International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America | |
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| Abbreviation | UAW |
|---|---|
| Formation | August 26, 1935; 89 years ago (1935-08-26) |
| Type | Trade union |
| Headquarters | Detroit,Michigan, US |
| Location |
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| Membership |
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President | Shawn Fain |
| Secessions | Canadian Auto Workers |
| Affiliations | |
| Revenue | $288 million[2] (2020) |
| Endowment | $1.027 billion (2020) |
| Website | uaw |
TheUnited Auto Workers (UAW), fully namedInternational Union, United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, is anAmerican labor union that represents workers in the United States (includingPuerto Rico) andsouthern Ontario, Canada. It was founded as part of theCongress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the 1930s and grew rapidly from 1936 to the 1950s. Theunion played a major role in the liberal wing of the Democratic Party under the leadership ofWalter Reuther (president 1946–1970). It was known for gaining high wages and pensions forautomotive manufacturing workers, but it was unable to unionize auto plants built by foreign-based car makers in the South after the 1970s, and it went into a steady decline in membership; reasons for this included increasedautomation, decreased use of labor, mismanagement, movements of manufacturing (including reaction toNAFTA), and increasedglobalization. After a successful strike at theBig Three in 2023, the union organized its first foreign plant (VW) in 2024.[3]
UAW members in the 21st century work in industries including autos and auto parts, health care, casino gambling, and higher education. The union is headquartered inDetroit,Michigan. As of February 24, 2022, the UAW has more than 391,000 active members and more than 580,000 retired members in over 600 local unions and holds 1,150 contracts with some 1,600 employers.[1] It holds assets amounting to just over $1 billion.[2]
The UAW was born out of an organizing drive by theAmerican Federation of Labor (AFL). The AFL had traditionally focused on organizing skilled workers practicing specific trades, an approach known ascraft unionism. Because most automobile workers were not skilled, as of the early 1930s, they were largely not unionized. This changed following the passage of theNational Industrial Recovery Act in 1933. AFL presidentWilliam Green decided to begin recruiting unskilled and semi-skilled workers.[4] He planned to organize workers at each factory into a temporary "federal labor union" (FLU), whose members would then be divided up amongst the AFL's various craft unions.[5] He sent William Collins toDetroit (the center of the automobile industry) to begin the effort.[6] Collins was hampered by an insufficiently militant program, a lack of organizing funds, fear of retaliation among the workers, distrust from Black and foreign workers, and strong opposition from the automobile companies.[7] By 1935, the majority of members of the FLU had been recruited by militant local activists taking their own initiative at plants outside Michigan.[8] These militant local unions opposed the AFL's plan to divide their members into different craft unions. They began advocating for the immediate creation of an automobile workers' unioncovering the entire industry.[9] After the Toledo local led an unauthorized but successful strike againstGeneral Motors (GM), the AFL caved to pressure and called for a convention.[10]
The UAW's founding convention began on August 26, 1935 in Detroit.[11] The total membership of its constituent unions was 25,769.[12] The AFL attempted to keep control of the union by pushing through a charter that denied the rank-and-file the right to elect their own officers. Militant local unions quickly managed to overturn that situation, and the struggle alienated the UAW from the AFL leadership. The UAW joinedJohn L. Lewis's caucus of industrial unions, the Committee for Industrial Organization, in 1936. When the AFL expelled the industrial unions in 1938, it joined the newCongress of Industrial Organizations (CIO).[13]
The UAW's fortunes began to improve after it began organizing on an industrial basis. The union found rapid success with thesitdown strike, a tactic where workers "sit down" at their work stations to occupy a factory.[14] Sitdown strikes enabled small numbers of workers to interrupt theassembly line and stop production across an entire plant. Likewise, it projected power outwards from the factory across the entire supply chain: "just as a militant minority could stop production in an entire plant, so if the plant was a key link in an integrated corporate empire, its occupation could paralyze the corporation."[15] After winning sitdown strikes atGeneral Motors (GM) plants in Atlanta and Kansas City, the UAW began to demand to represent General Motors workers nationwide.[13] Their efforts culminated in the famousFlint sit-down strike, which began on December 30, 1936. By January 25, strikes and the effects of production shutdowns idled 150,000 workers at fifty General Motors plants from California to New York.[16] Strikers repelled the efforts of the police andNational Guard to retake them. On February 11, 1937, General Motors agreed to bargain with the UAW, and eventually recognized the UAW as a bargaining agent under the newly adoptedNational Labor Relations Act. This recognition marked a turning point in the growth of the UAW and organized labor unions more generally.[17] The next month, auto workers atChrysler won recognition of the UAW as their representative in a sitdown strike. By mid-1937 the new union claimed 150,000 members and was spreading through the auto and parts manufacturing towns of Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.[18]
