Terrorism in Bangladesh is primarily composed ofIslamist militant activities aimed at subverting the secular constitutional system to establishSharia rule. These activities are often linked with international jihadist networks such asAl-Qaeda andISIS.[6][7] Major groups includeJama'at-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), responsible for coordinated bombings in 63 locations in 2005 which killed dozens and injured hundreds; its reformed splinter group, Neo-JMB; andAnsarullah Bangla Team (ABT), which targets secular bloggers and minorities.[8][9]
Notable incidents include the 2016Holey Artisan Bakery attack inDhaka, where ISIS-affiliated militants killed 29 hostages, including foreign nationals, in a siege lasting over 12 hours. Alongside this are the serial killings of intellectuals and attacks on theShia andAhmadiyya communities.[10]
Strict counter-measures by the government such as operations by theRapid Action Battalion (RAB), asset seizures, and the execution of JMB leaders through legal processes led to a reduction in major attacks, and by 2023, no transnational incidents had occurred.[9][11] But the ousting of Prime MinisterSheikh Hasina in August 2024 accelerated institutional chaos, creating a policing vacuum and leading to the release of convicted militants. This has fueled a documented increase in extremist activities by groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir,[12] and the risk of an Islamist resurgence has grown as counter-terrorism solidarity has weakened.[13]
In the early twentieth century, Bengal (present-dayBangladesh andWest Bengal) emerged as a center of revolutionary terrorism against British colonial rule, characterized by secret societies committing assassinations, bombings, and robberies to challenge imperial authority. Groups like theAnushilan Samiti andJugantar, active from around 1905, drew inspiration from Hindu nationalist ideology and physical culture movements to target British officials and infrastructure in an attempt to instigate a mass uprising; these activities peaked during theSwadeshi movement following the1905 Partition of Bengal. Notable incidents included the 1908 Muzaffarpur bombing, which killed two British women.[14][15] Although East Bengal saw marginal involvement through networks extending revolutionary propaganda and arms smuggling, terrorism was more pronounced in West Bengal districts such asKolkata andDhaka, as the region's Muslim-majority population mitigated the Hindu-centric appeals.[16] British countermeasures, including internment under the 1919 Rowlatt Act and theBengal Criminal Law Amendment, suppressed these groups by the 1930s, shifting the main focus towards mainstream nationalism led by the Congress.[17]
After the 1947 partition, East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh) witnessed sporadic violence against Hindus amid the chaos of migration and property disputes, but organized terrorism remained dormant.[18] Islamist groups likeJamaat-e-Islami, founded in 1941, prioritized pan-Islamic unity withinPakistan and opposed Bangladesh's independence, but they did not participate in any documented terrorist operations during that period.[19]
UnderOperation Searchlight, which began on March 25, 1971, state-sponsored acts of terror by Pakistani forces to crush Bangladesh's demand for independence led to planned attacks on Dhaka's universities, newspapers, and Awami League offices, resulting in the deaths of thousands of Bengali civilians within days. Pakistani military strategy included paramilitary auxiliary forces, primarily recruited from the Bihari community and Jamaat-e-Islami collaborators, known asRazakars. These forces engaged in raiding villages, carrying out targeted killings of intellectuals, and committing sexual violence, leading to an estimated 200,000 to 3 million civilian deaths and up to 400,000 cases of rape during these nine months.[20][21]
The actions of the Jamaat-e-Islami leadership, who collected intelligence and formed units likeAl-Badr to kill Bengalis and Hindus, were subsequently tried as war crimes in Bangladesh's tribunals.[22][19]
Following Bangladesh's independence in 1971, leftist insurgent groups, including thePurba Banglar Sarbahara Party (PBSP) established bySiraj Sikder in June 1971, initiated armed opposition against theSheikh Mujibur Rahman government. In their view, this government was aligned with Indian and Soviet interests instead of a genuine proletarian revolution. These Maoist groups, which had broken away from previous communist movements, conducted guerrilla operations targeting state forces and alleged class enemies. Discontent over post-independence economic policies and political centralization fueled these activities.[23]
This insurgency intensified by 1972-1975, involving groups like theGonobahini (People's Army), the armed wing of theJatiya Samajtantrik Dal (Jasad), which had split from the radical leftist faction of theAwami League. They clashed with government forces amid rising tensions in late 1974.[24] The killing of Siraj Sikder in January 1975 and subsequent military crackdowns underZiaur Rahman caused these groups to fragment; although their militant capabilities diminished by the late 1970s, their remnants persisted with limited activities in rural areas.[23]
