For the simplesentenceJohn runs,John is the subject, a person or thing about whom the statement is made.
Traditionally the subject is the word orphrase which controls theverb in theclause, that is to say with which the verbagrees (Johnis butJohn and Maryare). If there is no verb, as inNicola – what an idiot!, or if the verb has a different subject, as inJohn – I can't stand him!, then 'John' is not considered to be the grammatical subject, but can be described as thetopic of the sentence.
While these definitions apply to simple English sentences, defining the subject is more difficult in more complex sentences and languages. For example, in the sentenceIt is difficult to learn French, the subject seems to be the wordit, and yet arguably[according to whom?] the real subject (the thing that is difficult) isto learn French. A sentence such asIt was John who broke the window is more complex still. Sentences beginning with alocative phrase, such asThere is a problem, isn't there?, in which thetag questionisn't there? seems to imply that the subject is theadverbthere, also create difficulties for the definition of subject.[1]
In languages such asLatin andGerman the subject of a verb has a form which is known as thenominative case: for example, the form 'he' (not 'him' or 'his') is used in sentences such ashe ran, Hebroke the window, Heis a teacher, Hewas hit by a motorist. But there are some languages such asBasque orGreenlandic, in which the form of anoun orpronoun when the verb isintransitive (he ran) is different from when the verb istransitive (he broke the window). In these languages, which are known asergative languages, the concept of subject may not apply at all.
The subject (glossing abbreviations:SUB orSU) is, according to a tradition that can be traced back toAristotle (and that is associated withphrase structure grammars), one of the two mainconstituents of aclause, the other constituent being thepredicate, whereby the predicate says something about the subject.[2][3] According to a tradition associated withpredicate logic anddependency grammars, the subject is the most prominent overtargument of the predicate. By this position all languages with arguments have subjects, though there is no way to define this consistently for all languages.[4] Even in languages such as English, there is not always a perfect match between the semanticpredicand and the subject, as a predicate may be predicated on an argument in another clause (seeraising).
From a functional perspective, a subject is a phrase that conflatesnominative case with thetopic. Many languages (such as those withergative orAustronesian alignment) do not do this, and by this definition would not have subjects.
All of these positions see the subject determining person and numberagreement on thefinite verb, as exemplified by the difference in verb forms betweenhe eats andthey eat. The stereotypical subject immediately precedes the finite verb in declarative sentences and represents anagent or a theme. The subject is often a multi-wordconstituent and should be distinguished fromparts of speech, which, roughly, classifywords within constituents.
In the example sentences below, the subjects are indicated in boldface.
The dictionary helps me find words.
Strangely enough,ice cream appeared on the table.
The man who is sitting over there told me that he just bought a ticket to Tahiti.
Nothing else is good enough.
That nothing else is good enough shouldn't come as a surprise.
To eat six different kinds of vegetables a day is healthy.
Despite her objections,he sold us ten bags of clothes.
There are several criteria for identifying subjects:[5]
Subject-verb agreement: In languages with subject-verb agreement, the subject may agree with the finite verb in various ways, such as in person and number, e.g.I am vs.*I is.[6]
Position occupied: The subject's position relative to the verb is set depending on the word order of the language. For example, in English, anSVO language, subjects precede the finite verb in declarative clauses, e.g.Tom laughs.
Semantic role: A typical subject in the active voice is an agent or theme, i.e. it performs the action expressed by the verb or when it is a theme, it receives a property assigned to it by the predicate.
Of these three criteria, the first one (agreement) is the most reliable. The subject agrees with the finite verb in person and number (and sometimes in gender as well). The second and third criterion are merely strong tendencies that can be flouted in certain constructions, e.g.
Tom is studying chemistry.- The three criteria agree identifyingTom as the subject.
IsTom studying chemistry?- The 1st and the 3rd criteria identifyTom as the subject.
Chemistry is being studied (by Tom).- The 1st and the 2nd criteria identifyChemistry as the subject.
In the first sentence, all three criteria combine to identifyTom as the subject. In the second sentence, which involves thesubject-auxiliary inversion of ayes/no-question, the subject immediately follows the finite verb (instead of immediately preceding it), which means the second criterion is flouted. And in the third sentence expressed in the passive voice, the 1st and the 2nd criterion combine to identifychemistry as the subject, whereas the third criterion suggests thatby Tom could be the subject of the verb if it were changed to its active form (i.e.Tomis studying Chemistry) becauseTom is an agent.
Morphological case: In languages that have case systems, the subject is marked by a specific case, often the nominative.
Omission: Many languages systematically omit a subject that is known in discourse.
The fourth criterion is better applicable to other languages, the exception being the subject and object forms of pronouns,I/me,he/him,she/her, they/them.
The fifth criterion is helpful in languages that typically drop pronominal subjects, such as Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Latin, Greek, Japanese, and Mandarin. Though most of these languages are rich in verb forms for determining the person and number of the subject, Japanese and Mandarin have no such forms at all. In other languages, like English and French, most clauses should have a subject, which should be either a noun (phrase), a pronoun, or a clause. This is also true when the clause has no element to be represented by it. This is why verbs likerain must have a subject such asit, even if nothing is actually being represented byit. In this case,it is anexpletive and adummy pronoun. In imperative clauses, most languages elide the subject, even in languages which typically requires a subject to be present, e.g.
One criterion for identifying a subject in various languages is the possibility of its omission in coordinated sentences such as the following:[7] The man hit the woman and [the man] came here.
In a passive construction, the patient becomes the subject by this criterion: The woman was hit by the man and [the woman] came here.
