Influence from theChinese Communist Party (CCP)–ledcentral government in Hong Kong expanded significantly during the 2020s, roughly two decades after the handover. The2019–2020 Hong Kong protests prompted the introduction of the2020 Hong Kong national security law and the2021 Hong Kong electoral changes. These measures drew criticism from the British government, which declared that China was in a "state of ongoing non-compliance" with the Joint Declaration. Hong Kong is now widely regarded as being under tight control of the Chinese government, with its autonomy largely symbolic.[1]
Following the end of theSecond World War, both theKuomintang and theChinese Communist Party (CCP) proposed "(China) to recover Hong Kong"[2][3][4] (Chinese:中國收回香港,Yue Chinese:中國收返香港),[5][6][7][8][9][10][excessive citations] which had since been the common descriptive statement in mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan until the mid-1990s.[11] "Reunification of Hong Kong"[12] (Chinese:香港回歸) was used by a minority of pro-Beijing politicians, lawyers and newspapers during Sino-British negotiations in 1983 and 1984,[13] and gradually became mainstream in Hong Kong by early 1997 at the latest. A similar phrase "return of Hong Kong to the motherland" (Chinese:香港回歸祖國) is also often used by Hong Kong and Chinese officials. Nevertheless, "Handover of Hong Kong" is still mainly used in the English-speaking world.
"Transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong" (Chinese:香港主權移交) is another description frequently used by Hong Kong officials[14][15] and the media, as well as non-locals[16] and academics,[11] which is not recognized by the Chinese Government.[17] Beijing claims neither theQing dynasty exercised sovereignty over Hong Kong after ceding it, nor the British therefore did, and hence the transfer of sovereignty to China from Britain is not logically possible.[18][19][17][20] As no consensus was reached on the sovereignty transfer, the Chinese stated "to recover the Hong Kong area" (Chinese:收回香港地區) and "to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong" (Chinese:對香港恢復行使主權) in theSino-British Joint Declaration, while the British declared "(to) restore Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China" (Chinese:將香港交還給中華人民共和國).[21]
By the 1820s and 1830s, the British had conquered parts of India and had intentions of growing cotton in these lands to offset the amount of cotton they were buying from America.[citation needed] When this endeavour failed, the British realised they could grow poppies at an incredible rate. These poppies could then be turned into opium, which the Chinese highly desired, but their laws prohibited. So the British plan was to grow poppies in India, convert it into opium, smuggle the opium into China and trade it for tea, and sell the tea back in Britain. The illegal opium trade was highly successful, and the drug was very profitably smuggled into China in extremely large volumes.[22]
The United Kingdom obtained control over portions of Hong Kong's territory through three treaties concluded withQing China after theOpium Wars:
Despite the finite nature of the New Territories lease, this portion of the colony was developed just as rapidly as, and became highly integrated with, the rest of Hong Kong. As the end of the lease approached, and by the time of serious negotiations over the future status of Hong Kong in the 1980s, it was thought[citation needed] impractical to separate the ceded territories and return only the New Territories to China. In addition, with the scarcity of land and natural resources in Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, large-scaleinfrastructure investments had been made in the New Territories, with break-evens lying well past 30 June 1997.[24]
When the People's Republic of China obtained its seat in the United Nations as a result of theUN General Assembly Resolution 2758 in 1971, it began to act diplomatically on its previously lost sovereignty over both Hong Kong andMacau. In March 1972, the Chinese UN representative,Huang Hua, wrote to the United Nations Decolonization Committee to state the position of the Chinese government:
The questions of Hong Kong and Macau belong to the category of questions resulting from the series of unequal treaties which the imperialists imposed on China. Hong Kong and Macau are part of Chinese territory occupied by the British and Portuguese authorities. The settlement of the questions of Hong Kong and Macau is entirely within China's sovereign right and do not at all fall under the ordinary category of colonial territories. Consequently, they should not be included in the list of colonial territories covered by the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial territories and people. With regard to the questions of Hong Kong and Macau, the Chinese government has consistently held that they should be settled in an appropriate way when conditions are ripe.[25]
The same year, on 8 November, theUnited Nations General Assembly passed the resolution on removing Hong Kong and Macau from the official list of colonies.[25]
In March 1979 theGovernor of Hong Kong,Murray MacLehose, paid his first official visit to the People's Republic of China (PRC), taking the initiative to raise the question of Hong Kong's sovereignty withCCP vice chairmanDeng Xiaoping.[23][26] Without clarifying and establishing the official position of the PRC government, the arranging of real estate leases and loans agreements in Hong Kong within the next 18 years would become difficult.[24]
In response to concerns over land leases in the New Territories, MacLehose proposed that British administration of the whole of Hong Kong, as opposed to sovereignty, be allowed to continue after 1997.[27] He also proposed that contracts include the phrase "for so long as the Crown administers the territory".[28]
In fact, as early as the mid-1970s, Hong Kong had faced additional risks raising loans for large-scale infrastructure projects such as itsMass Transit Railway (MTR) system and a new airport. Caught unprepared, Deng asserted the necessity of Hong Kong's return to China, upon which Hong Kong would be given special status by the PRC government.