Parallel to the leftist unrest, ethnic tensions in theChittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) escalated into an insurgency in the mid-1970s. This stemmed from indigenous grievances over the loss of traditional autonomy, which was further exacerbated by the influx of Bengali settlers and development projects like the 1963 Kaptai Dam. The Kaptai Dam had displaced nearly 100,000 tribal people. The Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), formed in 1972, established the Shanti Bahini as its armed wing and began guerrilla attacks on military outposts and settlers in 1977, amidst government assimilation policies under military rule.[25]
The Shanti Bahini's tactics included ambushes, kidnappings, and bombings. According to government statistics, this resulted in an estimated 1,180 soldiers and civilians killed, 766 injured, and 582 abducted from 1980 onwards, while their fighter strength was around 2,500 in the early 1990s. The government deployed over 120,000 troops for counter-insurgency operations in the early 1980s, which included allegations of forcibly transferring nearly 400,000 Bengali settlers and human rights violations. This contributed to over 80,000 tribal refugees fleeing to India and a total estimated 30,000 deaths until the conflict's resolution in 1997.[26]
One of Bangladesh's oldest Islamist militant groups,Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B), was formally established in April 1992 by a group ofMujahideen cadres returning from fighting inAfghanistan during the Soviet-Afghan War.[27] The group's formation was accelerated by the arrival of nearly 3,000 Bangladeshi volunteers who had received military training from Arab instructors, includingOsama bin Laden, and were indoctrinated in Salafi-jihadist ideology during the late 1980s and early 1990s.[28] HuJI-B's declared objective was to overthrow the secular government through armed struggle and establish Sharia law. It developed operational relationships with groups such as Pakistan's Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami and the early networks of al-Qaeda.[29] Its initial leadership included individuals like Shawkat Osman, who coordinated recruitment and training camps in Bangladesh's remote border areas.[30]
By the mid-1990s, HuJI-B began assassinating secular intellectuals and politicians considered 'apostates' and launched other small-scale operations, initiating madrasa-based recruitment linked to Deobandi institutions. Members of this group pledged allegiance to global jihadist fatwas.[31] Notably, they signed bin Laden's 1998 declaration of war against the United States and its allies. Their funding came from donations, initially arriving via Pakistani intermediaries, and local extortion, which was used to purchase light arms smuggled from Afghanistan.
Towards the end of the decade, in April 1998,Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) emerged in Palampur, Dhaka Division. It was led by Abdur Rahman, a former member of HuJI-B. JMB emphasized rapid militarization and targeted assassinations to accelerate the establishment of a caliphate. They broke away from the larger networks, prioritizing internal insurgency over immediate 'foreign conspiracies'. Its core cadre of initially 100-200 members focused on bomb-making skills acquired from Afghan-returnees, which set the stage for coordinated attacks in the early 2000s. Political instability under successiveBNP andAwami League governments, porous borders, and unchecked madrasa radicalization enabled this transformation.[32]
During the Soviet-Afghan War (1979-1989), Bangladeshi volunteers were drawn to fight with Mujahid forces, gaining exposure to combat training, explosives expertise, and Salafi-jihadi ideology in camps supported by Saudi, Pakistani, and other patrons. Returning fighters leveraged this experience in domestic militant activities. This culminated in the formation of Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B) in April 1992, led by a core group of these veterans with the goal of establishing Islamic rule in Bangladesh. HuJI-B's initial operations reflected tactics honed in Afghanistan, such as conducting ambushes in small units and bomb-making.[33][34]
Global jihadism, through Al-Qaeda's international network, further amplified these influences. Consequently, HuJI-B established operational relationships, including safe havens, funding, and joint training, in the Afghan-Pakistani border regions. HuJI-B leaders, including Mufti Abdur Rauf, endorsed Osama bin Laden's February 1998 fatwa calling for attacks on American and allied interests. Although this aligned Bangladeshi militants with the 'far enemy' doctrine, they continued to prioritize local secular targets. This nexus enabled HuJI-B to train hundreds of members in Bangladesh and send fighters abroad.[35][36][37]
The establishment of Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) in September 2014 further expanded this connection. They involved Bangladeshi members in regional plots, such as attempting vessel hijackings and the targeted killings of bloggers who promoted secularism.[38][39]
