Sudan People's Liberation Movement–North الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان-الشمال | |
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| Founded | 2011; 14 years ago (2011) |
| Split from | Sudan People's Liberation Movement |
| Ideology | New Sudan Liberal democracy (unofficial)[dubious –discuss][1] Secularism[2] Anti-racism[3] Marxism-Leninism (Factions)[4] |
| National affiliation | Sudan Revolutionary Front |
| National Assembly | 0 / 426 |
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TheSudan People's Liberation Movement–North (Arabic:الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان-الشمال,romanized: Harakat Al-Sha'abia Li-Tahrir Al-Sudan-Al-Shamal), orSPLM–N, is a political party and militant organisation in theRepublic of the Sudan, based in the states ofBlue Nile andSouth Kordofan. The group's armed forces are formally known as theSudan People's Liberation Army–North orSPLA–N. In 2011 when South Sudan broke away from Sudan to form a new country, most of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and Army (SPLA) left with it, leaving units remaining across the border in Sudan to form the SPLA–N.
The SPLA–N has suffered from factionalism. Two factions,SPLM-N (Agar) andSPLM-N (al-Hilu) were engaged in fighting each other and against thegovernment of Sudan, from approximately 2017–2019.[5] As of 2025, the al-Hilu faction was fighting againstSudanese Armed Forces (SAF), while the leader of the Agar faction was appointed into the military-run government.[6] A third factionSPLM-N (Arman) emerged in 2022.
The SPLM-N was founded by the organizations of the predominantly South SudaneseSudan People's Liberation Movement/Army that remained in Sudan following theSouth Sudanese vote for independence in 2011.[7] Despite theComprehensive Peace Agreement, a low-level conflict continued inRepublic of Sudan. Conflict with the central authorities has led al-Bashir to ban the party.[8] South Sudan is also said to support SPLA-N operations in Sudan, just as Sudan supports anti-government groups in South Sudan.
On 19 July 2011, shortly after the independence of South Sudan/ Nuba Mountains the SPLM-N inSouth Kordofan and theJustice and Equality Movement ofDarfur conducted a coordinated attack against theSudanese army at Pisea, south of the state capital ofKadugli.[9] In August, Radio Dabanga reported that the rebels were gaining ground against government forces. The conflict has led to the displacement of nearly 400,000 residents of theNuba Mountains and surrounding areas.[10]
Disputes over the rightful government ofBlue Nile State led to a resumption of violence in late August/early September 2011.[11] In September and October the SPLA-N formed a government based inKurmuk, which took control of large parts of the state.[12] The conflict in the Blue Nile has raised fears of a new refugee crisis and a return to civil war.[13][14]
In September 2012,Amnesty International reported that SPLM-N teacher and activistJalila Khamis Koko was summoned by a prosecutor for six charges, primarily relating to state security. The organization stated that she appeared to be "held solely for herhumanitarian work and for the peaceful expression of her views", and designated her aprisoner of conscience.[15] She was released after a court hearing on 20 January 2013.[16]
In mid-2017, the SPLM-N split between a faction led byAbdelaziz al-Hilu and one led byMalik Agar. Fighting between the two factions in the Blue Nile included the killing of an SPLM-N (Agar) army major by the SPLM-N (al-Hilu). SPLM-N (Agar) secretary-general Ismail Khamis Jallab claimed that SPLM-N (al-Hilu) had refused mediation efforts.[5]
A key factor motivating the split was that al-Hilu's group insisted on including the establishment of a secular state in negotiations with theal-Bashir government of the time, while Agar's group disagreed. In the 2019–2020Sudanese Revolution phase of theSudanese peace process, the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) continued to insist on secularisation of the state as a requirement for a peace deal.[17]
TheAugust 2019 Draft Constitutional Declaration, signed by military and civilian representatives during the2018–19 Sudanese Revolution, requires that a peace agreement for resolving theWar in Darfur and theSudanese conflict in South Kordofan and Blue Nile be made within the first six months of the 39-month transition period to democratic civilian government.[18][19] As part of the resultingSudanese peace process, on 18 October, after a three-hour negotiating session mediated by a South Sudanese mediation team, Amar Daldoum, on behalf of the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) andShams al-Din Khabbashi, on behalf of theSovereignty Council signed an agreement on political, security and humanitarian procedures. The agreement was cosigned by the chair of the mediation team, Tut Galwak. The SPLM-N (al-Hilu) and the Sovereignty Council planned to develop a Declaration of Principles to organise continuation of the peace process and to present their political vision.[20]
On 24 January 2020, political and security agreements,[21] constituting a framework agreement, were signed by the Sovereignty Council and Ahmed El Omda Badi on behalf of SPLM-N (Agar).[22] The agreements give legislative autonomy to South Kordofan and Blue Nile; propose solutions for the sharing of land and other resources; and aim to unify all militias and government soldiers into a single unified Sudanese military body.[21] On 18 August 2020, the SPLM-N and the Sudanese government signed an agreement to integrate the rebels into the army within 39 months.[23]
The SPLM-N (Agar) and SPLM-N (al-Hilu) factions signed a comprehensive peace agreement with theTransitional Government of Sudan on 31 August 2020 and 3 September 2020 respectively,[24] and both factions agreed to participate in thetransition to democracy in Sudan through peaceful means. Under the terms of the agreement, the factions that signed would be entitled to three seats on thesovereignty council, a total of five ministers in thetransitional cabinet and a quarter of seats in thetransitional legislature. At a regional level, signatories would be entitled to between 30 and 40% of the seats on transitional legislatures of their home states or regions.[25][26]