TheFord Motor Company was the last of the "Big Three" automakers to recognize the UAW. Henry Ford and his security manager,Harry Bennett, used brute force to keep the union out of Ford. They set up the Ford Service Department to spy on and intimidate workers. At theBattle of the Overpass, Ford Service Department personnel beat union organizers in front of news photographers. Despite Ford's attempts to destroy them, photographs of the incident reached the press and helped turn public opinion against the company.[19] However, Ford continued to refuse to sign a contract. The UAW's cause was hindered by its weakness with Black workers. Older Black workers felt loyalty to Henry Ford because he had hired and paid them well at a time when other auto companies would not.[20] Furthermore, many feared that Black workers were being asked to risk their jobs but would be "pushed aside and ignored" once the union had secured their votes.[21] It took four years of organizing efforts for the UAW to win the right to represent Ford employees.[22] On May 21, 1941, following a strike at Ford'sRouge plant, a decisive majority of employees, including most Black employees, voted to join the UAW. The UAW extracted a better deal from Ford than from other automakers, including pay increases, aclosed shop, and rehiring of pro-union workers.[23] The agreement also included a non-discrimination clause drafted byShelton Tappes, a Black foundryman who had served on the UAW negotiating team.[24]
Communists provided many of the organizers and led some key union locals, especially Local 600 which represented the largest Ford plants. The Communist faction had some key positions in the union, including the directorship of the Washington office, the research department, and the legal office.[25]Walter Reuther at times cooperated closely with the Communists, but he and his allies formed strategically an anticommunist current within the UAW.[26] The UAW discovered that it had to be able to uphold its side of a bargain if it was to be a successful bargaining agency with a corporation, which meant that wildcat strikes and disruptive behavior by union members had to be stopped by the union itself. According to one writer, many UAW members were extreme individualists who did not like being bossed around by company foremen or by union agents.[27] Leaders of the UAW realized that they had to control the shop floor, as Reuther explained in 1939: "We must demonstrate that we are a disciplined, responsible organization; we not only have power, but that we have power under control.".[28]
World War II dramatically changed the nature of the UAW's organizing. The UAW's executive board voted to make a "no strike" pledge to ensure that the war effort would not be hindered by strikes. A vehement minority opposed the decision, but the pledge was later reaffirmed by the membership.[29] As war production ramped up and auto factories converted to tank building, the UAW organized new locals in these factories and airplane manufacturers across the country and hit a peak membership of over a million members in 1944.[18] That same year,Lillian Hatcher was appointed the first Black female international representative of the UAW.[30]
The UAW struck GM for 113 days, beginning in November 1945, demanding a greater voice in management. GM would pay higher wages but refused to consider power sharing; the union finally settled with an eighteen-and-a-half-cent wage increase but little more. The UAW went along with GM in return for an ever-increasing packages of wage and benefit hikes through collective bargaining, with no help from the government.[citation needed]
Walter Reuther won the election for president at the UAW's constitutional convention in 1946 and served until his death in an airplane accident in May 1970. Reuther led the union during one of the most prosperous periods for workers in U.S. history. Immediately after the war, left-wing elements demanded "30–40", which is a 30-hour week for 40 hours pay. Reuther rejected 30–40 and decided to concentrate on total annual wages, displaying a new corporatist mentality that accepted management's argument that shorter hours conflicted with wage increases and other job benefits and abandoning the old confrontational syndicalist position that shorter hours drove up wages and protected against unemployment.[31] The UAW delivered contracts for his membership through negotiation. Reuther would pick one of theBig Three automakers (General Motors,Ford, andChrysler), and if it did not offer concessions, he would strike it and let the other two absorb its sales. Besides high hourly wage rates and paid vacations, in 1950, Reuther negotiated an industry first contract with General Motors known asReuther's Treaty of Detroit. The UAW negotiated employer-funded pensions at Chrysler, medical insurance at GM, and in 1955 supplementary unemployment benefits at Ford. Many smaller suppliers followed suit with benefits.[32]
Reuther tried to negotiate lower automobile prices for the consumer with each contract, with limited success.[33] An agreement on profit sharing withAmerican Motors led nowhere, because profits were small at this minor player. The UAW expanded its scope to include workers in other major industries such as theaerospace and agricultural-implement industries.
