Stanisław II August[a] (born Stanisław Antoni Poniatowski;[b] 17 January 1732 – 12 February 1798), known also by his regnal Latin nameStanislaus II Augustus, and asStanisław August Poniatowski (Lithuanian:Stanislovas Augustas Poniatovskis), wasKing of Poland andGrand Duke of Lithuania from 1764 to 1795, and the last monarch of thePolish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.
Born into wealthy Polisharistocracy, Poniatowski arrived as a diplomat at the Russian imperial court inSaint Petersburg in 1755 at the age of 22[1] and became intimately involved with the future empressCatherine the Great. With her aid, he waselected King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania by theSejm inSeptember 1764[2][3][4] following the death ofAugustus III. Contrary to expectations, Poniatowski attempted to reform and strengthen the large but ailing Commonwealth. His efforts were met with external opposition from neighbouringPrussia, Russia andAustria, all committed to keeping the Commonwealth weak. From within he was opposed by conservative interests, which saw the reforms as a threat to their traditional liberties andprivileges granted centuries earlier.
A controversial figure inPoland's history, he is viewed with ambivalence as a brave and skillful statesman by some and as an overly hesitant coward by others, and even as a traitor. He is criticized primarily for his failure to resolutely stand against opposing forces and prevent thepartitions, which led to the destruction of the Polish state. On the other hand, he is remembered as a great patron of arts and sciences who laid the foundation for theCommission of National Education, the first institution of its kind in the world, theGreat Sejm of 1788–1792, which led to theConstitution of 3 May 1791 and as a sponsor of many architectural landmarks. Historians tend to agree that, taking the circumstances into account, he was a skillful statesman, pointing out that passing the Constitution was a sign of bravery, although his unwillingness to organize a proper nationwide uprising afterward is seen as cowardice and the key reason for the Second Partition and the subsequent downfall of Poland.
The following year Poniatowski was apprenticed to the office ofMichał Fryderyk Czartoryski, the thenDeputy Chancellor of Lithuania.[6] In 1750, he travelled toBerlin where he met a British diplomat,Charles Hanbury Williams, who became his mentor and friend.[10] In 1751, Poniatowski was elected to the Treasury Tribunal inRadom, where he served as a commissioner.[6][10] He spent most of January 1752 at the Austrian court inVienna.[10] Later that year, after serving at the Radom Tribunal and meeting KingAugustus III of Poland, he was elected deputy of theSejm (Polish parliament). While there his father secured for him the title ofStarosta ofPrzemyśl. In March 1753, he travelled to Hungary and Vienna, where he again met with Williams.[10] He returned to the Netherlands, where he met many key members of that country's political and economic sphere. By late August, he had arrived inParis, where he moved among the elites. In February 1754, he travelled on toBritain, where he spent some months. There, he was befriended byCharles Yorke, the futureLord Chancellor ofGreat Britain.[10] He returned to the Commonwealth later that year, however he eschewed the Sejm, as his parents wanted to keep him out of the political furore surrounding theOstrogski family's land inheritance (see:fee tail –Ordynacja Ostrogska).[10] The following year he received the title ofStolnik of Lithuania.[11][12]
Poniatowski owed his rise and influence to his family connections with the powerfulCzartoryski family and their political faction, known as theFamilia, with whom he had grown close.[11][13] It was theFamilia who sent him in 1755 to Saint Petersburg in the service of Williams, who had been nominated British ambassador to Russia.[11][14]
In Saint Petersburg, Williams introduced Poniatowski to the 26-year-oldCatherine Alexeievna, the future empress Catherine the Great. The two became lovers.[11][15] Whatever his feelings for Catherine, it is likely Poniatowski also saw an opportunity to use the relationship for his own benefit, using her influence to bolster his career.[11]
Poniatowski had to leave St. Petersburg in July 1756 due to court intrigue.[11][13] Through the combined influence of Catherine, of Russian empressElizabeth and of chancellorBestuzhev-Ryumin, Poniatowski was able to rejoin the Russian court now as ambassador ofSaxony the following January.[11][13] Still in St Petersburg, he appears to have been a source of intrigue between various European governments, some supporting his appointment, others demanding his withdrawal. He eventually left the Russian capital on 14 August 1758.[11]
