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Tsou language

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Austronesian language of Taiwan

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Tsou
Cou[citation needed]
Native toTaiwan
RegionAlishan
EthnicityTsou
Native speakers
4,100 (2015)[1]
Language codes
ISO 639-3tsu
Glottologtsou1248
ELPTsou
(yellow) Tsou
Tsou is classified as Definitely endangered by theUNESCOAtlas of the World's Languages in Danger
This article containsIPA phonetic symbols. Without properrendering support, you may seequestion marks, boxes, or other symbols instead ofUnicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, seeHelp:IPA.

Tsou (Cou[citation needed]) is anAustronesian language[2] spoken by theTsou people ofTaiwan. Tsou-speakers are located in the west-central mountains southeast of theChiayi/Alishan area in Taiwan.[3]

Name

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The nameTsou literally means "person", fromProto-Austronesian*Cau through regular sound changes. It is therefore cognate with the name of theThao.[citation needed]

Classification

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Tsou has traditionally been considered part of aTsouic branch of Austronesian. However, several recent classifications, such as Chang (2006)[4] and Ross (2009)[5] dispute the Tsouic branch, with Tsou more divergent than the other two languages, Kanakanabu and Saaroa.

Dialects

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Tsou does not have much dialectal variation. There are four recorded dialects: Tapangʉ, Tfuya, Duhtu and Iimcu, of which Tapangʉ and Tfuya are still spoken. Iimcu has not been well described. The grammar of the other three dialects is nearly identical, and phonological variation is marginal: In certain environments, Tapangʉ/i/ corresponds to Tfuya and Duhtu/z/ or/iz/, and Duhtu had/r/ for Tfuya and Tapangʉ/j/ (Actually, older speakers had been recorded to vary between[ɹ] and[j], but at that point the dialect was moribund.).

Tsou is spoken in the following villages:[6] All of the villages are located inAlishan Township,Chiayi County except for Mamahavana (Jiumei), which is located inHsinyi/Xinyi Township,Nantou County. Both the native Tsou names and Chinese names are given.

Tapangʉ (Tapaŋʉ)

  • Tapangʉ 達邦 (Dabang)
  • Nia'ucna/Nibiei 里佳 (Lijia)
  • Saviki 山美 (Shanmei)
  • Sinvi 新美 (Xinmei)

Tfuya (Tfuya)

  • Cayamavana 茶山 (Chashan)
  • Dadauya 樂野 (Leye)
  • Ranguu/Pnguu/Dadangia 來吉 (Laiji)

Duhtu (Luhtu)

  • Mamahavana 久美 (Jiumei)

Iimucu – extinct

Phonology

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The description of Tsou phonology below is from Wright & Ladefoged (1994).

Vowels

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Tsou has six vowels,/iɨueoɑ/. Vowel sequences occur, including sequences of like vowels (/ii//uu//ee/ etc.), but these are separatemoras rather than long vowels or diphthongs. Vowels, especially back vowels, arecentralized when flanked by voicelessalveolar consonants (/t,ts,s/). This may involve a central offglide, so that/o/ is pronounced as a diphthong[öə̯] or[ɵə̯] in this environment. The sound/ɨ/ ~/ʉ/ has been written <x>, one of the only cases in the world of <x> representing a vowel.

Consonants

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Tsou consonants
LabialAlveolarVelarGlottal
Nasalmnŋ
Plosivevoicelessptkʔ
implosiveɓɗ ~ˀl
Affricatets ~
Fricativevoicelessfs ~ʃh
voicedvz ~ʒ
Approximantwɹ ~j

Theapproximants/w/ and/j/ may surface as non-syllabicmid vowels[e̯] and[o̯], even (for/j/) in initial position (/jo~joskɨ/[e̯oˈe̯oskɨ] "fishes";/w/ does not occur in initial position), explaining the spellingTfuea (/tfuja/) for the name of the dialect. However, stress assignment ([ˈtfue̯a]) and restrictions on consonant clusters (see stress and phonotactics below) demonstrate that they behave as consonants.

The plosives are notaspirated. Phonetically aspirated stops are actually sequences of stop plus/h/, as can be seen by the fact that they cannot cluster with a third consonant (see phonotactics below), and by morphological alternations such as/phini/ ~/mhini/ "to trade".

According tospectrum analysis,/h/ appears to be a glottal fricative in most environments, but approaches a velar[x] next to the central vowel/ɨ/, as in/tsaphɨ/ 'palm, sole'. However, the fact that the sequences/hʔ/ and/ʔh/ occur, when no otherhomorganic sequence is allowed, suggests that/h/ and/ʔ/ may not both be glottal. (Additional evidence that/h/ might best be analyzed as velar is the fact that*/kh/ is not found, and that/hk/ is only found medially, in the single known word/kuhku/ "fox".)