The UAW disaffiliated from the AFL–CIO on July 1, 1968, after Reuther and AFL–CIO PresidentGeorge Meany could not come to agreement on a wide range of policy issues or reforms to AFL–CIO governance.[33] On July 24, 1968, just days after the UAW disaffiliation,Teamsters General PresidentFrank Fitzsimmons and Reuther formed theAlliance for Labor Action as a newnational trade union center to organize unorganized workers and pursue leftist political and social projects.[34][35][36] Meany denounced the ALA as adual union, although Reuther argued it was not.[33][37] The Alliance's initial program was ambitious.[38] Reuther's death in a plane crash on May 9, 1970, nearBlack Lake, Michigan, dealt a serious blow to the Alliance, and the group halted operations in July 1971 after the Auto Workers (almost bankrupt from a lengthy strike atGeneral Motors) was unable to continue to fund its operations.[33]
In 1948, the UAW founded the radio stationWDET 101.9 FM in Detroit. It was sold toWayne State University for $1 in 1952.[citation needed]
The UAW leadership supported the programs of theNew Deal Coalition, strongly supported civil rights, and strongly supported Lyndon Johnson'sGreat Society.[25] The UAW became strongly anti-communist after it expelled its Communist leaders in the late 1940s following theTaft–Hartley Act, and supported theVietnam War and opposed the antiwar Democratic candidates.[39]
According to political scientist Charles Williams, the UAW used the rhetoric of civic or liberal nationalism to fight for the rights of Black workers and other workers of color between the 1930s and 1970s. At the same time, it used this rhetoric to simultaneously rebuff the demands and limit the organizing efforts of Black workers seeking to overcome institutional racial hierarchies in the workplace, housing, and the UAW. The UAW leadership denounced these demands and efforts as antidemocratic and anti-American. Three examples, Williams argues, show how the UAW's use of working class nationalism functioned as a counter subversive tradition within American liberalism: the UAW campaign at the Ford plant inDearborn, Michigan, in the late 1930s, the 1942 conflict in Detroit over the black occupancy of theSojourner Truth housing project, and the responses of the UAW under the conservative leadership of Reuther to the demands of Black workers for representation in UAW leadership between the mid-1940s and the 1960s.[40] See alsoLeague of Revolutionary Black Workers andDodge Revolutionary Union Movement for the history of Black workers who questioned the corrupt leadership of the UAW in the 1960s and the 1970s.
The UAW was the most instrumental outside financial and operational supporter of the firstEarth Day in 1970.[41][42][43] According toDenis Hayes, Earth Day's first national coordinator, "Without the UAW, the first Earth Day would have likely flopped!"[41]
With the 1973oil embargo, rising fuel prices caused the U.S. auto makers to lose market share to foreign manufacturers who placed more emphasis on fuel efficiency. This started years of layoffs and wage reductions, and the UAW found itself in the position of giving up many[which?] of the benefits it had won for workers over the decades.[citation needed] By the early 1980s, auto producing states, especially in the Midwestern United States and Canada, had been impacted economically from losses in jobs and income. This peaked with thenear-bankruptcy of Chrysler in 1979. In 1985 the union's Canadian division disaffiliated from the UAW over a dispute regarding negotiation tactics and formed theCanadian Auto Workers as an independent union. Specifically the Canadian division claimed they were being used to pressure the companies for extra benefits, which went mostly to the American members.[citation needed]
The UAW saw a loss of membership after the 1970s. Membership topped 1.5 million in 1979, falling to 540,000 in 2006. With thelate-2000s recession andautomotive industry crisis of 2008–10,GM andChrysler filed forChapter 11 reorganization. Membership fell to 390,000 active members in 2010, with more than 600,000 retired members covered by pension and medical care plans.[citation needed]
UAW has been credited for aiding in the auto industry rebound in the 21st century and blamed for seeking generous benefit packages in the past which in part led to theautomotive industry crisis of 2008–10. UAW workers receiving generous benefit packages when compared with those working at non-union Japanese auto assembly plants in the U.S., had been cited as a primary reason for the cost differential before the 2009 restructuring. In a November 2008New York Times editorial,Andrew Ross Sorkin claimed that the average UAW worker was paid $70 per hour, including health and pension costs, while Toyota workers in the US receive $10 to $20 less.[44] The UAW asserts that most of this labor cost disparity comes from legacy pension and healthcare benefits to retired members, of which the Japanese automakers have none.