During the military regimes ofZiaur Rahman (1975–1981) andHussain Muhammad Ershad (1982–1990), large-scale organized Islamist terrorism had not manifested; thus, counter-terrorism efforts were primarily directed at leftist insurgent and separatist movements rather than emerging Islamist networks. To consolidate power following theassassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Ziaur Rahman adopted various Islamization policies to bolster political support, including removing secularism from the constitution in 1977, inserting Islamic phrases such as "Bismillah-ar-Rahman-ar-Rahim," and granting legitimacy to previously banned religion-based political parties that had collaborated with Pakistan during the1971 Liberation War. These measures facilitated the return and integration of BangladeshiMujahideen who had fought against the Soviets in Afghanistan, leading to the formation of groups such asHarkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B) in 1992. At that time, no specific bans or crackdown operations were conducted targeting these proto-Islamist elements.[40][41]
Ershad continued this trend by declaring Islam the state religion through a constitutional amendment in 1988, thereby further embedding Islamist influence in governance and education. At that time, security forces prioritized suppressing threats from communist and regional autonomy movements, such as in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, over emerging jihadi ideology. In the absence of specific counter-terrorism legislation, responses relied on ordinary penal codes and military intelligence, and documented actions against Islamist precursors were minimal.[42]
During the regimes of theBangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), particularly Khaleda Zia's 1991–1996 and 2001–2006 terms, Islamist terrorism further escalated due to their alliance with Islamist parties such as Jamaat-e-Islami. These parties were partners in the coalition government and provided electoral support.
As BNP officials provided tacit protection to militants in exchange for political loyalty, Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), formed around 1998–2000, expanded unchecked in the early 2000s, recruiting members through madrasas and carrying out low-level extortion and assassinations.[43] This leniency led to the unchecked growth of networks responsible for grenade attacks on political targets, such as the 2004 attack on an Awami League rally; however, effective measures were taken only after the situation had deteriorated.
A strategic shift occurred following JMB's nationwide serial bombings on August 17, 2005, in which over 450 low-capacity explosive devices were detonated across 63 districts, leaving two dead and dozens injured. This compelled the BNP government to ban JMB and HuJI-B in October 2005 under existing emergency powers. Subsequent operations resulted in the arrest of leaders such as JMB chiefShaykh Abdur Rahman andSiddique ul-Islam (Bangla Bhai) in late 2005, with trials and executions carried out under the Caretaker administration of 2007–2008. But critics note that these measures were reactive and influenced by international pressure, rather than being part of a proactive strategy.[44][45]
Following its victory in the January 2009 elections, the Awami League government, led by Prime MinisterSheikh Hasina, enacted theAnti-Terrorism Act 2009 aimed at bolstering the legal framework against militant groups. This Act replaced prior ordinances and incorporated provisions for the seizure of assets related to terrorism financing, the admissibility of confessions as evidence, and various penalties, including capital punishment.[46] The law was subsequently amended in 2012 and 2013 to dismantle networks such asJamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) andHarkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI), by expanding the definition of terrorism, expediting trials through special tribunals, and mandating the death penalty for financing militant activities.[47]
During the Awami League's tenure, security forces, such as theRapid Action Battalion (RAB), conducted extensive operations targeting JMB, Neo-JMB, and ISIS-affiliated organizations, resulting in thousands of arrests and the neutralization of numerous operational cells.[48] Following the2016 Holey Artisan Bakery attack in Dhaka, which left 29 dead and was claimed by ISIS, authorities launched 'Operation Thunderbolt'. This operation led to the arrest of over 3,000 suspects, including 37 confirmed militants, within mere days, and a further 8,500 individuals were detained in a subsequent combing operation in mid-June 2016.[49][50] RAB and theCounter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC) unit dismantled bomb-making factories and financing channels. As part of these operations, which continued into the 2020s, JMB members were arrested from areas such as Rajshahi as late as April 2017.[51][52]
Judicial proceedings included the execution of HuJI leader Mufti Abdul Kader Molla and his two associates on April 12, 2017, for the 2004 grenade attack on the British High Commissioner,[53] and the sentencing of 14 JMB militants to death in March 2021 for the conspiracy to assassinate Sheikh Hasina in 2000.[54] Although ISIS-inspired incidents increased between 2013 and 2016, intelligence-led operations and international cooperation weakened militant coordination, reducing the threat to a low level between 2017 and 2023.[55][56]
