Mandarin was not a prevalent spoken language in Taiwan before the mid-20th century. Early Chinese immigrants who settled in Taiwan beforeJapanese rule mainly spoke othervarieties of Chinese languages, primarilyHakka andHokkien. By contrast,Taiwanese indigenous peoples speak unrelatedAustronesian languages. Japanannexed Taiwan in 1895 and governed the island as a colony for the next 50 years, introducingJapanese in education, government, and public life. With the defeat of Imperial Japan in World War II, Taiwan was transferred to theRepublic of China, ruled by theKuomintang (KMT), which by 1950 had been expelled from the mainland by theChinese Communist Party (CCP). The KMT promulgatedStandard Mandarin known asGuoyu in Taiwan while suppressing non-Mandarin languages in the public sphere. At the same time, thePeople's Republic of China promoted the same national language asPutonghua (普通话;普通話;Pǔtōnghuà; 'common speech') on the mainland.[note 2]
Putonghua in mainland China andGuoyu (also calledHuayu) in Taiwan are highly similar and derive from the same standard based on thephonology of theBeijing dialect of Mandarin and the grammar ofwritten vernacular Mandarin in the early 20th century.[5] StandardGuoyu pronunciations tend to be based on prescribed dictionaries of the period, whereas StandardPutonghua integrated colloquial Northern Mandarin pronunciations for some words. Notable characteristics ofGuoyu as is commonly spoken in Taiwan include its somewhat different tonal qualities compared toPutonghua, the lack of theerhua phenomenon, and the lack of retroflex consonants (withzh-,ch-,sh- being pronounced likez-,c-, ands-) in most contexts.Guoyu also incorporates vocabulary from Hokkien and Japanese. Written Mandarin in Taiwan generally usestraditional characters, in contrast to thesimplified characters used on the mainland. Some grammatical differences also exist, often due to Hokkien influence. The two varieties of Mandarin have diverged in the decades since the political separation of Taiwan and the mainland.
Guoyu spoken in Taiwan exists on a spectrum, from the most formal, standardized variety to the least formal, with the heaviest Hokkien influence. On one end of the spectrum, there is StandardGuoyu (標準國語;Biāozhǔn guóyǔ), an official national language of Taiwan. This variety is taught as the standard in the education system and is employed in official communications and most news media. The core of this standard variety is described in theMinistry of Education Mandarin Chinese Dictionary. Very few people speak purely standardGuoyu, however. Mandarin, as colloquially spoken in Taiwan, can be broadly called "TaiwanGuoyu" (台灣國語;Táiwān guóyǔ). TaiwanGuoyu diverges in varying degrees from StandardGuoyu, with some speakers being closer to StandardGuoyu than others. These divergences are often the result of TaiwanGuoyu incorporating influences from otherlanguages used in Taiwan, primarily Hokkien, but also Japanese. Like StandardGuoyu, TaiwanGuoyu is also mutually intelligible withPutonghua, but when compared with StandardGuoyu, TaiwanGuoyu exhibits greater differences in pronunciation, vocabulary, and grammar. It is important to differentiate the term "TaiwanGuoyu" from "TaiwanHuayu", the latter of which simply refers to the way Mandarin is spoken in Taiwan by native speakers, unlike the former, which refers to second-language speakers ofGuoyu.
Chinese is not a single language but a group of languages in theSinitic branch of theSino-Tibetan family, which includes varieties such as Mandarin,Cantonese, andHakka. They share a common ancestry and script,Chinese characters, and among Chinese speakers, they are popularly considered dialects (方言fāngyán) of the same, overarching language. These dialects are often extremely divergent in the spoken form, however, and notmutually intelligible. Accordingly, Western and Taiwanese linguists tend to treat them as separate languages rather than dialects of the same language;[6] citingYuen Ren Chao,John DeFrancis likened the differences among some dialects as like those between English and Dutch, for example.[7]
Mandarin Chinese is a grouping of Chinese languages that includes at least eight subgroups, often also called dialects. In English, "Mandarin" can refer to any of theseMandarin dialects, which are not necessarily mutually intelligible.[8] However, the term is most commonly used to refer toStandard Chinese,[9][10] theprestige dialect.
