Petliura was born to a family ofCossack heritage inPoltava. From an early age he embracedsocialism and Ukrainian nationalism, which he advocated through his highly prolific career as a journalist. After the 1917February Revolution overthrew the Tsarist monarchy, theUkrainian People's Republic was proclaimed and Petliura was elected head of its military. The Republic was briefly interrupted by the pro-GermanUkrainian State, but in late 1918 Petliura, along with other members of the socialistDirectorate of Ukraine, organised arevolt and overthrew the regime, restoring the Republic. He became the leader of the Directorate in early 1919, after theBolsheviks invaded Ukraine andcaptured its capital. Facing imminent defeat, Petliura entered an alliance withJózef Piłsudski'sPoland. ThePolish–Soviet War concluded with Poland remaining independent and gaining some Ukrainian and Belorussian lands, while most of Ukraine remained under Soviet control, forcing Petliura into exile. He initially directed thegovernment-in-exile from Poland, but eventually settled in Paris.
During the Civil War, the UNA were responsible for thedeaths of tens of thousands of Jewish civilians, and Petliura's role in the pogroms has been a topic of dispute. In 1926, Petliura was assassinated in Paris by Jewish anarchistSholem Schwarzbard, who had lost relatives in the pogroms.
Born on 22 May [O.S. 10 May] 1879[5] in a suburb ofPoltava (then part of theRussian Empire), Symon Petliura was the son of Vasyl Pavlovych Petliura and Olha Oleksiyivna (née Marchenko), ofCossack background[citation needed]. His father, a Poltava city resident, had owned a transportation business; his mother was a daughter of anOrthodoxhieromonk (priest-monk). Petliura obtained his initial education inparochial schools, and planned to become anOrthodox priest.[b]
The building of the Poltava Theological Seminary at the beginning of the 20th century
Petliura studied in the Russian Orthodox Seminary inPoltava from 1895 to 1901.[5] While there he joined theHromada society in 1898.[5] When his membership in Hromada was discovered in 1901, he was expelled from the seminary.[5] In 1900 Petliura joined theRevolutionary Ukrainian Party (RUP).[5] In 1902, under threat of arrest, he moved toYekaterinodar in theKuban, where he worked for two years – initially as a schoolteacher and later as an archivist for theKuban Cossack Host[5] helping to organize over 200,000 documents. In December 1903 he was arrested for organizing aRUP branch in Yekaterinodar and for publishing inflammatory anti-tsarist articles in the Ukrainian press outside of Imperial Russia (in Austrian-controlled Lemberg, currently namedLviv, inGalicia).[5] Released on bail in March 1904, he moved briefly toKyiv and then toLemberg.[5]
At the end of 1905, after an nationwide amnesty was declared by the authorities, Petliura returned briefly toKyiv. As the Ukrainian language had been outlawed in the Russian Empire by theEms Ukaz of 1876, Petliura found more freedom to publish Ukrainian-oriented articles inSaint Petersburg than in Ukraine, and soon moved to the Russian capital in order to publish thesocialist-democratic monthly magazineVil’na Ukrayina ("Free Ukraine") along withProkip Poniatenko [uk] andMykola Porsh.[5] After Russian censors closed this magazine in July 1905, he moved back to Kyiv where he worked for the newspaperRada [uk] ("The Council"). In 1907–09 he became the editor of the literary magazineSlovo (Ukrainian:Слово,The Word) and co-editor ofUkrayina (Ukrainian:Україна, "Ukraine").[citation needed]
In 1909, these publications were closed by Russian imperial police, and Petliura moved back to Moscow, where he briefly worked as an accountant. Soon he became a co-editor of the Moscow-based Russian-language journalUkrayinskaya Zhizn, aimed to familiarize the local population with news and culture of what was known asMalorossia. He was the chief editor of the publication from 1912 to 1914 and served as its co-editor until May 1917.[citation needed]
In May 1917 Petliura attended the First All-Ukrainian Congress of Soldier Deputies held inKyiv as a delegate. On 18 May he was elected head of theUkrainian General Military Committee. With the proclamation of theCentral Council of Ukraine on 28 June 1917, Petliura became the first Secretary (Minister) for Military Affairs.