During theSudanese civil war, Malik Agar was appointed as deputy head of theTransitional Sovereignty Council on 19 May by de facto leaderAbdel Fattah al-Burhan. He replaced GeneralMohamed Hamdan "Hemedti" Dagalo, who launched the conflict in April as leader of the paramilitaryRapid Support Forces (RSF).[6]
On 8 June, the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) began mobilizing around Kadugli, moving into several army camps and prompting the SAF to reinforce its positions despite an RSF blockade.[27] This prompted fears of a new front in the conflict despite the group regularly agreeing to annual ceasefire agreements.[28]
On 21 June, the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) broke its ceasefire agreement and attacked Sudanese army units in South Kordofan, particularly in Kadugli and inal-Dalanj, the latter coinciding with an attack by the RSF. The army claimed to have repelled the attacks,[29] while the rebels claimed to have attacked in retaliation for the death of one of their soldiers at the hands of the SAF and vowed to free the region from "military occupation."[30] On 25 June, the group attacked SAF positions inKurmuk,Blue Nile State, near the border with Ethiopia.[31][30]
In July, despite an appeal by South Sudanese PresidentSalva Kiir to cease its attacks,[32] the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) seized several army garrisons and an oil field in South Kordofan[33] and blocked the road leading fromKarkal to Kadugli. It also launched another attack in Kurmuk.[34]
Speculation arose as to whether al-Hilu's attacks were part of an unofficial alliance between him and the RSF or an attempt to strengthen his position in future negotiations concerning his group.[32] Civil society organizations supporting the SPLM-N claimed its operations sought to protect civilians from possible attacks by the RSF.[35]
In June 2024 Nicholas Casey of theNew York Times was allowed in the Nuba Mountains stronghold of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North led by Abdel Aziz al-Hilu (SPLM-N (al-Hilu)). Casey reported that the civil war between the SAF and RSF had distracted the SAF from attacking the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) and allowed the SPLM-N to go on the offensive, capturing territory "at a steady pace". It had cut off supplies toKadugli, the capital city ofSouth Kordofan State, and was planning to "liberate" it along with what it believes to be substantial stores of military materiel of tanks, armored personnel carriers and ammunition in the city to help the SPLM-N take more territory.[36] The group has approximately 20,000 fighters in the Nuba Mountains. It calls the territory it controls "New Sudan". Its capital isKauda, a farming town, where the rebel government issues driver's licenses and birth certificates, and has a court system made up of volunteer judges, "deciding everything from dowry disputes to murder cases", and schools teaching in English. Concerns of the group are hundreds of thousands of displaced people pouring in to its territory from other parts of Sudan, a devastating drought, famine, that have led to the eating of leaves from bushes, and in some cases starvation and government airstrikes.[36]
The party describes itself as "a Sudanese national movement that seeks to change the policies of the centre in Khartoum and to build a new centre for the benefit of all Sudanese people regardless of theirreligion,gender orethnicity background".[37] Among the principles of the SPLM going back to the 1980s, are opposition to discrimination (by "Arabs" and others) against Black Africans.[36] In an effort to play down the divisions that have long plagued Sudan, the group encourages those in its territory to identify as Nuba and not by religion or tribe.[38]
Journalist Nicholas Casey describes SPLM-N (al-Hilu) as "among the few rebel groups to claim it is fighting for a Western-styledemocracy: It has a Constitution and calls for a secular state in Sudan".[36]
Sudan Now magazine argued that SPLM (Al Hilu) is Marxist Leninist, stating Al Hilu often cities Marxist Leninist Jargon in his speeches and theoretical talks[39]
Since the resumption of conflict, the party has called for negotiations and a ceasefire; however some leaders of the SPLA-N have warned of a potential second partition of Sudan.[40]
As of 2017[update], the SPLM-N (Agar) faction of the party is chaired byMalik Agar and Ismael Jallab is the secretary-general.[41] This faction is represented on theTransitional Sovereignty Council and supports theSudanese Armed Forces.
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As of 2017[update],Abdelaziz al-Hilu heads the SPLM-N (al-Hilu) faction.[5] This faction opposes theSudanese Armed Forces and as a member of theSudan Founding Alliance, supports theRapid Support Forces's attempt to form a parallelGovernment of Peace and Unity.[42] As of February 2025, SPLM-N (al Hilu) controls the town ofKauda and the surrounding area.[43][44] In July 2025, he was proclaimed the deputy leader of a governing alliance headed by the RSF's leaderHemedti.[45]
As of May 2019[update],Yasir Arman was the deputy chair of SPLM-N (Agar) until he split 'amicably' from the group in August 2022 following disagreements with Agar over the October 2021 coup, to form the SPLM-N (Arman) faction.[46]
The S.P.L.M. is among the few rebel groups to claim it is fighting for a Western-style democracy…
The S.P.L.M. is among the few rebel groups to claim it is fighting for a Western-style democracy: It has a Constitution and calls for a secular state in Sudan…
As we sat, the rebels' commander recited again the principles of the S.P.L.M. and their long fight against discrimination against Black Africans that went back to the 1980s.
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