Standard Chinese in the People's Republic of China (mainland China) is calledPutonghua (普通話;Pǔtōnghuà; 'common speech') and in the Republic of China (Taiwan)Guoyu (國語;Guóyǔ; 'national language'). Both of these are based on theBeijing dialect of Mandarin and are mutually intelligible, but also feature various lexical, phonological, and grammatical differences.[11] There exists significant variation withinPutonghua andGuoyu as well.[12] Some scholars have argued thatPutonghua andGuoyu are artificial standards that, strictly speaking, do not represent the natively spoken language of a significant number of, or even any, people.[13][14][15]
Guoyu exists on a continuum from the most standard, formal version of the language to the form most heavily influenced by Hokkien.[16][17] The former variety can be called StandardGuoyu (標準國語;Biāozhǔn Guóyǔ) in contrast to the less standard TaiwanGuoyu (臺灣國語;Táiwān Guóyǔ).[note 3] More formal settings—such as television news broadcasts—tend to feature speakers using StandardGuoyu, which closely resembles mainlandPutonghua, but is not generally used as a day-to-day language.[21] Language falling on the less standard side of theGuoyu spectrum may be stigmatized as uneducated.[22][23]
This article focuses on the features of both StandardGuoyu, particularly its relationship toPutonghua, as well as non-standard but widespread features of Mandarin in Taiwan, grouped under TaiwanGuoyu.[note 4]
Large-scaleHan Chinese settlement of Taiwan began in the 17th century byHoklo immigrants fromFujian province who spokeSouthern Min languages (predominantlyHokkien), and to a lesser extent, Hakka immigrants who spoke their respective language.[24]Taiwanese indigenous peoples already inhabited the island, speaking a variety ofAustronesian languages unrelated to Chinese. In the centuries following Chinese settlement, the number of indigenous languages dropped significantly, with several going extinct, in part due to the process ofsinicization.[25]
Official communications among the Han were done in Mandarin (官話;Guānhuà; 'official language'), but the primary languages of everyday life were Hokkien or Hakka.[26] After its defeat in theFirst Sino-Japanese War, the Qing dynasty ceded Taiwan to theEmpire of Japan, which governed the island as anImperial colony from 1895 to 1945. By the end of the colonial period, Japanese had become thehigh dialect of the island as the result of decades ofJapanization policy.[26]
After the Republic of China under theKuomintang (KMT) gained control of Taiwan in 1945, Mandarin was introduced as the official language and made compulsory in schools, although the local population rarely spoke it at the time.[27] Many who hadfled the mainland after the defeat of the KMT by the Communists also spoke non-standard varieties of Mandarin, which may have influenced later colloquial pronunciations.[28]Wu Chinese dialects were also influential due to the relative power of KMT refugees from Wu-speakingZhejiang,Chiang Kai-shek's home province.[29]
The Mandarin Promotion Council (now calledNational Languages Committee) was established in 1946 by Chief ExecutiveChen Yi to standardize and popularize the usage of Mandarin in Taiwan. The Kuomintang heavily discouraged the use of Southern Min and other non-Mandarin languages, portraying them as inferior,[30][31] and school children were punished for speaking their non-Mandarin native languages.[27]Guoyu was thus established as alingua franca among the various groups in Taiwan at the expense of existing languages.[31][32]
Following the end ofmartial law in 1987, language policy in the country underwent liberalization, butGuoyu remained the dominant language. Local languages were no longer proscribed in public discourse, mass media, and schools.[33] English and "mother tongue education" (母語教育;mǔyǔ jiàoyù) — Hokkien and Hakka — were introduced as elective subjects in primary school in 2001.[34] Greater time and resources are devoted to both Mandarin and English, which are compulsory subjects, compared to mother tongue instruction.[35]
Government statistics from 2020 found that 66.3% of Taiwanese residents useGuoyu as their primary language, and another 30.4% use it as a secondary language (31.7% usedMinnanyu/Hokkien as their primary language, and 54.3% used it as a secondary language).[3][36]Guoyu is the primary language for over 80% of people in the northern areas of Taipei,Taoyuan, andHsinchu.[3] Youth is correlated with use ofGuoyu: in 2020, over two-thirds of Taiwanese over 65 used Hokkien or Hakka as their primary language, compared with just 11% of 15–24-year-olds.[37]
A 2004 study found that Mandarin (Guoyu) was spoken more fluently by Hakka and Taiwanese aboriginals than their respective mother tongues; Hoklo groups, on average, spoke better Hokkien, but Hoklo under 50 years old still spoke significantly better Mandarin (with comparable levels of fluency to their usage of Hokkien) than the elderly.[38][note 5] Overall, while both national and local levels of government have taken some measures to promote the use of non-Mandarin Chinese languages, younger generations generally prefer using Mandarin.[39]
In practice, Taiwanese Mandarin users may write informal, shorthand characters (俗字;súzì; 'customary/conventional characters'; also俗體字sútǐzì) in place of the full traditional forms. Thesevariant Chinese characters are generally easier to write by hand and consist of fewerstrokes. Shorthand characters are often identical to their simplified counterparts, but they may also take after Japanesekanji, or differ from both, as shown in the table below. A few shorthand characters are used as frequently as standard traditional characters, even in formal contexts, such as thetai inTaiwan, which is often written as台, as opposed to the standard traditional form,臺.[41]
餐 is standard simplified as well.歺 is formally a variant of the unrelated歹dǎi but is identical to the short-livedsecond-round simplification version of餐.[45] (cān)
Unlike simplified听,咡 retains the radical for 'ear' (耳) (tīng).