Poniatowski attended the Sejms of 1758, 1760, and 1762.[16] He continued his involvement with theFamilia, and supported a pro-Russian and anti-Prussian stance in Polish politics. His father died in 1762, leaving him a modest inheritance.[16] In 1762, when Catherine ascended the Russian throne, she sent him several letters professing her support for his own ascension to the Polish throne, but asking him to stay away from St. Petersburg.[16] Nevertheless, Poniatowski hoped that Catherine would consider his offer of marriage, an idea seen as plausible by some international observers. He participated in the failed plot by theFamilia to stage acoup d'état againstKing Augustus III.[16] In August 1763, however, Catherine advised him and theFamilia that she would not support a coup as long as King Augustus was alive.[16]
Upon the death of Poland's KingAugustus III in October 1763, lobbying began for theelection of the new king. Catherine threw her support behind Poniatowski.[17] The Russians spent about 2.5m rubles in aid of his election. Poniatowski's supporters and opponents engaged in some military posturing and even minor clashes. In the end, the Russian army was deployed only a few kilometres from theelection sejm, which met atWola near Warsaw.[18] In the event, there were no other serious contenders, and duringthe convocation sejm on 7 September 1764, 32-year-old Poniatowski was elected king, with 5,584 votes.[18][19][20] He swore thepacta conventa on 13 November, and a formal coronation took place in Warsaw on 25 November.[17] The new king's "uncles" in theFamilia would have preferred another nephew on the throne, PrinceAdam Kazimierz Czartoryski, characterized by one of his contemporaries as "débauché, si non dévoyé" (French: "debauched if not depraved"), but Czartoryski had declined to seek office.[21]
"Stanisław August", as he now styled himself combining the names of his two immediate royal predecessors, began his rule with only mixed support within the nation. It was mainly the small nobility who favoured his election.[17] In his first years on the throne he attempted to introduce a number of reforms. He founded theKnights School, and began to form a diplomatic service, with semi-permanent diplomatic representatives throughout Europe, Russia and theOttoman Empire.[22] On 7 May 1765, Poniatowski established theOrder of the Knights of Saint Stanislaus, in honour ofSaint Stanislaus of Krakow, Bishop and Martyr, Poland's and his own patron saint, as the country's secondorder of chivalry, to reward Poles and others for noteworthy service to the King.[23][24] Together with theFamilia he tried to reform the ineffective system of government, by reducing the powers of thehetmans (Commonwealth's top military commanders) and treasurers, moving them to commissions elected by the Sejm and accountable to the King.[22] In his memoirs, Poniatowski called this period the "years of hope."[17] TheFamilia, which was interested in strengthening its own power base, was dissatisfied with his conciliatory attitude as he reached out to many former opponents of their policies.[17][20] This uneasy alliance between Poniatowski and theFamilia continued for most of the first decade of his rule.[17] One of the points of contention between Poniatowski and theFamilia concerned the rights of religious minorities in Poland. Whereas Poniatowski reluctantly supported a policy ofreligious tolerance, theFamilia was opposed to it. The growing rift between Poniatowski and theFamilia was exploited by the Russians, who used the issue as a pretext to intervene in the Commonwealth's internal politics and to destabilize the country.[22] Catherine had no wish to see Poniatowski's reform succeed. She had supported his ascent to the throne to ensure the Commonwealth remained a virtualpuppet state under Russian control, so his attempts to reform the Commonwealth's ailing government structures were a threat to thestatus quo.[20][22]
The Bar Confederation and First Partition of Poland
Matters came to a head in 1766. During the Sejm in October of that year, Poniatowski attempted to push through a radical reform, restricting the disastrousliberum veto provision.[25] He was opposed by conservatives such asMichał Wielhorski, who were supported by the Prussian and Russian ambassadors and who threatened war if the reform was passed. The dissidents, supported by the Russians, formed theRadom Confederation.[25] Abandoned by theFamilia, Poniatowski's reforms failed to pass at theRepnin Sejm, named after Russian ambassadorNicholas Repnin, who promised to guarantee with all the might of the Russian Empire theGolden Liberties of the Polish nobility, enshrined in theCardinal Laws.[25][26][27]