In ergative languages such as the nearly extinct Australian languageDyirbal, in a transitive sentence it is the patient rather than the agent that can be omitted in such sentences:Balan dyugumbil baŋgul yaraŋgu balgan, baninyu 'The man (bayi yara) hit the woman (balan dyugumbil) and [she] came here'
This suggests that in ergative languages of this kind the patient is actually the subject in a transitive sentence.
There are certain constructions that challenge the criteria just introduced for identifying subjects in English. The following subsections briefly illustrate two such cases: 1) existentialthere-constructions, and 2)inverse copular constructions.
Existentialthere-constructions allow for varying interpretations about what should count as the subject, e.g.
There's problems.
There areproblems.
In sentence 1, the first criterion (agreement) and the second criterion (position occupied) suggest thatthere is the subject, whereas the third criterion (semantic role) suggests rather thatproblems is the subject. In sentence 2, in contrast, agreement and semantic role suggest thatproblems is the subject, whereas position occupied suggests thatthere is the subject. In such cases then, one can take the first criterion as the most telling; the subject should agree with the finite verb.[8]
A chaotic force around here is the boys.- Inverse copular construction
The criteria combine to identifythe boys as the subject in sentence 1. But if that is the case, then one might argue thatthe boys is also the subject in the similar sentence 2, even though two of the criteria (agreement and position occupied) suggest thata chaotic force around here is the subject. When confronted with such data, one has to make a decision that is less than fully arbitrary. If one assumes again that criterion one (agreement) is the most reliable, one can usually identify a subject.
The existence of subject-less clauses can be construed as particularly problematic for theories of sentence structure that build on the binary subject-predicate division. A simple sentence is defined as the combination of a subject and a predicate, but if no subject is present, how can one have a sentence? Subject-less clauses are absent from English for the most part, but they are not unusual in related languages. In German, for instance, impersonal passive clauses can lack a recognizable subject, e.g.
Gestern
yesterday
wurde
was
nur
only
geschlafen.
slept
Gestern wurde nur geschlafen.
yesterday was only slept
'Everybody slept yesterday.'
The wordgestern 'yesterday' is generally construed as an adverb, which means it cannot be taken as the subject in this sentence. Certain verbs in German also require a dative or accusative object instead of a nominative subject, e.g.
Since subjects are typically marked by the nominative case in German (the fourth criterion above), one can argue that this sentence lacks a subject, for the relevant verb argument appears in the dative case, not in the nominative.
Impersonal sentences in Scottish Gaelic can occasionally have a very similar form to the first German example where an actor is omitted. In the following sentence, the word 'chaidh' ("went") is an auxiliary carrying tense and is used in an impersonal or passive constructions. The word 'falbh' ("leaving") is a verbal noun.
The subject receives a privileged status in theories of sentence structure. In those approaches that acknowledge the binary division of the clause into a subject and a predicate (as is the case in mostphrase structure grammars), the subject is usually a daughter of the root node, whereby its sister is the predicate. The object, in contrast, appears lower in the structure as a dependent of the/a verb, e.g.[10]
Subjects 1.1
Subjects are indicated using blue, and objects using orange. The special status of the subject is visible insofar as the subject is higher in the tree each time than the object. In theories of syntax that reject the initial division (as is the case in mostdependency grammars), the subject is nevertheless also granted a privileged status insofar as it is an immediate dependent of the finite verb. The following trees are those of a dependency grammar:[11]
Subjects 2
The subject is a dependent of the root node, the finite verb, in both trees. The object, in contrast, appears lower in the second tree, where it is a dependent of the non-finite verb. The subject remains a dependent finite verb when subject-auxiliary inversion occurs:
Subjects 3
The prominence of the subject is consistently reflected in its position in the tree as an immediate dependent of the root word, the finite verb.
^See Conner (1968:43ff.) for a discussion of the traditional subject concept.
^The division of the clause into a subject and a predicate is a view of sentence structure that is adopted by most English grammars, e.g. Conner (1968:43), Freeborn (1995:121), and Biber et al. (1999:122).
^See Tesnière (1969:103-105) for the alternative concept of sentence structure that puts the subject and the object on more equal footing since they can both be dependents of a (finite) verb.
^See Biber et al. (1999:123) for a similar list of criteria for identifying subjects.
^For basic discussions of subject-verb agreement, see for instance Barry (1998:68f.), Fergusson and Manser (1998:36f.), and Jurafsky and Martin (2000:366f.).
Ágel, V., L. Eichinger, H.-W. Eroms, P. Hellwig, H. Heringer, and H. Lobin (eds.) 2003/6.Dependency and valency: An International Handbook of Contemporary Research. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Barry, A. 1998.English Grammar: Language as Human Behavior. Upper Saddle River, NJ.: Prentice Hall.
Biber, D. et al. 1999.Longman Grammar of spoken and written English. Essex, England: Pearson Education limited.
CollinsCobuild English Grammar 1995. London: HarperCollins Publishers.
Conner, J. 1968.A Grammar of Standard English. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Fergusson, R. and M. Manser 1998.The Macmillan Guide to English Grammar. London: Macmillan.
Hale, K.; Keyser, J. (2002). "Prolegomena to a theory of argument structure",Linguistic Inquiry Monograph, 39, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Jurafsky, D. and J. Martin 2000.Speech and Language Processing: An introduction to natural language processing, computational linguistics, and speech recognition. New Delhi, India: Pearson Education.
Mikkelsen, L. 2005. Copular clauses: Specification, predication, and equation.Linguistics Today 85. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Moro, A. 1997.The raising of predicates. Predicative noun phrases and the theory of clause structure, Cambridge Studies in Linguistics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England.
Payne, T. 2011.Understanding English Grammar. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Tesnière, L. 1969.Éleménts de syntaxe structurale. 2nd edition. Paris: Klincksieck.