In informal writing,Guoyu speakers may replace possessive particles的de or之zhī with the Japanese particleのno inhiragana (usually read asde), which serves a nearly identical grammatical role.[46]No is often used in advertising, where it evokes a sense of playfulness and fashionability,[47] and handwriting, as it is easier to write.[48]
Taiwanese braille is similar toMainland Chinese braille, though several sounds are represented by different patterns. Both systems represent the sounds of the language (as do Pinyin and Zhuyin), not Chinese characters themselves.[49]
While pinyin is used in applications such as in signage, mostGuoyu users learn phonetics through theZhuyin Fuhao (國語注音符號;Guóyǔ Zhùyīn Fúhào; 'Guoyu Phonetic Symbols') system, popularly calledZhuyin orBopomofo, after its first four glyphs. Taiwan is the only Chinese-speaking polity to use the system, which is taught in schools (often used asruby characters to aid young learners) and represents the dominant digital input method on electronic devices.[50] (Before the introduction of Hanyu pinyin starting in 1958, it was also used in mainland China,[51] whereas today in the mainland it is used primarily in language education and in some dictionaries.[52]) It has accordingly become a symbol of Taiwanese identity as well.[53]
Road sign inNanzih District, Kaohsiung, showing Tongyong pinyin without tone marks (Jyunsiao in Hanyu pinyin is Junxiao)
Chinese language romanization in Taiwan somewhat differs from on the mainland, whereHanyu Pinyin is the official standard.[51] A competing system,Tongyong Pinyin, was formally revealed in 1998 with the support of the mayor of TaipeiChen Shuibian.[54] In 1999, however, theLegislative Yuan endorsed a slightly modified version of Hanyu Pinyin, creating parallel romanization schemes along largely partisan lines, with Kuomintang-supporting areas using Hanyu Pinyin, andDemocratic Progressive Party (DPP) areas using Tongyong Pinyin.[54] In 2002, the Taiwanese government led by the DPP promulgated the use of Tongyong Pinyin as the country's preferred system, but this was formally abandoned in 2009 in favor of Hanyu Pinyin.[55]
In addition, various other historical romanization systems also exist across the island, with multiple systems sometimes existing in the same locality. Following the defeat of the Kuomintang in theChinese Civil War and their subsequentretreat to Taiwan in 1945, little emphasis was placed on the romanization of Chinese characters, with theWade-Giles system used as the default. It is still widely used for transcribing people's legal names today.[51] TheGwoyeu Romatzyh method, invented in 1928, also was in use in Taiwan during this time period, albeit to a lesser extent.[56] In 1984, Taiwan's Ministry of Education began revising the Gwoyeu Romatzyh method out of concern that Hanyu Pinyin was gaining prominence internationally. Ultimately, a revised version of Gwoyeu Romatzyh was released in 1986,[51] which was calledMandarin Phonetic Symbols II. However, this system was not widely adopted.[57]
A maleCentral News Agency newscaster from Taipei, Henry Wu Shenghung, reading out Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in a formal StandardGuoyu accent. Note shift of retroflexes to postalveolar in words like 生shēng (from [ʂ] to [ɹ̠̊˔]), the pronunciation of 和 'and' ashàn (compared tohé in mainlandPutonghua). The speaker below pronounces ithé, which is also acceptable in Taiwan.
A man from Taipei reading the same text in a more colloquial accent. Note the overall tonal pitch, such as in 條tiáo. This utterance, while not completely standard, does not exhibit the more divergent features of TaiwanGuoyu described in this article.
LikePutonghua, both Standard and TaiwanGuoyu are tonal. Pronunciation of many individual characters differs in the standards prescribed by language authorities in Taipei and Beijing. Mainland authorities tended to adopt pronunciations popular in Northern Mandarin areas, whereas Taiwanese authorities prefer traditional pronunciations recorded in dictionaries from the 1930s and 1940s.[58] Some examples of differences are givenlater in this section.
These character-level differences notwithstanding, StandardGuoyu pronunciation is largely identical toPutonghua, but with two major systematic differences (also true of TaiwanGuoyu):
The "neutral tone" (輕聲qīngshēng) does not occur as often, so final syllables generally retain their tone (e.g.,但是dànshì,先生xiānshēng).[60]
This tendency to retain original tone is not present in words ending noun suffixes such as -子 -zi or -頭 -tou;Guoyu speakers would not pronounce孩子 as *háizǐ.
In addition, two other phenomena, while nonstandard, are extremely common across all Mandarin speakers in Taiwan, even the highly educated:[28]
Theretroflex soundszh-[ʈ͡ʂ],ch-[ʈ͡ʂʰ], andsh-[ʂ] merge into thealveolar consonants (z-[t͡s],c-[t͡sʰ],s-[s], respectively).
The finals-ing[iŋ] and-eng[əŋ] have largely merged into-in[in] and-en[ən], respectively.
TaiwanGuoyu pronunciation is strongly influenced by Hokkien. This is especially prominent in areas where Hokkien is common, namely, in Central and Southern Taiwan. Many, though not all, of the phonological differences between TaiwanGuoyu andPutonghua can be attributed to the influence of Hokkien.
Notable phonological features of TaiwanGuoyu include:[note 6]
In addition to the merger of retroflex sounds into the alveolar consonants mentionedabove, utterances in TaiwanGuoyu may feature retroflexes (in pinyin,zh-,ch-,sh-, andr-) realized aspostalveolar consonants:[ʈʂ] to[dʒ],[ʈʂʰ] to[ʃ],[ʂ] to[ɹ̠̊˔],[61] and[ʐ] to[ɹ]. This phenomenon is not unique to Taiwan and can be found in Mandarin dialects across southern China as well as parts of northern China.[62][failed verification]
The ability to produce retroflex sounds is considered a hallmark of "good" Mandarin (i.e. StandardGuoyu); some speakers mayhypercorrect to pronounce alveolar consonants as their retroflex counterparts when attempting to speak "proper"Guoyu.[63][64]
The initialf- becomes avoiceless bilabial fricative[ɸ], closer to a light 'h' in standard English (for example,反fǎn →緩huǎn).[65]
The syllable written aseng ([əŋ]) after labials (in pinyin,b-,p-,m-, f- andw-) is pronouncedong ([o̞ŋ]).[66] Thus,風fēng may be pronounced asfōng.
The semivowel/w/ may change, rendering e.g. the surname翁Wēng as[ʋəŋ] rather than[wəŋ]. The deletion of/w/ also happens in colloquialPutonghua, but less frequently.[67]
The initialsn- andl- are sometimes interchangeable, particularly preceding nasal finals (i.e.-n,-ng).[12] Thus,男nán may be pronouncedlán.
The nasal finals-n and-ng tend to merge,[68] so words like爭zhēng and真zhēn may become homophones.