Petliura participated in theAnti-Hetman Uprising of November 1918 and became a member of theDirectorate of Ukraine as the Chief of Military Forces.[8] Following the fall of Kyiv (February 1919) and the emigration of Vynnychenko from Ukraine, Petliura became the leader of the Directorate on 11 February 1919. In his capacity as head of the Army and State, he continued to fight bothBolshevik andWhite forces in Ukraine for the next ten months.
With the outbreak of hostilities between Ukraine and Soviet Russia in January 1919, and with Vynnychenko's emigration, Petliura ultimately became the leading figure in the Directorate. During the winter of 1919 the Petliura army lost most of Ukraine (including Kyiv) to Bolsheviks and by 6 March relocated toPodolia. In the spring of 1919 he managed to extinguish acoup-d'etat led byVolodymyr Oskilko who saw Petliura cooperating with socialists such asBorys Martos. During the course of the year, Petliura continued to defend the fledgling republic against incursions by theBolsheviks,Anton Denikin's White Russians, and the Romanian-Polish troops. By autumn of 1919, most of Denikin'sWhite Russian forces were defeated — in the meantime, however, the Bolsheviks had grown to become the dominant force in Ukraine.
On 5 December 1919, Petliura withdrew toPoland, which had previously recognized him as the head of the legal government of Ukraine. In April 1920, as head of theUkrainian People's Republic, he signed analliance in Warsaw with the Polish government, agreeing to a border on theRiver Zbruch and recognizing Poland's right toGalicia in exchange for military aid in overthrowing theBolshevik régime. Polish forces, reinforced by Petliura's remaining troops (some two divisions),attacked Kyiv on 7 May 1920, in what proved a turning point of the 1919–21Polish-Bolshevik war. Following initial successes,Piłsudski's and Petliura's forces had to retreat to theVistula River and to the Polish capital,Warsaw. The Polish Army, supported by Ukrainian units, defeated the Bolshevik Russians in the end, but theRed Army remained in parts of Ukraine and therefore Ukrainians were unable to secure their independence. Starting from late 1920, Petliura directed the affairs of the Ukrainiangovernment-in-exile fromTarnów inLesser Poland.[9] When the Soviet government in Moscow requested Petliura's extradition from Poland, the Poles engineered his "disappearance", secretly moving him from Tarnów to Warsaw.
Bolshevik Russia persistently demanded that Petliura be handed over. Protected by several Polish friends and colleagues, such asHenryk Józewski, in late 1923, one year after the establishment of theSoviet Union, Petliura left Poland. Travelling throughBudapest,Vienna,Zurich andGeneva under thepseudonymStepan Mohyla, in October 1924 he arrived to Paris together with former Ukrainian prime ministerViacheslav Prokopovych.[10]
In Paris, Petliura directed the activities of the government of the Ukrainian National Republic in exile. In October 1925 he established the Ukrainian-language newspaperTryzub,[9] and continued to edit and write numerous articles under various pen names with an emphasis on questions dealing with national oppression in Ukraine. These articles were written with a literary flair. The question of national awareness was often of significance in his literary work.
Living in Paris, Petliura spent a lot of time reading books and took daily walks around the city, visiting art galleries, museums and historical cemeteries.[10]
Petliura's assassin Sholom Shwartzbard (upper left) on trial in 1927
On 25 May 1926, at 14:12, by the Gibert bookstore, Petliura was walking on Rue Racine nearBoulevard Saint-Michel of theLatin Quarter in Paris and was approached bySholem Schwarzbard. Schwarzbard asked him in Ukrainian, "Are you Mr. Petliura?" Petliura did not answer but raised his walking cane.[11] Schwarzbard pulled out a gun, proclaimed "dirty dog, killer of my people, defend yourself!" and shot him five times. Evading a lynch-mob attempting to avenge Petliura, Schwarzbard gave himself into the police with a note reading: "I have killed Petliura to avenge the death of the thousands of pogrom victims in Ukraine who were massacred by Petliura's forces without his taking any steps to prevent these massacres." The wounded Petliura was transported to the Charité hospital, where he died at 14:35 on the same day.[10]
Schwarzbard was an anarchist of Jewish descent, born in Ukraine. He participated in the Jewish self-defense ofBalta in 1905. The Russian Tsarist government sentenced him to 3 months in prison for "provoking" the Balta pogrom.[14] He was twice convicted of taking part in anarchist "expropriation" (burglary) and bank robbery inAustria-Hungary. He later joined theFrench Foreign Legion (1914–1917) and was wounded in theBattle of the Somme. It is reported that Schwarzbard told famous fellow anarchist leaderNestor Makhno in Paris that he was terminally ill and expected to die and that he would take Petliura with him; Makhno forbade Schwarzbard to do so.[15]