Critics, including human rights organizations, have alleged that RAB committed extrajudicial killings, known as 'crossfire' deaths, during these operations. In December 2021, the United States imposed sanctions on this unit and seven of its former officials over allegations of human rights abuses related to counter-terrorism activities.[57] But government data emphasizes that these measures specifically targeted identified militants.[58][59]
On 24 November, JSD leaderAbu Taher was arrested under the order ofZiaur Rahman. Abu Taher was executed on 21 July 1976, ending the first phase of the conflict.[66]
On 28 July, the court of the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate inRajshahi sentenced the founder ofShahadat-e al Hiqma, Sayed Kawsar Hossain Siddique, to jail.[94]
On 17 September, acting on a tip, Rapid Action Battalion discovered and dismantled a weapons and explosives storage facility located in the Satchhari forest,Chunarughat Upazila,Habiganj. 112 rocket launchers and 14 sacks of explosive material were confiscated during the operation.[101]
On 18 September, police arrested seven JMB militant, including a top commander Abdullah al-Tasnim, in the Landing Station Port area. The militants intended to utilise 10 kilograms of liquid explosives, in a number of terrorist acts throughout the country, in order to establish cooperation withISIL.[102]
On 1 November, a Rapid Action Battalion operation led to the capture of JMB's main coordinator Abdun Nur as well as four other militants. IED components were also seized.[103]
On 15 March, ISIL claimed responsibility for murdering a Muslim preacher in Bangladesh.[108]
On 22 March, unidentified attackers hacked a Christian convert to death in northern Bangladesh.[109] A day after, ISIL claimed responsibility for the attack.[110]
On 7 April, a secular blogger was hacked to death by Islamists who claimed to be part ofal-Qaeda.[111][112]
On 23 April, a university professor,A. F. M. Rezaul Karim Siddique, was hacked to death on his way to work in northern Bangladesh. Without any evidence, ISIL claimed responsibility for the attack.[113][114]
On 30 April, aHindu tailor was hacked to death in his store. ISIL claimed responsibility for the attack.[117] On the next day, Bangladesh authorities arrested three ISIL suspects for the murder.[118]
On 21 May, a homeopathic doctor was hacked to death in Bangladesh. ISIL claimed responsibility for the attack.[119]
On 1 July, militants hacked aBuddhist farmer to death inBandarban District. Mong Shwe Lung Marma, 55, was also vice president of the Awami League. ISIL fighters claimed responsibility for the murder.[120]
On 1 July, five attackers opened fire inside theHoley Artisan Bakery located in the Gulshan neighbourhood, which is also part of the diplomatic enclave ofDhaka. Around 22 civilians and two police officers were killed. All five attackers were killed by the commando units of theBangladesh Armed Forces, who stormed the building.[121][122]
On 14 March, a MuslimSufi spiritual leader and his daughter were shot and hacked to death by unknown militants in northern Bangladesh.[125]
On 17 March, during the2017 Dhaka RAB camp suicide bombing, a suicide bomber blew himself up inside an under construction camp of the anti-crime Rapid Action Battalion, mildly injuring two security personnel.[126]
On 24 March, a suicide bomber blew himself up outside a police check-post on the road leading toHazrat Shahjalal International Airport causing no injuries to other people. ISIL claimed the attack.[127]
On 25 March, during the2017 South Surma Upazila bombings, a suicide bombing killed four civilians and two police officers and wounded around 40 during a security forces raid on a suspected terrorist hideout inSouth Surma Upazila. ISIL claimed responsibility. Four militants were also killed.[128]
On 12 April, Mufti Abdul Hannan, the chief of Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami Bangladesh, alongside two associates, were executed atKashimpur Central Jail almost 12 years after being arrested.[129]
On 28 May, three members of the United People's Democratic Front were gunned down by unidentified assailants in Korolyachhari,Baghaichhari Upazila.[131] The United People's Democratic Front blamed the attack on two rival groups, the PCJSS-MN Larma and theUnited People's Democratic Front (Democratic).[132]
On 29 June, acting on a tipoff,Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) arrested five members of banned militant outfit Ansar Al Islam (AAI) from Belpukur area inPuthia Upazila ofRajshahi. RAB recovered a pistol, 24 crude bombs, five bullets, two magazines, 10 jihadi books and eight organisational notebooks from them.[133]
On 26 August, members of the United People's Democratic Front engaged in a shootout with a group of patrolling soldiers inDighinala Upazila,Khagrachhari, leaving three militants dead.[134]
On 28 December, Rashidul Islam, a regional leader ofGono Mukti Fouz was arrested by the RAB inKushtia District,Khulna after a raid.[135] One rifle, one pistol, 16 rounds of ammunition and "domestic weapons" were recovered.