Although it had abandoned the cause of Poniatowski's reforms, theFamilia did not receive the support it expected from the Russians who continued to press for the conservatives' rights. Meanwhile, other factions now rallied under the banner of theBar Confederation, aimed against the conservatives, Poniatowski and the Russians.[25] After an unsuccessful attempt to raise allies in Western Europe, France, Britain and Austria, Poniatowski and theFamilia had no choice but to rely more heavily on the Russian Empire, which treated Poland as aprotectorate.[28] In theWar of the Bar Confederation (1768–1772), Poniatowski supported the Russian army's repression of the Bar Confederation.[25][29] In 1770, the Council of the Bar Confederation proclaimed him dethroned.[30] The following year, he was kidnapped by Bar Confederates and was briefly held prisoner outside of Warsaw, but he managed to escape.[30][31] In view of the continuing weakness of the Polish-Lithuanian state, Austria, Russia, and Prussia collaborated to threaten military intervention in exchange for substantial territorial concessions from the Commonwealth – a decision they made without consulting Poniatowski or any other Polish parties.[30]
Although Poniatowski protested against theFirst Partition of the Commonwealth (1772), he was powerless to do anything about it.[32] He consideredabdication, but decided against it.[30]
During thePartition Sejm of 1773–1775, in which Russia was represented by ambassadorOtto von Stackelberg, with no allied assistance forthcoming from abroad and with the armies of the partitioning powers occupyingWarsaw to compel the Sejm by force of arms, no alternative was available save submission to their will.[33][34][35] Eventually Poniatowski and the Sejm acceded to the "partition treaty". At the same time, several other reforms were passed.[35] TheCardinal Laws were confirmed and guaranteed by the partitioning powers.[34] Royal prerogative was restricted, so that the King lost the power to confer titular roles, and military promotions, to appoint ministers and senators.Starostwo territories, andCrown lands would be awarded by auction.[34][36][37] The Sejm also created two notable institutions: thePermanent Council, a government body in continuous operation, and theCommission of National Education.[38] The partitioning powers intended the council to be easier to control than the unruly Sejms, and indeed it remained under the influence of the Russian Empire. Nevertheless, it was a significant improvement on the earlier Commonwealth governance.[34][38] The new legislation was guaranteed by the Russian Empire, giving it licence to interfere in Commonwealth politics when legislation it favoured was threatened.[34]
The aftermath of thePartition Sejm saw the rise of a conservative faction opposed to the Permanent Council, seeing it as a threat to their Golden Freedoms. This faction was supported by the Czartoryski family, but not by Poniatowski, who proved to be quite adept at making the Council follow his wishes. This marked the formation of new anti-royal and pro-royal factions in Polish politics.[23][35] The royal faction was made up primarily of people indebted to the King, who planned to build their careers on service to him. Few were privy to his plans for reforms, which were kept hidden from the conservative opposition and Russia.[23] Poniatowski scored a political victory during the Sejm of 1776, which further strengthened the council.[35] ChancellorAndrzej Zamoyski was tasked with the codification of the Polish law, a project that became known as theZamoyski Code. Russia supported some, but not all, of the 1776 reforms, and to prevent Poniatowski from growing too powerful, it supported the opposition during the Sejm of 1778. This marked the end of Poniatowski's reforms, as he found himself without sufficient support to carry them through.[39]
In the 1780s, Catherine appeared to favour Poniatowski marginally over the opposition, but she did not support any of his plans for significant reform.[39] Despite repeated attempts, Poniatowski failed toconfederate the sejms, which would have made them immune to theliberum veto.[23] Thus, although he had a majority in the Sejms, Poniatowski was unable to pass even the smallest reform. TheZamoyski Code was rejected by the Sejm of 1780, and opposition attacks on the King dominated the Sejms of 1782 and 1786.[23]
Reforms became possible again in the late 1780s. In the context of the wars being waged against the Ottoman Empire by both theAustrian Empire and theRussian Empire, Poniatowski tried to draw Poland into theAustro-Russian alliance, seeing a war with the Ottomans as an opportunity to strengthen the Commonwealth.[40][41] Catherine gave permission for the next Sejm to be called, as she considered some form of limited military alliance with Poland against the Ottomans might be useful.[41][42]