Schwarzbard's parents were among fifteen members of his family murdered in the pogroms in Odesa. The core defense at theSchwarzbard trial was — as presented by the noted juristHenri Torres — that he was avenging the deaths of more than 50,000 Jewish victims of the pogroms, whereas the prosecution (both criminal and civil) tried to show that Petliura was not responsible for the pogroms and that Schwarzbard was a Soviet agent. After a trial lasting eight days the jury acquitted Schwarzbard.[16][page needed][17]
According to a defected KGB operativePeter Deriabin, Schwarzbard was a Soviet (NKVD) agent and acted on the order from a former chairman of the Soviet Ukrainian government and currentSoviet Ambassador to France,Christian Rakovsky. The special operation of theGPU was consolidated by GPU agent Mikhail Volodin, who arrived in France 8 August 1925, and who had been in close contact with Schwarzbard.[15][18][19][20]
It is claimed that in March 1926,Vlas Chubar (Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine), in a speech given inKharkiv and repeated in Moscow, warned of the danger Petliura represented to Soviet power. It was after this speech that the command had allegedly been given to assassinate Petliura.[21]
The memorial service for Symon Petliura was held in theRomanian Orthodox Church in Paris, which Petliura had attended for Sunday services. Petliura's coffin was decorated with a shield bearing a flower ornament depicting theCoat of Arms of Ukraine. The funeral train was adorned with thebanner of the head of state (in 1992 it was transferred to theNational Guard of Ukraine and is currently exhibited at theNational Military History Museum in Kyiv), the flag of the 3rd Iron Division of the Ukrainian People's Army and a golden sabre covered with theotaman's hat.[22]
The ceremony was presided by Romanian and Ukrainian Orthodox priests, and attended by Petliura's wife Olha and numerous guests, including head of the Ukrainian government-in-exileAndriy Livytskyi and Ukrainian army officers. Non-Ukrainian attendees included representatives of pro-independence governments fromGeorgia,Azerbaijan,North Caucasus andTurkestan, Polish diplomats, ordinary civilians and students from France, Czechia, England, Romania and other countries.[22] Symon Petliura was buried on 30 May 1926 in theCimetière du Montparnasse in Paris; his wife and daughter would be later interred in the same grave.[10] The burial was accompanied with the singing ofTaras Shevchenko'sTestament. Vigils were also held in various countries populated by Ukrainian emigrants, as well as cities in Polish-controlledVolhynia andEast Galicia. The service in Berlin was attended by Petliura's former political enemyPavlo Skoropadsky.[22]
In 1942 the chapel of the hospital where Petlura died was transferred to theUkrainian Greek Catholic Church. Every year on 25 May, the anniversary of Petliura's murder, avigil is held by the Ukrainian community on his grave.[10]
During his work in Moscow, in 1910 Petliura married Olha Bilska (1885–1959), later also known under her husband's pseudonym Marchenko. The couple had a daughter, Lesia (1911–1942).
Petliura's two sisters, Orthodox nuns who had remained in Poltava, were arrested and shot in 1928 by the NKVD.[citation needed]
Petliura is considered a controversial figure connected with thepogroms of Jews during his rule of the Ukrainian National Republic.[23][24][25] According toPeter Kenez, "before the advent of Hitler, the greatest mass murder of Jews occurs in Ukraine in the course of the Civil War. All participants in the conflict were guilty of murdering Jews, even the Bolsheviks; however theVolunteer Army had the largest number of victims."[26][27] The number of Jews killed during the period is estimated to be between 50,000 and 200,000.[28][29][30] A total of 1,236 violent attacks on Jews had been recorded between 1918 and 1921 in Ukraine. Among them, 493 were carried out byUkrainian People's Republic soldiers under the command of Symon Petliura, 307 by independent Ukrainian warlords, 213 byDenikin's army, 106 by theRed Army, and 32 by thePolish Army.[31][18]
Order Issued by the Main Command of the Armies of the Ukrainian National Republic
It is time to realize that the world Jewish population—their children, their women—was enslaved and deprived of its national freedom, just like we were. It should not go anywhere away from us; it has been living with us since time immemorial, sharing our fate and misfortune with us. I decisively order that all those who will be inciting you to carry out pogroms be expelled from our army and tried as traitors of the Motherland. Let the courts try them for their actions, without sparing the criminals the severest punishments according to the law. The government of the UNR, understanding all the harm that pogroms inflict on the state, has issued a proclamation to the entire population of the land, with the appeal to oppose all measures by enemies that instigate pogroms against the Jewish population...