MacLehose's visit to the PRC raised the curtain on the issue of Hong Kong's sovereignty: Britain was made aware of the PRC's intent to resume sovereignty over Hong Kong, and began to make arrangements accordingly to ensure the sustenance of her interests within the territory, as well as initiating the creation of a withdrawal plan in case of emergency.
Three years later, Deng received the formerBritish Prime MinisterEdward Heath, who had been dispatched as the special envoy of Prime MinisterMargaret Thatcher to establish an understanding of the PRC's plans with regards to the retrocession of Hong Kong; during their meeting, Deng outlined his plans to make the territory a special economic zone, which would retain its capitalist system under Chinese sovereignty.[29]
In the same year,Edward Youde, who succeeded MacLehose as the 26th Governor of Hong Kong, led adelegation of fiveExecutive Councillors to London, includingChung Sze-yuen,Lydia Dunn, andRoger Lobo.[30] Chung presented their position on the sovereignty of Hong Kong to Thatcher, encouraging her to take into consideration the interests of the native Hong Kong population in her upcoming visit to China.[30]
In light of the increasing openness of the PRC government and economic reforms on the mainland, the then British Prime MinisterMargaret Thatcher sought the PRC's agreement to a continued British presence in the territory.[31]
However, the PRC took a contrary position: not only did the PRC wish for the New Territories, on lease until 1997, to be placed under the PRC's jurisdiction, it also refused to recognise the onerousunequal treaties under which Hong Kong Island and Kowloon had been ceded to Britain in perpetuity after theOpium Wars. Consequently, the PRC recognised only the British administration in Hong Kong, but not British sovereignty.[32]
24 March 1979: Hong Kong Governor SirMurray MacLehose was invited to visit Guangzhou and Beijing to find out the attitude of the Chinese government on the issue of Hong Kong.
29 March 1979: Sir Murray MacLehose met Chinese Vice PremierDeng Xiaoping and raised the issue of Hong Kong for the first time. Deng remarked that the investors could set their minds at peace.
4 April 1979: The Kowloon–Canton through-train routes were restored after 30 years of non-service.
29 October 1979: CCP Chairman and Chinese PremierHua Guofeng visited Britain and had a meeting with British prime ministerMargaret Thatcher. Both of them expressed their concern to maintain the stability and prosperity of Hong Kong.
12 May 1980:Tabled by the Conservative Party in the British government, a new status "British Overseas Territories citizen" was introduced. This status proposal was widely opposed by Hong Kong people.
3 April 1981: Foreign SecretaryLord Carrington met Deng Xiaoping in his visit to Beijing.
30 September 1981: Chairman of theNPCYe Jianying issued nine guiding principles concerning a peaceful reunification of Taiwan and mainland China.
30 October 1981: The House of Commons passed the new British Nationality Act.
November 1981: The Beijing government invited some Hong Kong citizens to help organising a united front in the handling of the Hong Kong issue.
6 January 1982: Chinese PremierZhao Ziyang received Lord Privy SealHumphrey Atkins. Zhao insisted that the PRC would uphold its sovereignty over Hong Kong.
10 March 1982: Vice PremierGu Mu received SirJohn Bremridge, promising to maintain Hong Kong's stability and prosperity.
6 April 1982: Deng Xiaoping revealed his wish to have official contact with the British government.
8 May 1982: SirEdward Youde arrived as the 26th Governor of Hong Kong.
May 1982: Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang collected advice from Hong Kong notables such asLi Ka-shing andAnn Tse-kei.
15 June 1982: Deng Xiaoping officially announced the position of the Chinese government in the context of the Hong Kong 97 Issue, marking the first public statement on part of the PRC with regards to the issue.
In the wake of Governor MacLehose's visit, Britain and the PRC established initial diplomatic contact for further discussions of theHong Kong Question, paving the way for Thatcher's first visit to the PRC in September 1982.[33]
Margaret Thatcher, in discussion with Deng Xiaoping, reiterated the validity of an extension of the lease of Hong Kong territory, particularly in light of binding treaties, including the Treaty of Nanking in 1842, theConvention of Peking in 1856, and the Convention for the Extension of Hong Kong Territory signed in 1890.
