Young Unionist student associations inQueen's University Belfast andUlster University.[75][76]
The Ulster Women’s Unionist Council was established in 1911 to encourage women to development and contribute politically and to ensure representation of women at the highest levels within the party. TheDame Dehra Parker Programme has successfully developed the skills and increased the confidence of female members.[77]
The UUP formed a LGBT+ organisation in 2024 called Pride in the Union, led by the late David Trimble's daughter Vicky Trimble.[6] The UUP have participated in Pride events for many years.Jeff Dudgeon who campaigned successfully for the decriminalisation of homosexuality is a member.[78]
Members of theHouse of Commons as elected in July 2024:
| Portrait | Name | Since | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Robin Swann | 2024 | MP forSouth Antrim MLA forNorth Antrim (2011-2024) FormerLeader of the UUP (2017-2019) Chief Whip of the UUP (2012-2017) |
The party stood candidates in 17 of the 18 Northern Ireland constituencies in the2024 election. The party announced it would not be standing a candidate inNorth Belfast.[79]
Members of theHouse of Lords as of June 2024:
| Portrait | Name | Since | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| The Lord Empey | 2011 | MLA forBelfast East (1998-2011) Leader of the UUP (2005-2010) and Chairman (2012-2019) of the UUP | |
| The Lord Rogan | 1999 | Deputy Speaker of the House of Lords (2018-present) Leader of the UUP in the House of Lords (2009-present) President of the UUP (2004-2006) | |
| The Lord Elliott of Ballinamallard | 2024 | MLA forFermanagh and South Tyrone (2003-2015, 2022-present) Chair of theCommittee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (2024-present) Leader of the UUP (2010-2012) MP forFermanagh and South Tyrone (2015-2017) |
Members of theNorthern Ireland Assembly as of in August 2025:
| Portrait | Name | Since | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Steve Aiken | 2016 | MLA forSouth Antrim Deputy Speaker of the Northern Ireland Assembly (2024-present) Leader of the UUP (2019-2021) | |
| Andy Allen | 2015 | MLA forBelfast East | |
| Diana Armstrong | 2024 | MLA forFermanagh and South Tyrone | |
| Doug Beattie | 2016 | MLA forUpper Bann Leader of the UUP (2021-2024) | |
| Robbie Butler | 2016 | MLA forLagan Valley Deputy Leader of the UUP (2025-present) Deputy Leader of the Assembly Group (2021-present) | |
| Alan Chambers | 2016 | MLA forNorth Down | |
| Jon Burrows | 2025 | MLA forNorth Antrim | |
| Mike Nesbitt | 2011 | MLA forStrangford Leader of the UUP (2012-2017, 2024-present) | |
| John Stewart | 2017 | MLA forEast Antrim |
| Portrait | Name | Since | Portfolio |
|---|---|---|---|
| Mike Nesbitt | 2024 | Minister of Health |
The current Party spokespersons include:[80][81]
| Responsibility | Name |
|---|---|
| Chief Whip | Vacant |
| Executive Office | John Stewart |
| Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs | Robbie Butler |
| Communities | Andy Allen |
| Education | Colin Crawford(Outgoing) |
| Economy | Diana Armstrong |
| Finance | Steve Aiken |
| Health | Alan Chambers |
| Infrastructure | John Stewart |
| Justice | Doug Beattie |
The current party officers are:
| Classification | Name |
|---|---|
| Leader | Mike Nesbitt |
| Deputy Leader | Robbie Butler |
| Chair | Tom Elliott |
| Treasurer | Trevor Marshall |
| Officer (appointed by the Leader) | Sandra Overend |
| Vice-Chair | Jim Nicholson |
| Officer (elected at the AGM) | Ralph Ashenhurst |
| Officer (elected at the AGM) | Sam Nicholson |
| Officer (elected at the AGM) | Ben Sharkey |
| Parliamentary Party Representative | Reg Empey |
| Assembly Party Representative | Andy Allen |
| Councillors' Association Representative | David Taylor |
| Secretary to the Board (Non-Voting) | John Hanna |
| Election | Leader | Body | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Position | Status |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1921 | Viscount Craigavon | House of Commons | 343,347 | 66.9 | 40 / 52 | Majority | ||
| 1925 | 211,662 | 55.0 | 32 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1929 | 148,579 | 50.8 | 37 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1933 | 73,791 | 43.5 | 36 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1938 | 187,684 | 56.8 | 39 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1945 | Viscount Brookeborough | 180,342 | 50.4 | 33 / 52 | Majority | |||