The newly formed Ukrainian state (Ukrainian People's Republic) promised Jews full equality and autonomy.Arnold Margolin, a Jewish assistant minister in Petliura's UPR government, declared in May 1919 that the Ukrainian government had given Jews more rights than they enjoyed in any other European government.[32] However, after 1918, military units became involved in pogroms against Jews. During Petliura's term as Head of State (1919–20), pogroms continued to be perpetrated on Ukrainian territory.[33][34]
Petliura's role in the pogroms has been a topic of dispute since his assassination in 1926 and the succeedingSchwarzbard's trial. In 1969, the journalJewish Social Studies published two opposing views regarding Petliura's responsibility in pogroms against Jews during his reign over Ukraine, by scholarsTaras Hunczak[35] andZosa Szajkowski.[36] Later theJournal published letters from the two authors.[37]
According to Hunczak, Petliura actively sought to halt anti-Jewish violence on numerous occasions, introducing capital punishment for carrying out pogroms.[38][39] Conversely, he is also accused of not having done enough to stop the pogroms[32] and being afraid to punish officers and soldiers engaged in crimes against Jews for fear of losing their support.[40][16][page needed]
A collection of literary critical articles published by Petliura in 1918 in Kyiv
An active participant of social life, during his seminary years Petliura took part in strike actions demanding the introduction of Ukraine-oriented subjects in schools. He frequently performed as a singer (his most favourite songs were reportedly Ivan Franko'sNe pora ("It's not time"),Shaliyte ("Rage, Tyrants") and Shevchenko'sZapovit ("Testament")[41]) and conducted a students' choir. One of the causes of his expulsion from the institution was the choir's performance of acantata byMykola Lysenko, which had been banned by Russian censorship. After being expelled, Petliura earned his bread through private lessons. Despite the hardships, he was enthusiastic about the promotion of Ukrainian culture among ethnic Russians, and even made a Russian translation of one of the works byIvan Franko.[42]
As the editor of numerous journals and newspapers, Petliura published over 15,000 critical articles, reviews, stories and poems under an estimated 120 noms-de-plume. His articles were dedicated to various cultural topics, including popular education, opening of theArchaeological Museum in Katerynoslav, excavation at theZaporozhian Sich, performances of Ukrainian theatre in Kuban, publication of theUkrainian Bible in London etc.[41]
During his work at theRada newspaper, Petliura wrote reviews of music, theatre, literature and arts, and also gave lectures on the topic of Ukrainian drama. He supported the introduction of socially important topics into the Ukrainian art and criticized the excessive reliance of Ukrainian culture onethnographic material. Already during that time Petliura promoted Ukrainiancultural diplomacy and condemned antisemitic stereotypes in works of art. Petliura was also one of the first Ukrainian publicists to pay attention to the topic ofeconomic security among art workers.[41] His prolific work in both the Russian and Ukrainian languages helped shape the mindset of the Ukrainian population in the years leading up to the Revolution in both Eastern and Western Ukraine. Petliura's correspondence was of great benefit when the Revolution broke out in 1917, as he had contacts throughout Ukraine.
