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Territorial integrity

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Principle under international law that prohibits states from using force to annex territory

Territorial integrity is the principle underinternational law where sovereign states have a right to defend their borders and all territory in them from another state. It is enshrined inArticle 2(4) of theUN Charter and has been recognized as customary international law.[1] Under this principle, forcible imposition of a border change is anact of aggression.

In the post-World War years, there has been tension between this principle and the concept ofhumanitarian intervention under Article 73.b of theUnited Nations Charter "to develop self-government, to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples, and to assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions, according to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and their varying stages of advancement."[2]

Some of the strongest safeguards of territorial integrity arerule of law such asCharter of the United Nations andnuclear deterrence.[3]

Scholars have debated the existence of a territorial integritynorm since the end of World War II.[4][5] Conquest of large swaths of territory has been rare,[6] but states have since 1945 continued to pursue (and often successfully) the violent annexation of small swaths of territory.[5][7]

History

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Prior to themodern era, there was not a clearly defined system of international boundaries.[8] Rather,authority over territorial spaces was non-linear, often overlapping and shifting.[9][10] According to Mark Zacher, "precisely surveyed national borders only came into clear view in the eighteenth century".[11] Guntram Herb dates the emergence of clearly defined political territories to the 15th century.[12]

ThePeace of Westphalia in 1648 is commonly considered to have established territorial integrity as a cornerstone ofsovereignty, embodied in the concept ofWestphalian sovereignty, but even this did not necessarily reflect any absolute right to particular territory.[13] Even after Westphalia, territorial exchange remained common between states. In turn, these states were culturally diverse and politically disorganized, and people were not collectively identified by state borders.[14]

The emergence ofnationalism andself-determination in the 18th and 19th centuries began to alter people's perception of the states in which they resided. Nationalism promoted the belief that territory belonged to anation and that the territorial integrity of a nation should be respected.[15] Guntram Herb argues national identity is "dependent on territory because only territory provides tangible evidence of the nation's existence and its historical roots, and a nation needs a clearly demarcated national territory to demand its own state".[16] John Etherington agrees, stating: "Underlying all nationalist claims over territory is the proposition that nation and territory ultimately belong to each other, to the extent that the characteristic features of each cannot be understood without making reference to the other".[17] He observes how, because all nationalist movements necessarily make territorial claims in a world marked by competing claims over territory, this becomes an essential part of their self-justification.[18]

FollowingWorld War I, the establishment of theLeague of Nations ushered in a new era of international cooperation. The League'sCovenant codified territorial integrity as a key principle of international law.[19] However, the political conditions for maintaining the territorial status quo after the war were not always maintained and various post-war settlements involved exchanges of territory irrespective of local populations.[20]

With the formation of theUnited Nations (UN) and, later, such organizations as theConference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (nowOrganization for Security and Co-operation in Europe), territorial integrity became a well-established part of international resolutions. TheUN Charter of 1945 affirmed states’ obligation not to use force to alter state boundaries.[21] Enforcement difficulties in the 21st century[22] have led to controversy on possible re-emergence of theright of conquest asinternational law.[23]

In a changing world

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The recent (post-World War II) strict application of territorial integrity has given rise to a number of problems and, when faced with reality "on the ground", can be seen as too artificial a construct.[24]

Military situation ofAbkhazia, South Ossetia andNagorno-Karabakh between 2008 and 2023

At the2005 World Summit, the world's nations agreed on a "Responsibility to Protect", allowing a right for humanitarian intervention. It has been argued that this could create a flexible application of concepts of sovereignty and territorial integrity, easing the strict adherence and taking into account thede facto status of the territory and other factors present on a case by case basis.[25] TheUnited Nations Security Council Resolution 1674, adopted by theUnited Nations Security Council on April 28, 2006, "Reaffirm[ed] the provisions of paragraphs 138 and 139 of the 2005World Summit Outcome Document regarding the responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity".[26]

However, this responsibility to protect refers only to the ability of external powers to override sovereignty and does not explicitly involve the changing of borders.

TheInternational Court of Justice advisory opinion on Kosovo's declaration of independence claims that territorial integrity is not violated as far as international law is concerned by declarations of independence in themselves.

Writing on the cross-border institutions created inNorthern Ireland following theGood Friday Agreement, Cathal McCall observes how these configurations constituted a "functional transterritorial model of governance for Northern Ireland based on the principles of interdependence, inclusion and consent" as opposed to the previous "exclusivist territorial political pillars of modern Irish nationalism and Ulster unionism".[27] That is, the exclusivist assumptions of territorial integrity, embodied inIrish nationalism andUlster unionism were blurred by the Agreement's implementation of cross-border decision-making.