In response, Deng Xiaoping cited the lack of room for compromise on the question of sovereignty over Hong Kong; the PRC, as the successor ofQing dynasty and theRepublic of China onthe mainland, would recover the entirety of the New Territories, Kowloon and Hong Kong Island. China considered treaties about Hong Kong as unequal and ultimately refused to accept any outcome that would indicate permanent loss of sovereignty over Hong Kong's area, whatever wording the former treaties had.[34]
During talks with Thatcher, China planned to seize Hong Kong if the negotiations set off unrest in the colony. Thatcher later said that Deng told her bluntly that China could easily take Hong Kong by force, stating that "I could walk in and take the whole lot this afternoon", to which she replied that "there is nothing I could do to stop you, but the eyes of the world would now know what China is like".[35]
After her visit with Deng in Beijing, Thatcher was received in Hong Kong as the first British Prime Minister to set foot on the territory whilst in office. At a press conference, Thatcher re-emphasised the validity of the three treaties, asserting the need for countries to respect treaties on universal terms: "There are three treaties in existence; we stick by our treaties unless we decide on something else. At the moment, we stick by our treaties."[31]
The additional Article would hold tremendous significance in settling the question of Hong Kong and laterMacau, putting into social consciousness the concept of "One country, two systems".
A few months after Thatcher's visit to Beijing, the PRC government had yet to open negotiations with the British government regarding the sovereignty of Hong Kong.
Shortly before the initiation of sovereignty talks, Governor Youde declared his intention to represent the population of Hong Kong at the negotiations. This statement sparked a strong response from the PRC, prompting Deng Xiaoping to denounce talk of "the so-called 'three-legged stool", which implied that Hong Kong was a party to talks on its future, alongside Beijing and London.[37]
At the preliminary stage of the talks, the British government proposed an exchange of sovereignty for administration and the implementation of a British administration post-handover.[31]
The PRC government refused, contending that the notions of sovereignty and administration were inseparable, and although it recognisedMacau as a "Chinese territory under Portuguese administration", this was only temporary.[38]
In fact, during informal exchanges between 1979 and 1981, the PRC had proposed a "Macau solution" in Hong Kong, under which it would remain under British administration at China's discretion.[26]
However, this had previously been rejected following the1967 Leftist riots, with the then Governor,David Trench, claiming the leftists' aim was to leave the UK without effective control, or "to Macau us".[39]
The conflict that arose at that point of the negotiations ended the possibility of further negotiation. During the reception of former British Prime Minister Edward Heath during his sixth visit to the PRC, Deng Xiaoping commented on the impossibility of exchanging sovereignty for administration, declaring an ultimatum: the British government must modify or give up its position or the PRC will announce its resolution of the issue of Hong Kong sovereignty unilaterally.[40]
In 1983,Typhoon Ellen ravaged Hong Kong, causing great amounts of damage to both life and property.[41] The Hong Kong dollar plummeted onBlack Saturday, and theFinancial SecretaryJohn Bremridge publicly associated the economic uncertainty with the instability of the political climate.[42] In response, the PRC government condemned Britain through the press for "playing the economic card" in order to achieve their ends: to intimidate the PRC into conceding to British demands.[43]
At one point Deng made it clear that he had no intention of continuing any British administration in any part of Hong Kong. In regards to the treaties establishing British control over Kowloon and Hong Kong Island, Robert Cottrell ofThe Independent wrote "In practical terms, the treaties were worthless, sovereignty would be China's in due course, and any row about it would certainly damage Hong Kong in the short term whatever the eventual outcome."[31]
Governor Youde with nine members of the Hong Kong Executive Council travelled to London to discuss with Thatcher the crisis of confidence – the problem with morale among the people of Hong Kong arising from the ruination of the Sino-British talks. The session concluded with Thatcher's writing of a letter addressed to the PRC PremierZhao Ziyang.
In the letter, she expressed Britain's willingness to explore arrangements optimising the future prospects of Hong Kong while utilising the PRC's proposals as a foundation. Furthermore, and perhaps most significantly, she expressed Britain's concession on its position of a continued British presence in the form of an administration post-handover.
Two rounds of negotiations were held in October and November. On the sixth round of talks in November, Britain formally conceded its intentions of either maintaining a British administration in Hong Kong or seeking some form of co-administration with the PRC, and showed its sincerity in discussing PRC's proposal on the 1997 issue.
Simon Keswick, chairman ofJardine Matheson & Co., said they were not pulling out of Hong Kong, but a newholding company would be established inBermuda instead.[44] The PRC took this as yet another plot by the British. The Hong Kong government explained that it had been informed about the move only a few days before the announcement. The government would not and could not stop the company from making a business decision.