George Sanford notes that the Constitution gave Poland "a constitutional monarchy close to the British model of the time."[48] According to a contemporary account, Poniatowski himself described it, as "founded principally on those of England and the United States of America, but avoiding the faults and errors of both, and adapted as much as possible to the local and particular circumstances of the country."[49] The Constitution of 3 May remained to the end a work in progress. A newcivil andcriminal code (provisionally called the "Stanisław Augustus Code") was among the proposals. Poniatowski also planned a reform to improve the situation ofPolish Jews.[50]
In foreign policy, spurned by Russia, Poland turned to another potential ally, theTriple Alliance, represented on the Polish diplomatic scene primarily by theKingdom of Prussia, which led to the formation of the ultimately futilePolish–Prussian alliance.[51] The pro-Prussian shift was not supported by Poniatowski, who nevertheless acceded to the decision of the majority of Sejm deputies.[45] The passing of the Constitution of 3 May, although officially applauded byFrederick William II of Prussia, who sent a congratulatory note to Warsaw, caused further worry in Prussia.[52] The contacts of Polish reformers with the revolutionaryFrench National Assembly were seen by Poland's neighbours as evidence of a conspiracy and a threat to their absolute monarchies.[53][54] Prussian statesmanEwald von Hertzberg expressed the fears of European conservatives: "The Poles have given thecoup de grâce to the Prussian monarchy by voting in a constitution", elaborating that a strong Commonwealth would likely demand the return of the lands Prussia acquired in the First Partition;[55] a similar sentiment was later expressed by Prussian Foreign Minister, Count Friedrich Wilhelm von derSchulenburg-Kehnert.[52] Russia's wars with the Ottomans andSweden having ended, Catherine was furious over the adoption of the Constitution, which threatened Russian influence in Poland.[56][57][58] One of Russia's chief foreign policy authors,Alexander Bezborodko, upon learning of the Constitution, commented that "the worst possible news have arrived from Warsaw: the Polish king has become almost sovereign."[55]
War in Defence of the Constitution and fall of the Commonwealth
Shortly thereafter, conservative Polish nobility formed theTargowica Confederation to overthrow the Constitution, which they saw as a threat to the traditional freedoms and privileges they enjoyed.[59][60] The confederates aligned themselves with Russia's Catherine the Great, and the Russian army entered Poland, marking the start of thePolish–Russian War of 1792, also known as the War in Defence of the Constitution. The Sejm voted to increase the Polish Army to 100,000 men, but due to insufficient time and funds this number was never achieved.[61] Poniatowski and the reformers could field only a 37,000-man army, many of them untested recruits.[62] This army, under the command of the King's nephewJózef Poniatowski andTadeusz Kościuszko, managed to defeat the Russians or fight them to a draw on several occasions.[61] Following the victoriousBattle of Zieleńce, in which Polish forces were commanded by his nephew, the King founded a new order, theOrder of Virtuti Militari, to reward Poles for exceptional military leadership and courage in combat.[63]
Despite Polish requests, Prussia refused to honour its alliance obligations.[52] In the end, the numerical superiority of the Russians was too great, and defeat looked inevitable.[61] Poniatowski's attempts at negotiations with Russia proved futile.[64] In July 1792, when Warsaw was threatened with siege by the Russians, the king came to believe that surrender was the only alternative to total defeat. Having received assurances from Russian ambassadorYakov Bulgakov that no territorial changes would occur, acabinet of ministers called theGuard of Laws (or Guardians of Law,Polish:Straż Praw) voted eight to four in favor of surrender.[64] On 24 July 1792, Poniatowski joined the Targowica Confederation.[61] The Polish Army disintegrated. Many reform leaders, believing their cause lost, went into self-exile, although they hoped that Poniatowski would be able to negotiate an acceptable compromise with the Russians, as he had done in the past.[64] Poniatowski had not saved the Commonwealth, however. He and the reformers had lost much of their influence, both within the country and with Catherine.[65] Neither were the Targowica Confederates victorious. To their surprise, there ensued theSecond Partition of Poland.[61] With the new deputies bribed or intimidated by the Russian troops, theGrodno Sejm took place.[61][66] On 23 November 1793, it annulled all acts of the Great Sejm, including the Constitution.[67] Faced with his powerlessness, Poniatowski once again considered abdication; in the meantime he tried to salvage whatever reforms he could.[68][69]