The non-standard TaiwaneseGuoyu tends to exhibit frequent, informalelision andcluster reduction when spoken.[71] For example,這樣子zhè yàngzi 'this way, like so' can be pronounced similar to醬子jiàngzi 'paste, sauce'; wherein the "theoretical" retroflex (so called because it is a feature of StandardGuoyu but rarely realized in everyday speech, aszh- is usually pronouncedz-; see above section) is assimilated into the palatal glide[j].[72]
Often the reduction involves the removal of initials in compound words, such as dropping thet in今天jīntiān 'today' or thech in非常fēicháng 'extremely, very'.[73] These reductions are not necessarily a function of the speed of speech than of register, as it is more commonly used in casual conversations than in formal contexts.[72]
Generalized representation of tone contours of Mandarin speakers from Beijing and Taipei[74][75]
Like all varieties of Mandarin,Guoyu is atonal language.Putonghua as spoken in the mainland has five tones, including the neutral tone.[76] Tones inGuoyu differ somewhat in pitch and contour.
Research suggests that speakers ofGuoyu articulate the second and third tones differently from the standards of Beijing Mandarin.[19] The precise nature of the tonal differences is not well attested, however, as relevant studies often lack a sufficiently large variety of speakers.[77] Tones may vary based on age, gender, and othersociolinguistic factors and may not even be consistent across every utterance by an individual.[78]
In general, forGuoyu speakers, the second tone does not rise as high in its pitch, according toJeroen Wiedenhof,[79][80] and the third tone does not "dip" back up from the low,creaky voice range.[80] Overall,Guoyu speakers may exhibit a lower and more narrow pitch range than speakers of the Mandarin of Beijing.[81] Acoustic analysis of 33 Mandarin speakers from Taiwan in 2008 also found that for many speakers, the second tone tends to have a dipping contour more akin to that of the prescriptive third tone.[78]
In addition to differences in elision and influence from Hokkien, which are not features that are codified in the standardGuoyu, there are differences in pronunciation that arise from conflicting official standards in Taiwan and the mainland.
Quantification of the extent of pronunciation differences betweenGuoyu andPutonghua varies. Estimates from graduate-level research include a 2008 study based on the 7,000 characters in theList of Commonly Used Characters in Modern Chinese, which found approximately 18% differed betweenGuoyu andPutonghua, and 13% for the 3,500 most commonly used characters.[82] A 1992 study, however, found differences in 22.5% of the 3,500 most common characters.[83]
Much of the difference can be traced to the preferences of linguistic authorities on the two sides; the mainland standard prefers popular pronunciations in northern areas, whereas the Taiwanese standard prefers those documented in dictionaries in the 1930s and 1940s.[58] The Taiwanese formal standards may not always reflect actual pronunciations commonly used by actual Taiwanese speakers ofGuoyu.[note 7]
The following is a table of relatively common characters pronounced differently inGuoyu andPutonghua in most or all contexts (Guoyu/Putonghua):[85]
Note that many of the above include tonal differences where a first tone inPutonghua is pronounced second tone inGuoyu.Some pronunciation differences may only appear in certain words. The following is a list of examples of such differences (Guoyu/Putonghua):
和 'and' —hé,hàn /hé. InGuoyu, the character may be read ashàn when used as a conjunction, whereas it is always readhé inPutonghua. This pronunciation does not apply in contexts outside of和 as a conjunction, e.g. compound words like和平hépíng 'peace'.[86]
暴露 'to expose' —pùlù /bàolù. The pronunciationbào is used in all other contexts inGuoyu.[87]
質量 (质量) 'mass; quality' —zhíliàng /zhìliàng.質 is pronouncedzhí in most contexts inGuoyu, except in select words like人質rénzhì 'hostage' or質押zhìyā 'to pawn'.[88]Zhíliàng means 'mass' in bothGuoyu andPutonghua, but forGuoyu speakers it does not also mean 'quality' (instead preferring品質pǐnzhí for this meaning).[89]
從容 (从容) 'unhurried, calm' —cōngróng /cóngróng.從cóng is only pronouncedcōng in this specific word inGuoyu.[90]
口吃 'stutter' —kǒují /kǒuchī.吃 is only readjí when it means 'to stammer' (as opposed to 'to eat', the most common meaning).[91]
Guoyu andPutonghua share a large majority of their vocabulary, but significant differences do exist.[note 9] The lexical divergence ofGuoyu fromPutonghua is the result of several factors, including the prolonged political separation of the mainland and Taiwan, the influence of Imperial Japanese rule on Taiwan until 1945, and the influence of Hokkien.[92] TheCross Strait Common Usage Dictionary categorizes differences as "same word, different meaning" (同名異實tóngmíng yìshí —homonyms); "same meaning, different word" (同實異名tóngshí yìmíng); and "Taiwan terms" (臺灣用語Táiwān yòngyǔ) and "mainland terms" (大陸用語dàlù yòngyǔ) for words and phrases specific to a given side.[93]
The political separation of Taiwan and mainland China after the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949 contributed to many differences in vocabulary. This is especially prominent in words and phrases which refer to things or concepts invented after the split; thus, modern scientific and technological terminology often differs greatly betweenPutonghua andGuoyu.[94] In bothGuoyu andPutonghua, for example,通過 (通过)tōngguò means 'to pass (a bill or inspection)' or 'to pass through' and透過 (透过)tòuguò means 'to penetrate,' but透過 also means 'by means of' or 'via' only inGuoyu, while using通过 to express such meanings is only present inPutonghua.[95][96]
The differences may be prevalent enough to hinder communication betweenGuoyu andPutonghua speakers unfamiliar with each other's respective dialects.[94][97] For instance, Zhang (2000) selected four hundred core nouns from computer science and found that while 58% are identical in Standard and Taiwanese Mandarin, 22% were "basically" or "entirely" different.[98]
As cross-strait relations began to improve in the early 21st century, direct interaction between mainland China and Taiwan increased, and some vocabulary began to merge, especially by means of the Internet.[99] For example, the words瓶頸 (瓶颈)píngjǐng 'bottleneck' and作秀zuòxiù 'to grandstand, show off' were originally unique toGuoyu in Taiwan but have since become widely used in mainland China as well.[99]Guoyu has also incorporated mainland phrases and words, such as渠道qúdào, meaning 'channel (of communication)', in addition to the traditionalGuoyu term,管道guǎndào.[100]
Examples of vocabulary differences betweenGuoyu andPutonghua[101]
Words may be formed from abbreviations in one form of Mandarin but not the other. For example, in Taiwan,bubble tea,珍珠奶茶zhēnzhū nǎichá, is often abbreviated珍奶zhēnnǎi, but this is not common on the mainland.[102] Likewise, traffic rules/regulations,交通規則 (交通规则)jiāotōng guīzé, is abbreviated as交规jiāoguī on the mainland, but not in Taiwan.[103]
Some identical terms have different meanings inGuoyu andPutonghua. There may be alternative synonyms which can be used unambiguously by speakers on both sides.