Just as the atmosphere of the talks was becoming cordial, members of theLegislative Council of Hong Kong felt impatient at the long-running secrecy over the progress of Sino-British talks on the Hong Kong issue. A motion,tabled by legislatorRoger Lobo, declared "This Council deems it essential that any proposals for the future of Hong Kong should be debated in this Council before agreement is reached", was passed unanimously.[45]
The PRC attacked the motion furiously, referring to it as "somebody's attempt to play the three-legged stool trick again".[46] At length, the PRC and Britain initiated the Joint Declaration on the question of Hong Kong's future in Beijing.Zhou Nan, the then PRC Deputy Foreign Minister and leader of the negotiation team, and SirRichard Evans, British Ambassador to Beijing and leader of the team, signed respectively on behalf of the two governments.[47]
In the Joint Declaration, the People's Republic of China Government stated that it had decided to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong (includingHong Kong Island, Kowloon, and the New Territories) with effect from 1 July 1997 and the United Kingdom Government declared that it would restore Hong Kong to the PRC with effect from 1 July 1997. In the document, the People's Republic of China Government also declared its basic policies regarding Hong Kong.[48]
In accordance with theOne country, two systems principle agreed between the United Kingdom and the People's Republic of China, the socialist system of the People's Republic of China would not be practised in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), and Hong Kong's previous capitalist system and its way of life would remain unchanged for a period of 50 years.[49]
The Hong Kong Basic Law ensured, among other things, that Hong Kong will retain itslegislative system, and people's rights and freedom for fifty years,[50] as aspecial administrative region (SAR) of China. Thecentral government in Beijing maintains control over Hong Kong's foreign affairs as well as the legal interpretation of the Basic Law. The latter has led democracy advocates and some Hong Kong residents to argue, after the fact, that the territory has yet to achieveuniversal suffrage as promised by theBasic Law, leading tomass demonstrations in 2014.[51][52][53] In 2019, demonstrations that started as a protestagainst an extradition law also led to massive demonstrations (1.7 million on 11 and 18 August 2019), again demanding universal suffrage, but also the resignation ofCarrie Lam (the then-Chief Executive).[54]
In December 2021, Beijing released a document titled "Hong Kong Democratic Progress Under the Framework of One Country, Two Systems", the second such white paper on Hong Kong affairs since 2014. It stated that the central government will work with "all social groups, sectors and stakeholders towards the ultimate goal of election by universal suffrage of the chief executive" and theLegCo while also noting that the Chinese constitution and the Basic Law together "empower the HKSAR to exercise a high degree of autonomy and confirm the central authorities' right to supervise the exercise of this autonomy".[55]
The first draft was published in April 1988, followed by a five-month public consultation exercise. The second draft was published in February 1989, and the subsequent consultation period ended in October 1989.
The Basic Law was formally promulgated on 4 April 1990 by theNational People's Congress and signed by Chinese presidentYang Shangkun, together with the designs for the flag and emblem of the HKSAR. Some members of the Basic Law drafting committee were ousted by Beijing following1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, after voicing views supporting the student protesters.
The Basic Law was said to be a mini-constitution drafted with the participation of Hong Kong people. The political system had been the most controversial issue in the drafting of the Basic Law. The special issue sub-group adopted the political model put forward byLouis Cha. This "mainstream" proposal was criticised for being too conservative.[citation needed]
According to Clauses 158 and 159 of the Basic Law, powers of interpretation and amendment of the Basic Law are vested in theStanding Committee of the National People's Congress and the National People's Congress, respectively. Hong Kong's people have limited influence.
More than 10,000 Hong Kong residents rushed toCentral in order to get an application form for residency in the United Kingdom. On the eve of the deadline, over 100,000 lined up overnight for aBritish National (Overseas) (BNO) application form. While mass migration began well before 1989, the event led to the peak migration year in 1992 with 66,000 leaving.[57]
Many citizens were pessimistic towards the future of Hong Kong and the transfer of the region's sovereignty. A tide of emigration, which was to last for no less than five years, broke out. At its peak, citizenship of small countries, such asTonga, was also in great demand.[58]
Singapore, which also had apredominantly Chinese population, was another popular destination, with the country's Commission (now Consulate-General) being besieged by anxious Hong Kong residents.[59] By September 1989, 6,000 applications for residency in Singapore had been approved by the commission.[60] Someconsul staff were suspended or arrested for their corrupt behaviour in granting immigration visas.
In April 1997, the actingimmigration officer at theUS Consulate-General, James DeBates, was suspended after his wife was arrested for the smuggling of Chinese migrants into the United States.[61] The previous year, his predecessor, Jerry Stuchiner, had been arrested for smuggling forged Honduran passports into the territory before being sentenced to 40 months in prison.[62]
Vancouver was among the most popular destinations, earning the nickname of "Hongcouver".[64]Richmond, a suburb of Vancouver, was nicknamed "Little Hong Kong".[65] All in all, from the start of the settlement of the negotiation in 1984 to 1997, nearly 1 million people emigrated; consequently, Hong Kong suffered serious loss of human and financial capital.[66]
Chris Patten became the last governor of Hong Kong. This was regarded as a turning point in Hong Kong's history. Unlike his predecessors, Patten was not a diplomat, but a career politician and former Member of Parliament. He introduced democratic reforms which pushed PRC–British relations to a standstill and affected the negotiations for a smooth handover.