| 1949 | 237,411 | 62.7 | 37 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1953 | 125,379 | 48.6 | 38 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1958 | 106,177 | 44.0 | 37 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1962 | 147,629 | 48.8 | 34 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1965 | Terence O'Neill | 191,896 | 59.1 | 36 / 52 | Majority | |||
| 1969 | 269,501 | 48.2 | 36 / 52 | Majority | ||||
| 1973 | Brian Faulkner | Assembly | 258,790 | 35.8 | 31 / 78 | Coalition | ||
| 1975 | Harry West | Constitutional Convention | 167,214 | 25.4 | 19 / 78 | Consultative | ||
| 1982 | James Molyneaux | Assembly | 188,277 | 29.7 | 26 / 78 | Largest party | ||
| 1996 | David Trimble | Forum | 181,829 | 24.2 | 30 / 110 | Consultative | ||
| 1998 | Assembly | 172,225 | 21.3 | 28 / 108 | Coalition | |||
| 2003 | 156,931 | 22.7 | 27 / 108 | Direct rule | ||||
| 2007 | Reg Empey | 103,145 | 14.9 | 18 / 108 | Coalition | |||
| 2011 | Tom Elliott | 87,531 | 13.2 | 16 / 108 | Coalition(2011–2015) | |||
| Opposition(2015–2016) | ||||||||
| 2016 | Mike Nesbitt | 87,302 | 12.6 | 16 / 108 | Opposition | |||
| 2017 | 103,314 | 12.9 | 10 / 90 | Coalition | ||||
| 2022 | Doug Beattie | 96,390 | 11.2 | 9 / 90 | Coalition |
| Election | Leader | Northern Ireland | Status | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Position | |||
| 1922 | Viscount Craigavon | 69,357 | 57.2 | 11 / 13 | Majority[a] | ||
| 1923 | 79,453 | 49.4 | 11 / 13 | Opposition | |||
| 1924 | 286,895 | 83.8 | 13 / 13 | Majority[a] | |||
| 1929 | 247,291 | 68.0 | 11 / 13 | Opposition | |||
| 1931 | 149,566 | 56.1 | 11 / 13 | Majority[a] | |||
| 1935 | 292,840 | 64.9 | 11 / 13 | Majority[a] | |||
| 1945 | Viscount Brookeborough | 394,373 | 61.0 | 9 / 13 | Opposition | ||
| 1950 | 352,334 | 62.8 | 10 / 12 | Opposition | |||
| 1951 | 274,928 | 59.4 | 9 / 12 | Majority[a] | |||
| 1955 | 442,647 | 68.5 | 10 / 12 | Majority[a] | |||
| 1959 | 445,013 | 77.2 | 12 / 12 | Majority[a] | |||
| 1964 | Terence O'Neill | 401,897 | 63.2 | 12 / 12 | Opposition | ||
| 1966 | 368,629 | 61.8 | 11 / 12 | Opposition | |||
| 1970 | James Chichester-Clark | 422,041 | 54.3 | 8 / 12 | Majority(1970–1973)[a] | ||
| Opposition(1973–1974) | |||||||
| Feb 1974 | Harry West | 232,103 | 32.3 | 7 / 12 | Opposition | ||
| Oct 1974 | 256,053 | 36.5 | 6 / 12 | Opposition | |||
| 1979 | 254,578 | 36.6 | 5 / 12 | Opposition | |||
| 1983 | James Molyneaux | 259,952 | 34.0 | 11 / 17 | Opposition | ||
| 1987 | 276,230 | 37.8 | 9 / 17 | Opposition | |||
| 1992 | 271,049 | 34.5 | 9 / 17 | Opposition | |||
| 1997 | David Trimble | 258,439 | 32.7 | 10 / 18 | Opposition | ||
| 2001 | 216,839 | 26.7 | 6 / 18 | Opposition | |||
| 2005 | 127,414 | 17.7 | 1 / 18 | 3rd | Opposition | ||
| 2010 | Sir Reg Empey | 102,361 | 15.2 | 0 / 18 | No seats | ||
| 2015 | Mike Nesbitt | 114,935 | 16.0 | 2 / 18 | Opposition | ||
| 2017 | Robin Swann | 83,280 | 10.3 | 0 / 18 | No seats | ||
| 2019 | Steve Aiken | 93,123 | 11.7 | 0 / 18 | No seats | ||
| 2024 | Doug Beattie | 94,779 | 12.2 | 1 / 18 | Opposition | ||
| Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/– |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1973 | 255,187 | 17.0 | 194 / 517 | |
| 1977 | 166,971 | 30.0 | 176 / 526 | |
| 1981 | 175,965 | 26.4 | 151 / 526 | |
| 1985 | 188,497 | 29.5 | 189 / 565 | |
| 1989 | 193,064 | 31.3 | 194 / 565 | |
| 1993 | 184,082 | 29.0 | 197 / 582 | |
| 1997 | 175,036 | 28.0 | 185 / 575 | |
| 2001 | 181,336 | 23.0 | 154 / 582 | |
| 2005 | 126,317 | 18.0 | 115 / 582 | |
| 2011 | 100,643 | 15.2 | 99 / 583 | |
| 2014 | 101,385 | 16.1 | 88 / 462 | |
| 2019 | 95,320 | 14.1 | 75 / 462 | |
| 2023 | 81,282 | 10.9 | 54 / 462 |
| Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Position |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1979 | 125,169 | 21.9 | 1 / 3 | ||
| 1984 | 147,169 | 21.5 | 1 / 3 | ||
| 1989 | 118,785 | 22.0 | 1 / 3 | ||
| 1994 | 133,459 | 22.8 | 1 / 3 | ||
| 1999 | 119,507 | 17.6 | 1 / 3 | ||
| 2004 | 91,164 | 16.6 | 1 / 3 | ||
| 2009 | 82,892 | 17.0 | 1 / 3 | ||
| 2014 | 83,438 | 13.3 | 1 / 3 | ||
| 2019 | 53,052 | 9.3 | 0 / 3 |
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