Examples of identical terms with different meanings inGuoyu andPutonghua
The same word carry different connotations or usage patterns inGuoyu andPutonghua, and may bepolysemous in one form of Mandarin but not the other. For example,誇張 (夸张)kuāzhāng means 'to exaggerate,' but in Taiwan, it can also be used to express exclamation at something absurd or overdone, a meaning absent inPutonghua.[109]籠絡 (笼络)lǒngluò inGuoyu means 'to convince, win over', but inPutonghua, it carries a negative connotation[110] (cf. 'beguile, coax'). Another example is小姐xiǎojiě, meaning 'miss' or 'young lady', regularly used to address young women inGuoyu. On the mainland, however, the word is also a euphemism for a prostitute and is therefore not used as a polite term of address.[111]
Guoyu andPutonghua speakers may also display strong preference for one of a set of synonyms. For example, both禮拜lǐbài (礼拜) and星期xīngqí (xīngqī inPutonghua) are acceptable words for 'week' inGuoyu andPutonghua, but禮拜 is more common in Taiwan.[112]
Guoyu tends to preserve older lexical items that are less used in the mainland. In Taiwan, speakers may use a more traditional早安zǎo'ān to say 'good morning', whereas mainland speakers generally default to早上好zǎoshang hǎo, for instance.[111] Both words are acceptable in either dialect.
Likewise, words with the same literal meaning in either dialect may differ inregister.而已éryǐ 'that's all, only' is common both in spoken and writtenGuoyu, influenced by speech patterns in Hokkien, but inPutonghua the word is largely confined to formal, written contexts.[113]
Preference for the expression of modality often differs among northern Mandarin speakers and Taiwanese, as evidenced by the selection ofmodal verbs. For example, Taiwanese Mandarin users strongly prefer要yào and不要búyào over得děi and別bié, respectively, to express 'must' and 'must not', compared to native speakers from Beijing. However,要yào and不要búyào are also predominantly used among Mandarin speakers from the south of the mainland. Both pairs are grammatically correct in either dialect.[114]
Some words inPutonghua may not exist inGuoyu and vice versa. Authors of theDictionary of Words Which Differ Across the Taiwan Strait (《两岸差异词词典》) estimate there are about 2,000 words unique toGuoyu, around 10% of which come from Hokkien.[99] Additionally, many terms unique toGuoyu were adopted fromJapanese as a result of Taiwan's status as a Japanese colony during the first half of the 20th century.[92]
Some of the vocabulary differences stem from different social and political conditions, which gave rise to concepts that were not shared between the mainland and Taiwan, e.g.福彩fúcǎi, a common abbreviation for the China Welfare Lottery of the People's Republic of China, or十八趴shíbāpā, which refers to the 18% preferential interest rate on civil servants' pension funds in Taiwan.[110] (趴pā as "percent" originates from Japaneseパーセントpāsento. This usage is also unique toGuoyu.)[115]
The protruding green sign, for a bento shop in Taipei, uses a stylistic Japanese の. The sign behind it advertises bento as 便當, another term unique to Taiwanese Mandarin.
Modal particles convey modality, which can be understood as a speaker's attitude towards a given utterance (e.g. of necessity, possibility, or likelihood that the utterance is true).[116] Modal particles are common in Chinese languages and generally occur at the end of sentences, and so are commonly calledsentence-final particles or utterance-final particles.[117]
Guoyu employs some modal particles that are rare inPutonghua. Some are entirely unique to spoken, colloquial TaiwanGuoyu, and identical particles may also have different meanings inPutonghua andGuoyu.[118] Conversely, particles that are common inPutonghua — particularly northernPutonghua, such as that spoken in Beijing — are very rare inGuoyu. Examples include唄 (呗)bei,嚜me, and罷了 (罢了)bàle.[119]
啦lā is a very common modal particle inGuoyu, which also appears inPutonghua with less frequency and always as a contraction of了le and啊a. InGuoyu, it has additional functions, which Lin (2014) broadly defines as "to mark an explicit or implicit adjustment" by the speaker to a given claim or assessment.[120] In more specific terms, this use includes expression of impatience or displeasure (a, below); an imperative, such as a suggestion or order, especially a persistent one (b), and rejection or refutation (c).[121]
Wu (2006) argueslā is influenced by a similarla particle in Hokkien.[122] (Unlike inPutonghua,Guoyu speakers will uselā immediately followingle,[123] as seen in (a).)
(a) Impatience or displeasure
睡覺了啦！明天還要上課耶！
Go to sleep already! [You] have to go to class tomorrow!