The voiceless sibilants,/ts/ and/s/, are palatalized to[tʃ] and[ʃ] before the front vowels/i/ and/e/. However, the voiced sibilant/z/ is not affected by this environment.

The implosives/ɓ/ and/ɗ/ are uncommon. Both may be glottalized ([ʔɓ],[ʔɗ] or maybe[ʔb],[ʔd]) in intervocalic position. In addition, alveolar/ɗ/ has some unusualallophony: About a third of speakers pronounce it with alateral release, or before/a/ as a lateral approximant[l], as in/ɗauja/[lauja] "maple". Indeed, Tsuchida (1976) transcribed it as a preglottalized lateral,[ˀl].

Stress

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With a few exceptions, stress is not only predictable, but shifts when suffixes are added to a word. It falls on the penultimate vowel, or on the penultimatemora if a moraic analysis is adopted. That is, a final heavy syllable (double vowel) receives stress ([eˈmoo] "house"); otherwise, stress falls on the penultimate syllable ([oˈkosi] "his child"). Additional stress falls in atrochaic pattern: Every other light syllable (single vowel) also receives stress. Unstressed vowels are deleted, except at word boundaries (initial or final vowel) and unless doing so would create a forbidden consonant cluster (see below).

For example, the verb⫽seʔe-nətəh-a⫽ "to cut with a bolo" takes stress on the syllables⫽tə⫽ and⫽ʔe⫽, and is realized as[sʔenˈtəha]. However, this does not explain all consonant clusters, many of which are lexically determined.

Phonotactics

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The most complex syllable in Tsou isCCVV. Tsou is unusual in the number ofconsonant clusters that it allows.Homorganic clusters are not allowed, unless one is a nasal consonant, and a maximum of two consonants may occur together, but otherwise about half of possible sequences are known to occur. For example, all non-homorganic sequences starting with/t/ and/ts/ are found. Missing clusters may not be allowed, or may simply be accidental gaps due to limited knowledge of the lexicon.

Initial or medialMedial only
/pt,pts,ps,pn,pk,pŋ,pʔ,ph//pz/
/ft,fts,fk,fŋ,fʔ//fn/[7]
/vts,vh//vn,vʔ/
/ɓn//ɓk/
/mp,mf,mts,ms,mz,mn,mʔ,mh//mɓ,mt/
/tp,tf,tv,tm,tn,tk,tŋ,tʔ,th//tɓ/
/tsp,tsf,tsv,tsm,tsn,tsk,tsŋ,tsʔ,tsh/ /tsɓ/
/sp,sv,sɓ,sm,sn,sk,sŋ,sʔ/
/zʔ/
/nm,nt,ns//np,nv,nts,nz,nk,nʔ,nh/
/ks,kn//kts,kʔ/
/ŋv,ŋh//ŋm,ŋt,ŋts,ŋs,ŋz,ŋk/[8]
/ʔp,ʔv,ʔm,ʔt,ʔts,ʔs//ʔf,ʔɗ,ʔn,ʔk,ʔh/
/hp,hv,hm,ht,hts,hn,hŋ,hʔ//hs,hz,hk,hŋ/

In clusters oforal stops, both have an audible release burst. This is true even between vowels, an environment where the first stop hasno audible release in most languages, supporting an analysis of these clusters as part of thesyllable onset, with nosyllable codas occurring in the language.

Stops, oral or nasal, may or may not have a release burst before a nasal stop, depending on the speaker. The initial clusters/hp,ht,hʔ/ are unusual cross-linguistically. The spectrum shows that the tongue moves towards an alveolar articulation during the/h/ of/ht/, demonstrating that it is not articulated as a velar. The initial clusters/pʔ/ and/tʔ/ are sometimes realized as two released stops, but sometimes with a single release, resemblingejective consonants in other languages. (/kʔ/ is again notably missing, except intervocalically, despite the fact that[kʼ] is the most common ejective cross-linguistically.)

Grammar

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Syntax

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Like most otherAustronesian languages, Tsou displays a predicate-initial syntax.

Tsou has three main types of questions.[9]

  1. Yes–no questions
  2. Alternative questions
  3. Wh-questions (information questions)

Tsou has the following types of clauses:

  1. Verbal
    1. Declarative
    2. Imperative
    3. (Verbal) interrogative
  2. Equational
  3. Existential (no auxiliary verbs are allowed)

Important function words are:

  • zou – "to be"
  • 'a – "it is in case that"
  • o'ta – (it is) not (in case that)"
  • pan – "there is" / existential
  • uk'a – negative existential (usually followed byci)
  • o'a – negation of a fact or event
  • ci – relativizer
  • 'o – prohibition (AV constructions)
  • av'a – prohibition (UV constructions)

Case markers are as follows, with nominative forms placed before slashes and oblique forms placed after them (Zeitoun 2005:274). The nominative form is given when there are no slashes.