See also

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References

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  1. ^Corten, Olivier (2011). "Territorial Integrity Narrowly Interpreted: Reasserting the Classical Inter-State Paradigm of International Law".Leiden Journal of International Law.87: 88 – via Hein Online.
  2. ^"UN Charter Chapter XI".
  3. ^Mazarr, Michael J. "Virtual Territorial Integrity: The Next International Norm." Survival August-September 2020: Crisis and response. Routledge, 2023. 101-118.
  4. ^Goertz, Gary; Diehl, Paul F.; Balas, Alexandru (2016),"The Development of Territorial Norms and the Norm against Conquest",The Puzzle of Peace, Oxford University Press,doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199301027.001.0001,ISBN 978-0-19-930102-7
  5. ^abAltman, Dan (2020)."The Evolution of Territorial Conquest After 1945 and the Limits of the Territorial Integrity Norm".International Organization.74 (3):490–522.doi:10.1017/S0020818320000119.ISSN 0020-8183.S2CID 226467742.
  6. ^Fazal, Tanisha M. (2004)."State Death in the International System".International Organization.58 (2):311–344.ISSN 0020-8183.
  7. ^O'Mahoney, Joseph (2024)."The Ripple Effects of the Illegitimacy of War".International Studies Quarterly.68 (3).doi:10.1093/isq/sqae082.ISSN 0020-8833.
  8. ^Zacher, Mark W. (2001)."The Territorial Integrity Norm: International Boundaries and the Use of Force"(PDF).International Organization.55 (2):215–250.doi:10.1162/00208180151140568. Retrieved28 December 2023.
  9. ^Goettlich, Kerry (2019)."The rise of linear borders in world politics".European Journal of International Relations.25 (1):203–228.doi:10.1177/1354066118760991.
  10. ^Zacher, p.216
  11. ^Zacher, p.216
  12. ^Herb, Guntram H. (1999). Kaplan, David H.; Herb, G. Henrik (eds.).Nested Identities: Nationalism, Territory, and Scale. United Kingdom: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 10.ISBN 9780847684670.
  13. ^Zacher, p.216
  14. ^Zacher, p.217
  15. ^Zacher, p.217
  16. ^Herb, p.9
  17. ^Etherington, John (2007)."Nationalism, Exclusion and Violence: A Territorial Approach".Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism.7 (3):24–44.doi:10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00160.x. Retrieved20 February 2024. p.25
  18. ^Etherington, John (2007)."Nationalism, Exclusion and Violence: A Territorial Approach".Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism.7 (3):24–44.doi:10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00160.x. Retrieved20 February 2024. p.25
  19. ^Zacher, p.219
  20. ^Zacher", p.220
  21. ^Zacher, p.221
  22. ^Jeria, Michelle Bachelet (2016)."The Challenges to International Law in the 21st Century".Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting.110:3–11.doi:10.1017/S0272503700102435.ISSN 0272-5037.
  23. ^Mulligan, Michael (2020)."The Re-Emergence of Conquest: International Law and the Legitimate Use of Force".Liverpool Law Review.41 (3):293–313.doi:10.1007/s10991-020-09250-3.
  24. ^Stuart Elden (University Of Durham)Boundaries-in-the-making (Part 1): Critical perspectives on national bordersArchived 2006-08-23 at theWayback Machine paper presented on 4 June 2005 to theAssociation of American GeographersArchived 2007-02-06 at theWayback Machine 2005 Annual Meeting
  25. ^Annan calls for endorsement of Responsibility to ProtectArchived 2005-09-10 at theWayback Machine
  26. ^Resolution 1674 (2006)Archived 2009-02-23 at theWayback Machine on theUnited Nations Information System on the Question of PalestineArchived 2002-08-15 at theWayback Machine website
  27. ^McCall, Cathal (2001)."The Production of Space and the Realignment of Identity in Northern Ireland".Regional & Federal Studies.11 (2):1–24.doi:10.1080/714004696. Retrieved25 February 2024., pp.2-3

Further reading

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  • Sebastian Anstis and Mark Zacher (June 2010). "The Normative Bases of the Global Territorial Order."Diplomacy and Statecraft21: 306–323.
  • Mark Zacher (2001). "The Territorial Integrity Norm."International Organization55: 215–250.
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