(b) Suggestion or order
A: 我真的吃飽了！ I'm so full!
B: 不要客氣，再吃一碗啦！ Don't be so polite, have another bowl!
(c) Rejection or refutation
A: 他那麼早結婚，一定是懷孕了。 He married so early, it has to be [because of] a pregnancy.
B: 不可能啦。 There's no way.
TaiwanGuoyu has functionally adopted some particles from Hokkien. For example, the particlehoⁿh[note 13] [hɔ̃ʔ] functions in Hokkien as a particle indicating a question to which the speaker expects an affirmative answer (cf. English "..., all right?" or "..., aren't you?").[125] Among other meanings, when used in TaiwanGuoyu utterances, it can indicate that the speaker wishes for an affirmative response,[125] or may mark an imperative.[126]
Loan words may differ betweenPutonghua andGuoyu. Different characters or methods may also be chosen fortransliteration (phonetic orsemantic), and the number of characters may differ. In some cases, words may be loaned as transliterations in one dialect but not the other. Generally,Guoyu tends to imitate the form of Han Chinese names when transliterating foreign persons' names.[127][note 14]
Guoyu has borrowed words from Hokkien, such as蕃薯fānshǔ 'sweet potato' and 拜拜bàibài 'to worship'.[129] In Hokkien, the prefix阿a (Guoyu:ā)[130] carries an affection or intimate tone when referring to people, and this has been adopted intoGuoyu. Thus, words like阿妹āmèi 'younger sister' may be used instead of the standard妹妹mèimèi, and public figures likeTsai Ing-wen may be referred to as阿英Āyīng.[131]
Whether these loans are pronounced with their Hokkien orGuoyu reading varies. In general, as a loan becomes more commonly recognized, it is more likely to be read asGuoyu.[132] This may involve the transformation of characters into theirGuoyu counterparts. For example, the Hokkien烏白講oo‑pe̍h kóng 'to talk nonsense' now exists inGuoyu as黑白講hēibáijiǎng (both literally translate as 'to talk black and white';烏 is 'black' in Hokkien, corresponding to黑 inGuoyu).[133][134][135] Some words may not be represented by well known characters and are instead written with English letters, such asQ, from the Hokkien word 𩚨khiū, referring to a soft, chewy texture in foods.[136][137] Some compound words or phrases may combine characters representing Hokkien andGuoyu words.[note 15]
Japanese in the early 20th century had a significant influence on modern Chinese vocabulary. The Japanese language saw the proliferation of neologisms to describe concepts, and terms learned through contact with the West in theMeiji andTaishō eras.[139] Thus, the creation of words like民主minshu 'democracy',革命kakumei 'revolution' and催眠saimin 'hypnotize', which were then borrowed into Chinese and pronounced as Chinese words.[140] BothGuoyu andPutonghua retain these words today.
Guoyu was also further influenced by Japanese. As a result of Imperial Japan's 50-year rule over Taiwan until 1945, Hokkien (and Hakka) borrowed extensively from Japanese,[141] andGuoyu in turn borrowed some of these words from Hokkien, such that Japanese influence can be said to have come via Hokkien.[11][142] For example, the Hokkien word摃龜 (Peh-oe-ji:kòngku;[kɔŋ˥˩ku˥˥]) 'to lose completely', which has been borrowed intoGuoyu, originates from Japanesesukonku (スコンク, 'skunk'), with the same meaning.[143] Other examples ofGuoyu loans from Japanese via Hokkien include運將yùnjiàng, 'driver, chauffeur', from運ちゃんunchan and歐巴桑ōubāsāng, 'elderly woman', fromおばあさんobāsan.[144]
In general, Japanese loanwords are more widespread inGuoyu thanPutonghua.[145]Guoyu continues to borrow words from Japanese in the 21st century, especially among youth, for whom Japanese culture is particularly attractive.[146]
The grammar ofGuoyu is largely identical toPutonghua. As is the case with lexicon and phonology described above, salient grammatical differences fromPutonghua often stem from the influence of Hokkien.
To mark theperfect verbal aspect,Guoyu employs有 (yǒu) where了 (le) would be used in the strictly standard form of the language.[147] For instance, aGuoyu speaker may ask "你有看醫生嗎？" ("Have you seen a doctor?") whereas aPutonghua speaker would prefer "你看医生了吗？". This is due to the influence of Hokkien grammar, which uses有 (ū) in a similar fashion.[148]
In bothGuoyu andPutonghua,有没有yǒuméiyǒu can precede a verb phrase to mark a perfective question, as in (1), and inGuoyu, this can be split (2):[149]
Another example of the influence of Hokkien grammar onGuoyu is the use of會huì as "to be" (acopula) before adjectives, in addition to the usual meanings "would" or "will". Compare typical ways to render "Are you hot?" and "I am not hot" inPutonghua,Guoyu, and Hokkien:[150]
The use of會 to express "will" — as in他會來嗎?Tā huì lái ma? 'Will he come?' — is also a notable feature ofGuoyu. It is not necessarily considered ungrammatical inPutonghua, but is very rare. Sanders (1992), analyzing speech by groups of Mandarin speakers from Taipei and Beijing, found that the latter group never used會 to mean 'will' in this manner spontaneously (preferring instead他来吗?Tā lái ma?).[152] For them, speakers of Mandarin from Taiwan may be perceived as overusing會.[153]
Speakers ofGuoyu may frequently avoid splittingseparable verbs, a category of verb + object compound words that are split in certain grammatical contexts in standard usage.[154] For example, the verb幫忙bāngmáng 'to help; to do a favor', is composed ofbāng 'to help, assist' plusmáng 'to be busy; a favor'. The word inGuoyu can take on a direct object without separation, which is ungrammatical inPutonghua:[109]我幫忙他 (我帮忙他) 'I help him', acceptable inGuoyu, must be rendered as我幫他個忙 (我帮他个忙). This is not true of every separable verb inGuoyu, and prescriptive texts still opt to treat these verbs as separable.[155]
^Commonly calledTaigi (臺語;Táiyǔ;Tâi-gí) orTaiwanese by Taiwanese speakers themselves. In this article, "Hokkien" generally refers to Taiwanese Hokkien unless otherwise specified. To a much lesser extent, some Taiwanese may also speak Hakka (5.5% as of 2021) or aboriginal languages (1.1%);[3] the influence of these languages on Mandarin is minimal compared to Taiwanese Hokkien.