In July, the United People's Democratic Front's Joan Chakma led a contingent of Buddhist-Chakmas to Suandrapara, a village of theBawm Christian convert community, where they issued threats and conducted two raids, damaging a church.[137]
On 18 July, Bangladesh Police announced the arrests of Nur Mohammad, chairman of ARSA's fatwa committee, and Abu Bakkar, a commander of the group accused of the killings ofRohingyas in October 2021. The two were stated to have been arrested on 7 and 17 July respectively.Armed Police Battalion unit 14 commander Naimul Haque claimed that they had arrested 836 Rohingyas linked to ARSA in the last six months.[3]
On 18 May, two members of the United People's Democratic Front were shot dead by presumed rivals of the United People's Democratic Front inLangadu Upazila.[140]
On 11 October, aMolotov cocktail was thrown at theDurga Pujapandal in Dhaka's Tantibazar. People chased the perpetrators, who injured four others by stabbing in an effort to escape.[145]
On 14 October, during the visarjan (immersion) of the Hindu idols, extremists began throwing bricks at Hindus from the roof of a building inold Dhaka. When some Hindus tried to go up to the building to stop the throwing, the police prevented the Hindus from going up. In this incident, two Hindus were injured.[146]
On 5 November, a mob reacted to a Facebook post callingISKCON a "terrorist organisation".[147] An incident occurred inHazari Lane,Chittagong, Bangladesh.[147] The mob, including members associated with ISKCON, attacked a localMuslim businessman who shared the post and attempted to burn down his shop in the vicinity.[147] Over 80 people were detained and 49 arrests were made.[148]
On 17 November, accusing a Hindu youth of having a romantic relationship with a Muslim teenage girl inKarimganj, a boy was beaten severely in the presence of the army and, when taken to 'PAH Medical College Hospital,' the on-duty doctor officially declared him dead.[149]
On 24 February, anAttack occurred onBangladesh Air Force Base in Cox's Bazar when a group of "miscreants" launched an assault on the base located near the Samiti Para area inCox's Bazar. One person was killed and several were injured as a result of the clash.[158]
WithMalaysia filing charges against 36 Bangladeshis for alleged involvement ofISIS in June 2025, the incident highlights risks inoverseas labour channels and demands greater transparency[165] in bilateral security coordination, beyond rhetorical commitments to globalcounterterrorism norms.[166]
On 14 July, 2 people were arrested in suspecting links with theTehreek-e-Taliban.[167] One individual, " Shamin Mahfuz " was arrested in Narayanganj.[168]
Public perception in Bangladesh suggests growing concern over youth radicalization since 2009, with observers linking it to both local and global influences.[169] Ideology is often seen as a key factor, with groups likeISIS andAl-Qaeda reportedly targeting educated youth. A "Pyramid Root Cause model" has been proposed to explain this trend.[170][171]
Dhaka Range Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police Md Rezaul Karim Mallick stated that there has been no real militancy in Bangladesh over the past 18 years, describing previous concerns as a "drama."[172] Speaking at an anti-terrorism rally inShariatpur, his remarks have drawn criticism from observers who argue that such comments overlook documented incidents and undermine efforts by law enforcement and counterterrorism agencies. He was earlier removed from his post due to a similar widespread criticism.[173][174]
^InBangladesh Italian Marble Works Ltd. v. Government of Bangladesh, theSupreme Court ruled that Mostaq's accession to the Presidency was illegal as it violated the line of succession and occurred after a military coup. Therefore, it was declared that Mostaq was a usurper and all Ordinances rendered by him under martial law were null and void of any legal effect.[62][63][64]
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