  • 'e – visible and near speaker
  • si / ta – visible and near hearer
  • ta – visible but away from speaker
  • 'o / to – invisible and far away, or newly introduced to discourse
  • na / no ~ ne – non-identifiable and non-referential (often when scanning a class of elements)

Word classes

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Tsou nouns are distinguished from verbs by the presence of case markers and suffixed genitive pronouns, both of which cannot be applied to verbs.[10] Verbs, on the other hand, have elaborate voice marking. Adjectives and certain adverbs actually function as verbs, since they also undergo voice inflection and are placed at the same positions within clauses as verbs (i.e., predicate-initial).

Tsou is unique for not having any preposition-like elements, instead using nouns or verbs to express these notions.

Verbs

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Main verbs can take on four types of voices, the actor voice and three undergoer voices, which are marked by suffixes.[11][12]

  1. Actor voice:m-,b-,<m>, orø
  2. Patient voice:-a
  3. Locative voice:-i
  4. Instrumental/benefactive voice:-(n)eni

Tsou verbs can be divided into five major classes (I, II, III-1, III-2, IV, V-1, V-2) based on morphological alternations (Zeitoun 2005:285). Tsou verbs do not have as many morphological distinctions as other Formosan languages do, since the Tsou language makes more extensive use of auxiliary verbs. For instance, there are no temporal/aspectual distinctions, separate markings for imperatives, and stative/dynamic distinctions. Nevertheless, Tsou still preserves the causativepoa- (allomorphs:p-, pa-).

Tsou auxiliary verbs can carry temporal/aspectual and modal information as well as voice. They are marked for the following voices:

  1. Actor voice (AV)
  2. Undergoer voice (UV), or sometimes referred to as non-actor voice (NAV)

These auxiliary verbs can be divided into three classes:

  1. AV constructions –mio, mo, mi-, moso, mo(h)-
  2. UV constructions –i-, o(h)-
  3. AV/UV constructions –te, ta, tena, nte, ntoso, nto(h)-, la

Tsou has the following aspectual suffixes:

  1. -cu/-c'u – already
  2. -n'a – still, just, about to
  3. -la – once

Pronouns

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The personal pronouns below are from the Tfuya dialect of Tsou, and are sourced from Zeitoun (2005:265). Note that third-person pronouns are distinguished between those that are visible or non-visible.

Tfuya Tsou Personal Pronouns
FreeBound
neutralnominativegenitive
1st personsingulara'o-'o/-'u-'o/-'u
pluralexclusivea'ami-mza-mza
inclusivea'ati-to-to
2nd personsingularsuu-su/-ko-su/-ko
pluralmuu-mu-mu
3rd personvisiblesingulartaini-ta-taini
pluralhin'i-hin'i-hin'i
not visiblesingularic'o-si
pluralhee-he

Numerals

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Tfuya Tsou numerals are:[13]

  1. coni; 10. m-as-kʉ
  2. yuso; 20. m-pus-ku
  3. tuyu; 30. m-tuyu-hu
  4. sʉptʉ; 40. m-sʉptʉ-hʉ
  5. eimo; 50. m-eimo-hʉ
  6. nomʉ; 60. m-onmʉ-hʉ
  7. pitu; 70. m-pʉtvʉ-hʉ
  8. voyu; 80. m-voyvʉ-hʉ
  9. sio; 90. m-sio-hʉ

Tens are derived with thecircumfix (confix)m- -hʉ. There is also a u/ʉ vowel harmony phenomenon.

Language endangerment

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These people live in the mountainous areas because dominating colonizers were in Taiwan for over 380 years. Outsiders have killed the indigenous people, burned villages, and forced them to move as the colonizers claimed more and more spaces. Some such colonizers were the Dutch, Spanish, Japanese, and Chinese. The outside rulers imposed their own education systems on the indigenous people, but the most notable influence came from theKuomintang era, where Taiwanese people were forced to useMandarin and where children were punished at school if they used their own indigenous language. This forced the originalTaiwanese people to give up their language in order to survive in the new, imposed environment.[14]

Due to globalization, people are always in search of finding better lives if they're not completely happy, and young people are leaving the villages and looking for jobs in big cities. Because of this, children are not using the language and are not getting exposed to the culture as frequently, which means the language is not getting passed down to future generations.[14]

One survey from 1999 found that only 9% of the indigenous children could speak their native language, and most children preferred to use Mandarin, which is the official Taiwan language. Tsou is mostly used by community elders in ceremonies and certain gatherings. Unfortunately, since the parents are not fluent and do not view the language as practical for children, the language is rarely spoken at home.[14] The language is found more in school settings where children attend cultural learning programs.[15]