During his years in Russia's capital cities, Petliura played an active role in the life of local Ukrainian communities. Among others, he took part in the organization of the funeral of Ukrainianaviation pioneerLevko Matsiyevych [uk], who died as a result of an air accident in Saint Petersburg in 1910.[43] Working as an editor in Moscow, Petliura created numerous articles representing Ukrianian culture and its prominent figures for the Russian audience.[41]
As head of the Ukrainian military, Petliura didn't forget about the importance of cultural work in the army. He called Ukrainians to donate books for soldiers fighting on the front and ordered to create libraries in military units. As head of the All-UkrainianZemstvo Union under the rule ofhetman Skoropadsky, he saw the organization's aim in uniting people from all Ukrainian lands around the task of developing their national culture. Petliura's plans on the post included the creation public schools, establishemnt of a registry of valuable architectural monuments, repavement of historically important roads and development of a modern memorial complex atTaras Shevchenko's grave inKaniv. Even during his imprisonment by the hetman's government Petliura continued his work, editing a literary collection and translating a novel byColette.[41]
During his time as leader of the Directorate, Petliura was active in supportingUkrainian culture both in Ukraine and in theUkrainian diaspora. He saw the value in gaining international support and recognition of Ukrainian arts through cultural exchanges. Most notably, Petliura actively supported the work of cultural figures such as the choreographerVasyl Avramenko, conductorOleksander Koshetz andbanduristVasyl Yemetz, allowing them to travel internationally and promote an awareness of Ukrainian culture. Koshetz created theUkrainian Republic Capella and took it on a global tour, giving concerts in Europe and the Americas. One of the concerts by the Capella inspiredGeorge Gershwin to write "Summertime", based on the lullaby "Oi Khodyt Son Kolo Vikon"[44] All three musicians later emigrated to the United States.
Petliura introduced the awarding of the title "People's Artist of Ukraine" to artists who had made significant contributions to Ukrainian culture. A similar titled award was reintroduced after a significant break under the Soviet regime. Among those who had received this award was blindkobza playerIvan Kuchuhura-Kucherenko.
In emigration, Petliura continued the struggle for Ukrainian independence as a publicist. In 1924, he became the editor and publisher of the weekly journalTryzub [uk] (Trident). Petliura's articles had a significant impact on the shaping of Ukrainian national awareness in the early 20th century. He published articles and brochures under a variety ofnoms de plume, including V. Marchenko, V. Salevsky, I. Rokytsky, and O. Riastr.[45]
Soon after Petliura's assassination in 1926, a Ukrainian library named in his honour was established in Paris.[10]
During the revolution Petliura became the subject of numerous folk songs, primarily as a hero calling for his people to unite against foreign oppression. His name became synonymous with the call for freedom.[46] 15 songs were recorded by the ethnographer rev. prof. K. Danylevsky. In the songs Petliura is depicted as a soldier, in a manner similar toRobin Hood, mocking Skoropadsky and the BolshevikRed Guard.
News of Petliura's assassination in the summer of 1926 was marked by numerous revolts in eastern Ukraine particularly inBoromlia, Zhehailivka (Sumy province), Velyka Rublivka, Myloradove (Poltava province),Hlynsk,Bilsk, Kuzemyn and all along theVorskla River fromOkhtyrka toPoltava,Buryn,Nizhyn (Chernihiv province) and other cities.[47] These revolts were brutally pacified by the Soviet administration. The blindkobzarsPavlo Hashchenko andIvan Kuchuhura Kucherenko composed aduma (epic poem) in memory of Symon Petliura. To date Petliura is the only modern Ukrainian politician to have a duma created and sung in his memory. This duma became popular among the kobzars of left-bank Ukraine and was sung also byStepan Pasiuha,Petro Drevchenko, Bohushchenko, and Chumak.[48]
The Soviets also tried their hand at portraying Petliura through the arts in order to discredit the Ukrainian national leader. A number of humorous songs appeared in which Petliura is portrayed as a traveling beggar whose only territory is that which is under his train carriage. A number of plays such asThe Republic on Wheels by Yakov Mamontov and the operaShchors byBoris Liatoshinsky andArsenal byHeorhiy Maiboroda portray Petliura in a negative light, as a lackey who sold out Western Ukraine to Poland, often using the very same melodies which had become popular during the fight for Ukrainian Independence in 1918.
Petliura continues to be portrayed by the Ukrainian people in its folk songs in a manner similar toTaras Shevchenko andBohdan Khmelnytsky. He is likened to the sun which suddenly stopped shining.