TheBig Three already sold each of their cars for about $2,500 less than equivalent cars from Japanese companies, analysts at the International Motor Vehicle Program said.[45] According to the 2007 GM Annual Report, typical autoworkers earned a base wage of approximately $28 per hour. Following the 2007 National Agreement, the base starting wage was lowered to about $15 per hour.[46] A second-tier wage of $14.50 an hour, which applies only to newly hired workers, is lower than the average wage in non-union auto companies in theDeep South.[47]
One of the benefits negotiated by the United Auto Workers was the former jobs bank program, under which laid-off members once received 95 percent of their take-home pay and benefits. More than 12,000 UAW members were paid this benefit in 2005.[48] In December 2008, the UAW agreed to suspend the program as a concession to help U.S. automakers during the auto industry crisis.[49]
UAW leadership granted concessions to its unions in order to win labor peace, a benefit not calculated by the UAW's many critics.[50] The UAW has claimed that the primary cause of the automotive sector's weakness was substantially more expensive fuel costs linked to the2003-2008 oil crisis which caused customers to turn away from largesport utility vehicles (SUVs) andpickup trucks,[51] the main market of the American Big Three. In 2008, the situation became critical because theGreat Recession significantly impaired the ability of consumers to purchase automobiles.[52] The Big Three also based their respective market strategies on fuel-inefficient SUVs, and suffered from lower quality perception (vis-a-vis automobiles manufactured by Japanese or European car makers). Accordingly, the Big Three directed vehicle development focused on light trucks (which had better profit margins) in order to offset the considerably higher labor costs, falling considerably behind in the sedan market segments to Japanese and European automakers.[53]
The UAW has tried to expand membership by organizing the employees outside of the Big Three. In 2010,Bob King hiredRichard Bensinger to organize Japanese, Korean, and German transplant factories in the United States.[54][55]
In a representational election following a majority of the workers signing cards asking for UAW representation, in February 2014 workers at Volkswagen'sChattanooga, Tennessee plant narrowly voted down the union 712 to 626.[56] However, the UAW organized aminority union Local 42,[57] which was voluntary and does not collect dues. After the close vote against the UAW, Volkswagen announced a new policy allowing groups representing at least 15% of the workforce to participate in meetings, with higher access tiers for groups representing 30% and 45% of employees.[58] This prompted anti-UAW workers who opposed the first vote to form a rival union, the American Council of Employees.[59] In December 2014 the UAW was certified as representing more than 45% of employees.[60]
The union engages in Michigan state politics. President King was a vocal opponent of the right-to-work legislation that passed over the objection of organized labor in December 2012.[61] The UAW also remains a major player in the state Democratic Party.[62]
In March 2020, the Detroit United Auto Workers union announced that after discussion with the leaders ofGeneral Motors,Ford, andFiat Chrysler Automobiles, the carmakers would partially shut down factories on a "rotating" basis to combat theCOVID-19 pandemic.[63]
Though primarily known for autoworkers, academic staff comprised one quarter of UAW membership in 2022,[64] and the2022 University of California academic workers' strike achieved higher pay for that UAW affiliate.[64]
A corruption probe by theJustice Department against UAW and 3 Fiat Chrysler executives was conducted during 2020 regarding several charges such asracketeering,embezzlement, andtax evasion.[65][66][67] It resulted in convictions of 12 union officials and 3 Fiat Chrysler executives, including two former Union Presidents, UAW paying back over $15 million in improper chargebacks to worker training centers, payment of $1.5 million to the IRS to settle tax issues, commitment to independent oversight for six years, and a referendum that reformed the election mode for leadership.[68][69][70] The "One Member One Vote" referendum vote in 2022 determined that UAW members could directly elect the members of the UAW International Executive Board (IEB), the highest ruling body of the UAW.[71]
Shawn Fain was elected president in March 2023.[72]