The Tsou language is recognized by the government. The government has allocated money dedicated to bring language programs to elementary and junior high schools, but the funds are sometimes inconsistent, which negatively affects the programs. It helped that theMartial law was lifted in 1987 and that people could freely speak their native languages again, however, so many other dominant languages were used that several native indigenous languages disappeared.[14]

The elders care about their language and worry that it may not survive in the future, so they welcome any help linguists may provide. In addition, the community has programs to maintain the language. One example is when children get to sing Tsou folk songs in kindergarten and continue to become exposed to other cultural programs through elementary school. People are relying heavily on these kids to keep the language, music, and culture alive.[15] There are programs for elementary and middle school kids to learn the language. Community members are very willing to get involved with events. It is difficult to teach the language because there is a lack of good teaching materials. Schools do not make learning the indigenous language a priority because if an event deemed more important occurs, teachers are likely to put off the language lesson. In addition, students have to worry about studyingEnglish, Mandarin, and entrance exam materials, so time is limited and the ethnic language is not a priority in the minds of the younger generation.[14]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^Tsou atEthnologue (18th ed., 2015)(subscription required)
  2. ^Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin (eds.)."Tsou".Glottolog. Jena, Germany: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.
  3. ^"Tsou".Endangered Languages Project.Archived from the original on 2020-08-04. Retrieved2020-12-26.
  4. ^Chang, Henry Yungli. 2006. "Rethinking the Tsouic Subgroup Hypothesis: A Morphosyntactic Perspective." In Chang, H., Huang, L. M., Ho, D. (eds.).Streams converging into an ocean: Festschrift in honor of Professor Paul Jen-Kuei Li on his 70th birthday. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.
  5. ^Ross, Malcolm. 2009. "Proto Austronesian verbal morphology: A reappraisal." In Alexander Adelaar and Andrew Pawley (eds.).Austronesian historical linguistics and culture history: a festschrift for Robert Blust. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
  6. ^Li (1979), Zeitoun (2005)
  7. ^In the text of Wright & Ladefoged,/fn/ is listed as an initial cluster, but the appendix only has an example for medial position.
  8. ^Wright and Ladefoged list the additional medial cluster/ŋʔ/ in their appendix, but their example ⟨anʔosɨ⟩ "two friends ganging up on a third" is typed with an ⟨n⟩.
  9. ^Zeitoun (2005):282
  10. ^Zeitoun (2005):264
  11. ^Zeitoun (2005):284
  12. ^Chang and Pan (2018):49
  13. ^Zeitoun (2005):265
  14. ^abcde"Archived"(PDF). Archived fromthe original(PDF) on April 16, 2017. Retrieved2023-05-30.
  15. ^ab"Experts Call for Protecting Endangered Tribal Language".english.cntv.cn. 2013-11-01. Archived fromthe original on 2018-01-11. Retrieved2013-06-06.

References

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  • Wright, Richard; Ladefoged, Peter (1994), "A Phonetic Study of Tsou",UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 87: Fieldwork Studies of Targeted Languages II
  • Zeitoun, Elizabeth (2005). "Tsou". In Adelaar, K. Alexander; Himmelmann, Nikolaus (eds.).The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar. London: Routledge. pp. 259–290.

Further reading

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  • Tung, T'ung-ho (1964).A Descriptive Study of the Tsou Language, Formosa(PDF). Taipei: Academia Sinica, Institute of History and Philology. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 2021-11-06. Retrieved2020-03-09.
  • Miyake, Marc."Tsou-".
  • Miyake, Marc."Uchinaaguchi part 40: in thefustz-teps of Nevsky".
  • Nevskij, N. A. 聶甫斯基 (1993).Táiwān Zōuzú yǔ diǎn臺灣鄒族語典 (in Chinese). Translated by Bai, Sihong 白嗣宏; Li, Fuqing 李福清; Pu, Zhongcheng 浦忠成. Taibei Shi: Taiyuan.ISBN 957-9261-41-5.
  • Pan, Chia-jung (2010).The Grammatical Realization of Temporal Expressions in Tsou. LINCOM Studies in Austronesian Linguistics 07. München: Lincom Europa.
  • Pan, Chia-jung (2015). "Reported Evidentials in Saaroa, Kanakanavu, and Tsou". In Zeitoun, Elizabeth; Teng, Stacy F.; Wu, Joy J. (eds.).New Advances in Formosan Linguistics. Asia-Pacific Linguistics 017 / Studies on Austronesian Languages 003. Canberra: Asia-Pacific Linguistics. pp. 341–362.hdl:1885/14354.ISBN 978-1-922185-17-4.
  • Tsuchida, Shigeru (1976).Reconstruction of Proto-Tsouic Phonology. Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Monograph Series, no. 5. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa.

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