^Mainland Chinese persons who speak non-Mandarin varieties may still refer toPutonghua asGuoyu.[4]
^The specific terms vary greatly among authors. Some authors use TaiwanGuoyu to refer to the general form of the language spoken in Taiwan, incorporating influence from mutually unintelligibleMinnanyu/Hokkien but not necessarily representing the most non-standard form.[18] For example, Fon, Chiang & Cheung (2004) distinguish between everyday TaiwanGuoyu and the form heavily influenced byMinnanyu/Hokkien, which they call TaiwaneseGuoyu.[19] English writers may refer to the least standard, most Hokkien-influenced form as Taiwanese-accented Mandarin.[20]
^Chinese Wikipedia maintains separate articles for the standard form ofGuoyu (中華民國國語) and the more colloquial form influenced byMinnanyu (臺灣國語, i.e. Hokkien).
^A standardized 5.00-scaled test of Mandarin ability was administered to participants. Among Minnanren (Hoklo) the mean was 4.81 for young (under 31 years old) participants, 4.61 for middle aged participants (31–50), and 3.24 for the elderly (>50). The mean score for mainland descendants as a whole was 4.90.
^Note that not all of these features may be present in all speakers at all times.
^For example, the Ministry of Education standards dictate that some words (e.g.熱鬧rènào,認識rènshì,衣服yīfú,力量lìliàng) be pronounced with the second character in a neutral tone, in contrast to how most Taiwanese speakers of Mandarin actually say them.[84]
^This word means 'garbage'. Neither character generally appears independent of the other outside the context of this word (that is, they arebound forms).
^Chinese Wikipedia maintains a more extensivetable of vocabulary differences between Taiwan, Macau, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore and mainland China.
^花生huāshēng, thePutonghua word for peanut, is an acceptable synonym inGuoyu.
^馬鈴薯 (马铃薯;mǎlíngshǔ), another synonym for potato, is also used in both dialects.
^公共汽車 (公共汽车;gōnggòng qìchē; 'public vehicle') is an unambiguous term for bus in both dialects.
^The Ministry of Education gives the original character forhoⁿh as乎,[124] aClassical Chinese particle.
^Barack Obama is thus referred to asŌubāmǎ歐巴馬 as opposed toÀobāmǎ奥巴马 in the mainland. Ōu is a common Han surname, while Ào is not (seelist of common Chinese surnames).
^Wu and Su (2014) give the example of "逗熱鬧" 'to join in the fun' in a 2014Liberty Times headline. TheGuoyu phrase is凑熱鬧còu rènào; the headline substituted the verb凑còu for the Hokkien verb逗 (dòu, readtàu in Hokkien).[137] The Hokkien word is逗鬧熱 (Pe̍h-ōe-jī:tàu‑lāu‑jia̍t) (also written鬥鬧熱)[138]
^袂bē is alternatively written with the nonstandard,[151] which provides a clearer image of its grammatical function: it is a combination of a negator (勿) and 會.
^abc年人口及住宅普查初步統計結果 [2021 Population and Residence Census Preliminary Statistics](PDF) (Report) (in Chinese). Directorate General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics. 31 August 2021. p. 4.Archived(PDF) from the original on 18 May 2022. Retrieved27 February 2022.「6歲以上本國籍常住人口計2,178.6 萬人，主要使用語言為國語者占 66.3%，閩南語占 31.7%；主要或次要使用國語者占 96.8%，閩南語者占86.0%，客語者占 5.5%，原住民族語者占 1.1%。」 [There are 21,786,000 permanent resident nationals over the age of six. 66.3% primarily use Guoyu, and 31.7% Southern Min [i.e. Hokkien/Taiyu]. 96.8% use Guoyu either primarily or secondarily, 86.0% use Southern Min, 5.5% use Hakka, and 1.1% use aboriginal languages.]
^Wiedenhof 2015, p. 5, "But even inside China, the term Guóyǔ remains in use among speakers of non-Mandarin Sinitic languages when they refer to Mandarin.".
^DeFrancis 1984, p. 56. "To call Chinese a single language composed of dialects with varying degrees of difference is to mislead by minimizing disparities that, according to Chao, are as great as those between English and Dutch."
^Weng 2018, p. 613. "... without prior exposure, speakers of different Mandarin dialects often have considerable difficulty understanding each other's local vernacular... In some cases, mutual intelligibility is not guaranteed even if the Mandarin dialects concerned belong to the same group and are spoken within the same province."
^Szeto 2019. "In common usage, 'Mandarin' or 'Mandarin Chinese' usually refers to China's standard spoken language. In fact, I would argue that this is the predominant meaning of the word."