Patten introduced a package of electoral reforms in theLegislative Council. These reforms proposed to enlarge the electorate, thus making voting in the Legislative Council more democratic. This move posed significant changes because Hong Kong citizens would have the power to make decisions regarding their future.
After the Patten proposals were passed, Beijing decided to create thePreliminary Working Committee (PWC) on 16 July 1993. Although it was seen by some that such a body was necessary in order to prepare for the transition of sovereignty, the row over the Patten proposals enabled Beijing to issue a warning that unilateral action would result in the setting-up of a "second stove" and, when it was formed, to say it was an unfortunate product of British confrontation.[67]
The Preliminary Working Committee was dissolved in December 1995 and succeeded by the Preparatory Committee in 1996. The Preparatory Committee was responsible for implementation work related to the establishment of the HKSAR, including the establishment of theSelection Committee, which in turn was responsible for theselection of the first chief executive in 1996 and the members of theProvisional Legislative Council which replaced theLegislative Council elected in 1995.[68] The Provisional Legislative Council reverted most of the Patten's reform, by resuming appointed seats to the District Councils, Urban Council and Regional Council, reintroducing corporate voting in some functional constituencies, narrowing the franchise of the nine new functional constituencies to about 20,000 voters, and changed the "single seat, single constituency" method to theproportional representation system for the Legislative Council elections.[69]
Despite the eventual reversal of the electoral system, Patten's reform significantly impacted the Hong Kong political landscape by polarising Hong Kong politics.
English continued as an official language and is still taught in all schools. However, many schools teach inCantonese in parallel withMandarin and English.[73]
The border with the mainland, while now known as theboundary, continued to be patrolled as before, with separate immigration and customs controls.[74]
Residents of mainland China still did not have theright of abode in Hong Kong.[76] Instead, they had to apply for a permit tovisit orsettle in Hong Kong from the PRC government.[77]
Hong Kong continued to operate as a separate customs territory from mainland China under Article 116 of the Basic Law.[81]
Hong Kong remained an individual member of various international organisations, such as theWorld Trade Organization andAPEC.[82]
Hong Kong, which remained an individual member of theInternational Olympic Committee, continued to send its own team to international sporting events such as the Olympics.[83]
Hong Kong maintainedHong Kong Economic and Trade Offices overseas, as well as in the Greater China Region. These include the offices in London, Washington D.C.,Brussels andGeneva, previously known as Hong Kong Government Offices.[84]
Hong Kong continued to negotiate and maintain its own aviation bilateral treaties with foreign countries and territories.[88] Agreements withTaiwan signed in 1996 remained in force after the change of sovereignty, and were replaced by "the air transportation agreement between Taiwan and Hong Kong", which retained international regulations, such as regulations on customs.[89]
Signs (and fonts), labels, and roadway construction standards on Hong Kong roads and expressways continue to follow theEuropean Union roadway standards, particularly those of the UK.[90]
Hong Kong residents continued to have easier access to many countries, including those in Europe and North America, withHong Kong SAR passport holders having visa-free access to 154 other countries and territories.[95]
The Hong Kong government continued to make a subvention to theEnglish Schools Foundation, responsible for English-medium schools, which would not be phased out until 2016.[113]
The former British military drill, marching and words of command in English remained in service among disciplinary forces until 2022 when Chinese foot drills were introduced to completely replace that of the UK.[114][115]
From 2012, secondary education moved away from the English model of 6 years secondary schooling plus two years of university matriculation to the Chinese model of three years of junior secondary plus another three years of senior secondary, while university education was extended from three years to four.[119]
TheLegislative Council,elected in 1995, was dissolved and replaced by aProvisional Legislative Council, before elections were held to a new Council, in which only 20 out of 60 seats were directly elected.[122] The decision to dissolve the Legislative Council and replace it with a Provisional Legislative Council was criticised by representatives of the UK government.[123]
At international sporting events such as the Olympics, Hong Kong was now known asHong Kong, China.[83] Hong Kong athletes and teams compete under the Hong Kong SAR flag instead of the British flag of Hong Kong, and gold medallists were honoured with the Chinese national anthem, instead of the British national anthem.[127]
Flags were no longer flown at theCenotaph to remember the war dead; previously British troops raised flags representing theBritish Army,Royal Navy andRoyal Air Force every morning, lowering them again before sunset.[137]
Queen Elizabeth II's portrait was removed from public offices.[140] Coins issued since 1993 no longer had the Queen's head, instead having theBauhinia.[141]
Postage stamps now displayed the words "Hong Kong, China".[142] A set of definitive stamps, bearing the words "Hong Kong" with no connotation of sovereignty, was introduced in January 1997.[143]
British citizens (without right of abode in Hong Kong) were no longer able to work in Hong Kong without a visa; the policy was changed on 1 April 1997.[149][150]
Countries which did not have diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, but had diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China, such asNorth Korea andIran, were allowed to establish or re-open Consulates-General.[157]
Consulates of countries which maintained diplomatic relations withTaiwan were closed.[158] Only South Africa, which was to establish relations with the People's Republic of China from 1998, was allowed to keep its Consulate General open for an interim period.[159]
Newspapers, such as theSouth China Morning Post, changed to heading their pages with "National", rather than "Local" and 'China', and began including Chinese names in Chinese characters. However, the online edition still uses "China" and only displays Chinese names in Roman script.[161]
After theTiananmen Square protests of 1989, the Hong Kong government proposed a grand "Rose Garden Project" to restore faith and solidarity among the residents.[165] As the construction of the newHong Kong International Airport would extend well after the handover, Governor Wilson met PRC PremierLi Peng in Beijing to ease the mind of the PRC government.[166]
The communist press published stories that the project was an evil plan to bleed Hong Kong dry before the handover, leaving the territory in serious debt.[167] After three years of negotiations, Britain and the PRC finally reached an agreement over the construction of the new airport, and signed a Memorandum of Understanding.[168] Removing hills and reclaiming land, it took only a few years to construct the new airport.