A strike against all big three automakers began on September 15, 2023, for the first time in UAW history.[73] After nearly a month and a half of strikes, UAW was able to reach an agreement with all three carmakers after securing record concessions from them.[74] After the success of the strike, in November 2023, the UAW announced that it was launching a simultaneous campaign to unionize 150,000 workers at other automakers with plants in the United States: BMW, Honda, Hyundai, Lucid, Mazda, Mercedes, Nissan, Rivian, Subaru,Tesla, Toyota,Volkswagen, and Volvo. The UAW represented 145,000 at GM, Ford & Stellantis.[75][76]
In April 2024, after two failed attempts, 73% ofworkers at the Volkswagen (VW) Chattanooga, Tennessee plant voted to join the UAW,[3][77][78] the union's first victory inthe South outside Detroit's Big Three.[79]
District 65, a former affiliate of theRetail, Wholesale and Department Store Union that included as a predecessor theUnited Office and Professional Workers of America, merged into the UAW in 1989.[80]
In 2008, the 6,500 postdoctoral scholars (postdocs) at the ten campuses of theUniversity of California, who, combined, account for 10% of the postdocs in the US, voted to affiliate with the UAW, creating the largestunion for postdoctoral scholars in the country:UAW Local 5810.[81] The expansion of UAW to academic circles, postdoctoral researchers in particular, was significant in that the move helped secure advances in pay that made unionized academic researchers among the best compensated in the country in addition to gaining unprecedented rights and protections.[82]
† Died in office
| No. | Portrait | Name | Term of office | Ref. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Took office | Left office | Time in office | ||||
| 1 | Francis J. Dillon | 29 August 1935 | 27 April 1936 | 242 days | [a] | |
| 2 |  | Homer Martin | 27 April 1936 | 20 January 1939 [b] | 2 years, 268 days | [c] |
| 3 |  | R. J. Thomas | 20 January 1939 | 27 March 1946 | 7 years, 66 days | [d] |
| 4 |  | Walter Reuther | 27 March 1946 | 9 May 1970 [†] | 24 years, 43 days | [86] |
| 5 |  | Leonard Woodcock | 22 May 1970 | 19 May 1977 | 6 years, 362 days | [87][88] |
| 6 |  | Douglas Fraser | 19 May 1977 | 19 May 1983 | 6 years, 0 days | [88][89] |
| 7 | Owen Bieber | 19 May 1983 | 11 June 1995 | 12 years, 23 days | [89][90] | |
| 8 | Stephen Yokich | 11 June 1995 | 5 June 2002 | 6 years, 359 days | [90][91] | |
| 9 | .jpg) | Ron Gettelfinger | 5 June 2002 | 16 June 2010 | 8 years, 11 days | [91][92] |
| 10 |  | Bob King | 16 June 2010 | 5 June 2014 | 3 years, 354 days | [92][93] |
| 11 | Dennis Williams | 5 June 2014 | 14 June 2018 | 4 years, 9 days | [93][94] | |
| 12 | Gary Jones | 14 June 2018 | 20 November 2019 | 1 year, 159 days | [94][95] | |
| 13 | Rory Gamble | 5 December 2019 | 30 June 2021 | 1 year, 207 days | [96][97] | |
| 14 | .jpg) | Ray Curry | 1 July 2021 | 26 March 2023 | 1 year, 268 days | [98][72] |
| 15 |  | Shawn Fain | 26 March 2023 | Incumbent | 1 year, 357 days | [72] |
The sit-downers had won a great victory, not only for themselves but for the entire labor movement in the United States
'The provisions of this contract shall apply to all employees covered by this agreement, without discrimination on account of race, color, national origin, sex, or creed.' Clause No. 78, the antidiscrimination clause, was the handiwork of Shelton Tappes, a member of the negotiation team.
The UAW was ultimately able to secure better contractual terms with Ford than had been possible with other employers. Wages were increased as promised, with increased pay for night shift workers and time-and-a-half provided for overtime pay. An estimated 4,000 workers who had been dismissed for union activity were rehired with back pay. Notably, all members of the Service Department were now required to wear uniforms on the job. The union was also provided with a closed shop and a checkoff. Ford also agreed to affix the union label to its cars. The contract was considered a model and the most liberal of its day. Ford ordered Bennett to sign the contract, which he did on 20 June 1941.
In 1937, over 84,096 workers worked at the massive River Rouge plant. Almost half of all black auto workers were employed there-9,825 workers or 12 percent of the Rouge work force....black autoworkers had scant opportunities for work with other employers. Whereas, the FMC established an interracial workforce that had functioned in accord since the early 1920s, other companies largely excluded blacks. General Motors employed some 2,500 blacks (out of 100,000 employees) and Chrysler employed 2,000 blacks (out of 50,000
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