^Her 2009, p. 377. 「國語：教育部依據北京話所頒定的標準語，英文是Standard Mandarin，其內涵與北京話相似。但只是死的人為標準，並非活的語言。」 ["Guoyu: The standard language determined by the Ministry of Education based on the Beijing dialect, with which it is similar. It is calledStandard Mandarin in English. It is a dead, artificial standard, and not a living language."]
^Sanders 1987, p. 2. "The first type of "Mandarin" to be recognized is what is called putonghua - --- on the Chinese mainland, guoyu in Taiwan, and huayu in Singapore. Outside of China, this (so-called) standard, official Mandarin corresponds to the language found in textbooks. What characterizes this language is grammatical underspecification, a lack of any native speakers, and very few truly fluent speakers."
^Chung 2006b, p. 198. In the context of Taiwan specifically: "Beyond broadcasters and a minority of people who have rather idiosyncratically adopted textbook pronunciations in their own everyday speech, plus a few natives of Beijing and other mainlanders, however, textbook Mandarin [i.e. "the Beijing-based Mandarin taught in Taiwan schools"] exists mainly as an idealized language that is studied and exists in one's consciousness, but is seldom consistently practiced."
^Fon, Chiang & Cheung 2004, p. 250;Khoo 2019, p. 221. 「"若將華語口音的標準與否視為一個連續體（continuum），標準國語就是在這個連續體的標準端；另一個端點，也就是不標準端，就是台灣國語了。」["If we view a Mandarin accent and its standard quality as a continuum, StandardGuoyu is at the standard end, and the other end, that is, the nonstandard end, is TaiwanGuoyu."]
^Shi & Deng 2006, p. 376.「標準國語＂指用於正規的書面語言以及電視廣播中的通用語，……和大陸的普通話基本一致。"台灣國語＂指在台灣三十歲以下至少受過高中教育的台灣籍和大陸籍人士所說的通用語，也就是因受閩南話影響而聲、韻、調以及詞彙、句法方面與標準普通話產生某些差異的語言。」 ["'Standard Guoyu' refers to the language used in formal writing and television broadcasts, which in essence is Northern Mandarin absent more extreme dialect elements and features ... largely identical toPutonghua. 'Taiwan Guoyu' is the common language spoken by Taiwanese people and Chinese mainland descendants in Taiwan under thirty who have received at least a high school education. The influence of Taiwanese has produced differences from standardPutonghua in onsets and rimes, tone, vocabulary, and syntax."]
^Khoo 2019, p. 222.「國語運動的主要目標之一就是推行標準國語，台灣國語也成為國語運動積極消除的口音…… 並且也因此被貼上負面的標籤。……這種帶有台語口音的華語，依然經常是各種演出中搞笑或醜化角色的素材，「台灣國語」根深蒂固的負面印象可見一斑。」 ["One of the primary goals of theGuoyu Movement [Chinese Wikipedia:國語運動] was the promotion of StandardGuoyu. The TaiwanGuoyu accent was actively eliminated by the Movement... and moreover acquired a negative label. ... This Mandarin with aTaiyu [Minnanyu] accent is frequently performed as the stuff of comedic or ugly roles, and from this we can see one aspect of the deep-seated negative image of TaiwanGuoyu."]
^Su 2006. "Taiwanese-accented Mandarin shares with Taiwanese the sociolinguistic meanings of backwardness and congeniality [and] is a highly stigmatized variety among Taiwanese speakers."
^Su 2014, p. 61. "Until the 1980s, the Kuomintang administration heavily promoted the use of “Guoyu” and discouraged the use of other dialects, such asMin dialect andKejia [Hakka] dialect, at times even considering them inferior."
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^Wiedenhof 2015, p. 55. "The second tone is rising as well as high. ... The feature 'high' appears to be on the wane in Taiwan, where a rise starting at a low pitch level is recognized as a second tone."
^Nan 2008, p. 65. “在《現代漢語常用字表》3500 字中，讀音差異的有 444 處，佔 12.7％。 在《現代漢語通用字表》7000 字中，讀音差異的有 1284 處，佔 18.3％。” ["Among the 7000 characters inList of Commonly Used Characters in Modern Chinese, 1284, or 18.3%, had different readings. Among the 3500 characters in theList of Frequently Used Characters in Modern Chinese, 444, or 12.7%, had different readings."]
^熱「ㄋㄠˋ」改「ㄋㄠ˙」 教育部字典被網罵：演古裝劇？ ["'Rènào' to 'rènao'—Ministry of Education Dictionary criticized online: Are they pretending to be in some period piece?"].ETtoday (in Chinese). 27 February 2018.Archived from the original on 8 May 2021. Retrieved28 March 2021.
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^Zhang 2000, p. 38.”随着大陆与台湾、香港、澳门 ... 的科技交流、商贸活动的日益频繁，人们越来越感到海峡两岸计算机名词(以下简称两岸名词)的差异，已成为一个不小的障碍，影响着正常的业务工作。” ["With the growing frequency of scientific and technological exchange and commerce among the mainland and Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau ... people increasingly feel that the differences in computer terminology (hereafter referred to as cross-strait terms) on both sides of the Taiwan Strait have become a sizable hindrance affecting normal work."]
^Zhang 2000, p. 40.“通过分析，得出了各类名词的数量及其比例关系：完全相同名词占总数58.25%，基本相同名词占总数20%，基本不同名词占总数10.25%，完全不同名词占总数11.5%。” ["Through analysis [I] drew out the number and proportion of various nouns: identical nouns account for 58.25% of the total, basically identical nouns for 20% of the total, basically different nouns for 10.25% of the total, and entirely different nouns for 11.5% of the total."]
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,[151] which provides a clearer image of its grammatical function: it is a combination of a negator (勿) and 會.
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