The Walled City was originally a single fort built in the mid-19th century on the site of an earlier 17th-century watch post on theKowloon Peninsula of Hong Kong.[169] After the ceding ofHong Kong Island to Britain in 1842 (Treaty of Nanjing),ManchuQing Dynasty authorities of China felt it necessary for them to establish a military and administrative post to rule the area and to check further British influence in the area.
The 1898 Convention which handed additional parts of Hong Kong (theNew Territories) to Britain for 99 years excluded the Walled City, with a population of roughly 700. It stated that China could continue to keep troops there, so long as they did not interfere with Britain's temporary rule.
Britain quickly went back on this unofficial part of the agreement, attacking Kowloon Walled City in 1899, only to find it deserted. They did nothing with it, or the outpost, which raised the question of Kowloon Walled City's ownership. The outpost consisted of ayamen, as well as buildings which grew into low-lying, densely packed neighbourhoods from the 1890s to 1940s.
Theenclave remained part of Chinese territory despite the turbulent events of the early 20th century that saw the fall of the Qing government, the establishment of theRepublic of China and, later, aCommunist Chinese government (PRC).
Squatters began to occupy the Walled City, resisting several attempts by Britain in 1948 to drive them out. The Walled City became a haven for criminals and drug addicts, as theHong Kong Police had no right to enter the City and China refused maintainability. The 1949 foundation of the People's Republic of China added thousands of refugees to the population, many fromGuangdong; by this time, Britain had had enough, and simply adopted a "hands-off" policy.
A murder that occurred in Kowloon Walled City in 1959 set off a small diplomatic crisis, as the two nations each tried to get the other to accept responsibility for a vast tract of land now virtually ruled by anti-ManchurianTriads.
After theJoint Declaration in 1984, the PRC allowed British authorities to demolish the city and resettle its inhabitants. The mutual decision to tear down the walled city was made in 1987.[170] The government spent up toHK$3 billion to resettle the residents and shops.
Some residents were not satisfied with the compensation, and some even obstructed the demolition in every possible way.[171] Ultimately, everything was settled, and the Walled City became apark.[172]
TheRepublic of China on Taiwan promulgated theLaws and Regulations Regarding Hong Kong & Macao Affairs on 2 April 1997 byPresidential Order, and theExecutive Yuan on 19 June 1997 ordered the provisions pertaining to Hong Kong to take effect on 1 July 1997.[173]
TheUnited States–Hong Kong Policy Act or more commonly known as the Hong Kong Policy Act (PL no. 102-383m 106 Stat. 1448) is a 1992 act enacted by theUnited States Congress. It allows the United States to continue to treat Hong Kong separately from China for matters concerning trade export and economics control after the handover.[174]
The handover marked the end of British rule in Hong Kong, which was Britain's last substantial overseas territory. Although in statute law set down byParliament, British Hong Kong had no status of pre-eminence vis-a-vis the otherBritish Dependent Territories (as they were then classified before the term British Overseas Territory wasintroduced in 2002), Hong Kong was by far the most populous and economically potent. In 1997 the colony had a population of approximately 6.5 million, which represented roughly 97% of the population of the British Dependent Territories as a whole at that time (the next largest,Bermuda, having a 1997 population of approximately only 62,000). With agross domestic product of approximately US$180 billion in the last year of British rule,[177] Hong Kong's economy was roughly 11% the size of Britain's.[178] Therefore, although the economies of theUnited Kingdom andHong Kong were measured separately, the Handover did mean the British economy in its very broadest sense became substantially smaller (by comparison, the acquisition of Hong Kong boosted the size of theChinese economy, which was then smaller than the United Kingdom's, by 18.4%).[179] As a comparator to Hong Kong, in 2017 Bermuda (as with population, the economically largest of Britain's remaining territories) had a GDP of only US$4.7 billion.[180]
The cession of Hong Kong meant that Britain's remaining territories (excepting the United Kingdom itself) henceforth consisted either of uninhabited lands (for instance theBritish Antarctic Territory), small islands or micro land masses (such asMontserrat), territories used as military bases (for exampleAkrotiri and Dhekelia on the island ofCyprus, itself a formercrown colony granted independence in 1960), or a combination of the latter two (likeGibraltar). While many of Britain's remaining territories are significant to the global economy by virtue of beingoffshore financial centres (Bermuda, theBritish Virgin Islands, and theCayman Islands being the most prominent of these), their economies are insubstantial. Demographically, they are also tiny compared to Britain, with a collective population of less than 0.4% of Britain's 2017 population of 66 million.[181] As of 2018, the combined population of Britain's remaining fourteen Overseas Territories is approximately 250,000, which is less than all but threedistricts of Hong Kong, and roughly equal to that of theCity of Westminster.