Up to a dozen of films depicting Symon Petliura have been created, most of them in the Soviet Union and independent Ukraine. The most unique of them is the Sovietsilent filmP.K.P. (Pilsudski Bought Petliura) issued in 1926 and employing some real-life historical figures, including Petliura's former subordinateYuriy Tyutyunnyk, as actors.[49] Other Soviet movies depicting Petliura areOleksandr Dovzhenko'sArsenal (1929) andShchors (1939), as well as post-war Soviet filmsPavel Korchagin (1956),The Truth (1957),Kyiv Woman (1958),Human Blood is not Water (1960),Peace to Huts, War to Palaces (1970),Kotsiubynskyi Family (1970),Old Fortress (1973-1976) andOn the Blade of the Sword (1986). In most Soviet films the image of Petliura was represented in a comical and humiliating manner, however starting from the 1970s a more neutral, although still negative image started dominating. In independent Ukraine Petliura was depicted in filmsThe Secret Diary of Symon Petliura [uk] (2018) andKruty 1918 (2019).[50]
With thedissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, previously restricted Soviet archives have allowed numerous politicians and historians to review Petliura's role in Ukrainian history. Many consider him to be a national hero who strove for the independence of Ukraine. Several cities, includingKyiv, the Ukrainian capital, andPoltava, the city of his birth, have erected monuments to Petliura, with a museum complex also being planned in Poltava.[citation needed] To mark the 80th anniversary of Petliura's assassination, a twelve-volume edition of his writings, including articles, letters and historic documents, has been published in Kyiv byTaras Shevchenko University and the State Archive of Ukraine. In 1992 inPoltava, a series of readings known as"Petliurivski chytannia" have become an annual event, and since 1993, they have taken place annually atKyiv University.[51]
In modern-day Ukraine, Petliura has not been aslionized asMykhailo Hrushevsky (who played a much smaller role in theUkrainian People's Republic), since Petliura was too closely associated with violence to make a good symbolic figure.[52] In a 2008 poll of "Famous Ukrainians of all times" (in which respondents did not receive any lists or tips), Petliura was not mentioned (Hrushevsky came in sixth place in this poll).[53] In the 2008 TV projectVelyki Ukraïntsi ("Greatest Ukrainians"), he placed 26th.[54]
On 14 October 2017,Defenders Day of Ukraine, a statue commemorating Symon Petliura installed by local municipal authorities was unveiled inVinnytsia, which had briefly served as the de-facto capital of the Ukrainian People's Republic during Petliura's tenure in May–June 1920. The placement of the statue in the historical district ofYerusalymka, formerly known as the city's Jewish quarter, caused criticism from some members of the Jewish community, including theWorld Jewish Congress.[56][57]
In November 2017 atryzub modelled after the one worn by Petliura during his leadership in the Directory was introduced as the standard ensign of theArmed Forces of Ukraine on the order of Ukraine's defence ministerStepan Poltorak.[58]
In 2021 the project of a monument to Petliura was presented in his native city of Poltava.[59]
For part of the Western Ukrainian diaspora, Petliura is remembered as a national hero, a fighter for Ukrainian independence, a martyr, who inspired hundreds of thousands to fight for an independent Ukrainian state.[citation needed] He has inspired original music,[61] and youth organizations.[62]
^The Petliura family was very pious. His two sisters became nuns and his nephew Stepan Ivanovych Skrypnyk became thePatriarch Mstyslav of theUkrainian Orthodox Church (in office 1991-1993).
^Hunczak, Taras (1969). "A Reappraisal of Symon Petliura and Ukrainian-Jewish Relations, 1917–1921".Jewish Social Studies.31 (3):163–183.JSTOR4466501.
^Szajkowski, Zosa (1969). "'A Reappraisal of Symon Petliura and Ukrainian-Jewish Relations, 1917–1921': A Rebuttal".Jewish Social Studies.31 (3):184–213.JSTOR4466502.
^Hunczak, Taras; Szajkowski, Zosa (July 1970)."Communications"(PDF).Jewish Social Studies.32 (3):246–263.JSTOR4466608. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 7 August 2016.
Danylevskyi/Danylevsky, Rev. Prof. K. (1947).Petliura v sertsiakh i pisniakh svoho narodu. Regensburg: Nakladom filii Tovarystva ukrayinskykh politychnykh v’iazniv v Regensburzi. P. 11.
Danylevskyi/Danylevsky, Rev. Prof. K. O. (1951).Petliura v sertsiakh i pisniakh svoho narodu. Pittsburgh, USA: Vidbytka z Narodnoho Slova. P. 24.
Encyclopedia of Ukraine – Paris-New York 1970, Volume 6, pp. 2029–30.
1Presidents of the Ukrainian People's Republic in exile.2 Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council.3During the Soviet period the republican leader was the 1st secretary of the party, while a head of state de jure was the chairman of the parliament's presidium.