Consequently, because ceding Hong Kong came at the end of half a century of decolonisation, and because the handover meant that the United Kingdom became without significant overseas territories,dominions, orcolonies for the first time in its history (Great Britain, having been bequeathed the incipient domains of its later empire by inheriting thecolonial possessions of theKingdom of England upon the passing of theActs of Union 1707, always having been an imperial power,ab initio), the handover of Hong Kong to China is regarded by many (including KingCharles III) as marking the conclusion of theBritish Empire, with 1 July 1997 being its end date and the handover ceremony being its last diplomatic act.
Scholars have begun to study the complexities of the transfer as shown in the popular media, such as films, television and video and online games. For example, Hong Kong directorFruit Chan made a sci-fi thrillerThe Midnight After (2014) that stressed the sense of loss and alienation represented by survivors in an apocalyptic Hong Kong. Chan infuses a political agenda in the film by playing on Hong Kongers' collective anxiety towards communist China.[182] Yiman Wang has argued that America has viewed China through the prisms of films from Shanghai and Hong Kong, with a recent emphasis on futuristic disaster films set in Hong Kong after the transfer goes awry.[183]
The first scripts of 1997 James Bond filmTomorrow Never Dies featured a violent disruption of the transfer of Hong Kong. The plot was re-written out of the concern that if something were to happen during the handover, the film, scheduled to release a few months later, would look out of place.[184]
The handover is central to the plot of the 1998 action comedyRush Hour.[185][186]
It is also mentioned in another 1998 film – Knock Off.[187]
Cui Jian's 1997 single "Get Over That Day" tells the story of a man who learns about the impending return of his never-before-met sister to theirdysfunctional family, alluding to the handover of Hong Kong.[191][192]
Chinese American rapperJin Auyeung has a song called "1997" in his Cantonese albumABC, which he makes references to the handover, ten years since Hong Kong's return to China.[193]
The 2012 James Bond filmSkyfall featuresa villain who had been anMI6 agent in Hong Kong until the Handover, when he was handed over to the Chinese for his unauthorisedhacking of their security networks.[195]
The 2014 video gameWargame: Red Dragon features a campaign set in an alternate history in which negotiations over the ceding of Hong Kong break down resulting in armed conflict.
The handover of Hong Kong is referenced multiple times and witnessed in the 1997 filmChinese Box, starringJeremy Irons andGong Li. The film itself was filmed leading up to and during the handover.[198]
The handover is depicted near the conclusion of the 2003 Hong Kong filmInfernal Affairs II, with the event referenced throughout the film and serves as the background of the story. Analysis on the franchise has suggested the films' messaging to be associated with fears, anxieties and identity crisis of the Hong-Kong identity post-takeover.[199]
The handover of Hong Kong is portrayed in thefifth season ofNetflix's historical-drama seriesThe Crown (2022), in the season's final episode "Decommissioned".
Fawcett, J.J.; Carruthers, J.M.; North, Peter (2008).Cheshire, North & Fawcett: Private International Law. OUP Oxford.ISBN978-0-19-928438-2.
Flowerdew, John.The final years of British Hong Kong: The discourse of colonial withdrawal (Springer, 1998).ISBN9780333683125
Lane, Kevin.Sovereignty and the status quo: the historical roots of China's Hong Kong policy (Westview Press, 1990).ISBN9780367288099
Loh, Christine (2010).Underground front. Hong Kong University Press.ISBN9789622099968.
Mark, Chi-kwan. "To 'educate' Deng Xiaoping in capitalism: Thatcher's visit to China and the future of Hong Kong in 1982".Cold War History Number 17 (December 2015): 1–20.
Sing, Ming (2004).Hong Kong's Tortuous Democratization: A Comparative Analysis. Routledge.ISBN0203180402.
Tang, James TH. "From empire defence to imperial retreat: Britain's postwar China policy and the decolonization of Hong Kong".Modern Asian Studies Vol. 28, No. 2 (May 1994): 317–337.
^Johnson, Chalmers (1984). "The Mousetrapping of Hong Kong".Asian Survey.24 (9). University of California Press: 887, 890.doi:10.2307/2644075.JSTOR2644075.S2CID154160559.TheCommunist party general secretary,Hu Yaobang, stated at a news conference on August 15, 1983: 'We consider the so-called Hong Kong treaties to be unequal. But it is a fact that the treaties exist. Moreover, it is clearly written that the expiration date is June 30, 1997. Therefore, we do not intend to bring forward or postpone this date. We will recover Hong Kong on July 1, 1997. As far as China is concerned, our attitude is one of respect for history.'
^平學生護權會要求收回香港旅大 [Students urge to recover Hong Kong,Luta].The Kung Sheung Daily News (in Chinese). 20 March 1947. p. Headline.
^我政府健全後將促收回香港，英報謂我朝野均有此心 [Our Government to urge recovering Hong Kong after strengthening, supported by cross-party according to British newspapers].The Kung Sheung Daily News (in Chinese). 3 June 1948. p. Headline.
^毛幫重視利益怎會收回香港 [Gang of Mao cares about interests so why would they recover Hong Kong].The Kung Sheung Daily News (in Chinese). 18 June 1967. p. Headline.
^吳學謙與英外相會談,側重於九七年中國收回香港香港成為特區 [Wu Xueqian held talks with British Foreign Secretary, emphasized on China to recover Hong Kong in '97 and Hong Kong to becomeSAR.].Wah Kiu Yat Po (in Chinese). 11 March 1988. p. Headline.
^邵玉銘說:香港九七年後若不能高度自治港台關係起變化,認為中國大陸收回香港進退兩難,內部產生矛盾人民要求資本主義 [Shaw Yu-ming: Hong Kong-Taiwan relations could change if Hong Kong can't enjoy high degree of autonomy after '97; dilemma for Chinese Mainland to recover Hong Kong; internal conflicts arose as people demands capitalism.].Wah Kiu Yat Po (in Chinese). 10 January 1990. p. Headline.
^Meng Bai (夢白).香港回歸談判中的鄧小平 [Deng Xiaoping during negotiations of Hong Kong returning to motherland.] (in Chinese). CPC News.Archived from the original on 3 May 2018. Retrieved7 June 2020.鄧小平在1982年會見撒切爾夫人時用語就是「收回香港」。見《世紀風採》
^ab香港主權移交20週年：為什麼BBC中文網不說「回歸」？ [20 years anniversary for transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong: why BBC Chinese does not use "return to the motherland"?].BBC News (in Chinese). 30 June 2017.Archived from the original on 26 June 2018. Retrieved28 October 2018.
^陳文鴻在專題講座上說港商應該把握機會到內地去發展工業，陳弘毅談香港回歸中國後的法律問題 [Chan Man-hung said Hong Kong businesses shall grab opportunities to expand industry in mainland;Chen Hung-yee discussed legal issues after Hong Kong returned to China.].Ta Kung Pao. 9 March 1984. p. 4.
^British Broadcasting Corporation Monitoring Service (1984).Summary of World Broadcasts: Far East. Vol. Part 3. Monitoring Service of the British Broadcasting Corporation.
^"1898 and all that – a Brief History of Hong Kong".The Economist, 28 June 1997
^"Hong Kong: Timeline of extradition protests".BBC News. 4 September 2019.Archived from the original on 5 November 2019. Retrieved12 November 2019.What started as demonstrations against an extradition bill have since taken on a much wider scope and are now demanding full democratic rights for Hong Kongers.
^Fosh, Patricia, ed. (1999).Hong Kong management and labour: change and continuity. Routledge advances in Asia-Pacific business. London: Routledge.ISBN978-0-415-22269-3.[page needed]
^Crean, Jeffrey (2024).The Fear of Chinese Power: an International History. New Approaches to International History series. London:Bloomsbury Academic.ISBN978-1-350-23394-2.
^An interview with the former British Prime Minister Thatcher just before Britain's handover of Hong Kong back to China on 1 July 1997; Reporter/Producer: Susan Yu; Published on 1 July 1997 and viewable on YouTube.
^Vickers, Edward (2011). "Learning to Love the Motherland: 'National Education' in Post-Retrocession Hong Kong". In Mueller, Gotelind (ed.).Designing history in East Asian textbooks: identity politics and transnational aspirations. Routledge studies in education and society in Asia. London New York: Routledge.ISBN978-0-415-60252-5.
^Hong Kong after the change of sovereignty, Jane McNair and Professor Peter Willoughby,Deacons Graham & James, Hong Kong SAR,Offshore Investment, January 1999, issue 92
^Chia-rong Wu, "Hong Kong Identity in Question: Fruit Chan's Uncanny Narrative and (Post-)97 Complex".American Journal of Chinese Studies (April 2017), Vol. 24 Issue 1, pp 43–56.
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