Poniatowski's plans had been ruined by theKościuszko Uprising.[69] The King had not encouraged it, but once it began he supported it, seeing no other honourable option.[69] Its defeat marked the end of the Commonwealth. Poniatowski tried to govern the country in the brief period after the fall of the Uprising, but on 2 December 1794, Catherine demanded he leave Warsaw, a request to which he acceded on 7 January 1795, leaving the capital under Russian military escort and settling briefly inGrodno.[70] On 24 October 1795, the Act of the final,Third Partition of Poland was signed. One month and one day later, on 25 November, Poniatowski signed his abdication.[70][71][72]Reportedly, his sister, Ludwika Maria Zamoyska and her daughter also his favourite niece,Urszula Zamoyska, who had been threatened with confiscation of their property, had contributed to persuading him to sign the abdication: they feared that his refusal would lead to a Russian confiscation of their properties and their ruin.[73]
Catherine died on 17 November 1796, succeeded by her son,Paul I of Russia. On 15 February 1797, Poniatowski left for Saint Petersburg.[71] He had hoped to be allowed to travel abroad, but was unable to secure permission to do so.[71] A virtual prisoner in St. Petersburg'sMarble Palace,[74] he subsisted on a pension granted to him by Catherine.[71] Despite financial troubles, he still supported some of his former allies, and continued to try to represent the Polish cause at the Russian court.[71] He also worked on his memoirs.[71]
Poniatowski died of a stroke on 12 February 1798.[75] Paul I sponsored a royal state funeral, and on 3 March he was buried at theCatholic Church of St. Catherine in St. Petersburg.[75] In 1938, when theSoviet Union planned to demolish the Church, his remains were transferred to theSecond Polish Republic and interred in a church atWołczyn, his birthplace.[75] This was done in secret and caused controversy in Poland when the matter became known.[75] In 1990, due to the poor state of the Wołczyn church (then in theByelorussian SSR), his body was once more exhumed and was brought to Poland, toSt. John's Cathedral in Warsaw, where on 3 May 1791 he had celebrated the adoption of the Constitution that he had coauthored.[75][76] A third funeral ceremony was held on 14 February 1995.[75]
He supported the development of the sciences, particularlycartography; he hired a personal cartographer, Karol de Perthees, even before he was elected king.[78] A plan he initiated to map the entire territory of the Commonwealth, however, was never finished.[78] At theRoyal Castle in Warsaw, he organized anastronomical observatory and supported astronomersJan Śniadecki andMarcin Odlanicki Poczobutt.[78][81] He also sponsored historical studies, including the collection, cataloging and copying of historical manuscripts.[81] He encouraged publications of biographies of famous Polish historical figures, and sponsored paintings and sculptures of them.[81]
He also supported the development of industry and manufacturing, areas in which the Commonwealth lagged behind most of Western Europe.[78][88] Among the endeavours in which he invested were the manufacture of cannons and firearms and the mining industry.[78]
Poniatowski himself left several literary works: his memoirs, some political brochures and recorded speeches from the Sejm.[75] He was considered a great orator and a skilled conversationalist.[75]
In a work by De Daugnon, an anecdote is quoted that happened to his mother, Constance, in 1732. An Italian named Antonio Formica appears before her, who was assumed to be an astrologer. Seeing the child born on 17 January of that year, he predicted that he would be king of the Poles. The prediction came true many years later, and fortunately there are records of the existence of a Sicilian physician Dr. Antonio Formica, who lived in Poland during those years, closely linked to the Polish aristocracy. It is said[by whom?] that it could be the same person.[93]
Manuscript of the Constitution of 3 May 1791
When elected to the throne, he was seen by many as simply an "instrument for displacing the somnolent Saxons from the throne of Poland", yet as the British historian,Norman Davies notes, "he turned out to be an ardent patriot, and a convinced reformer."[94] Still, according to many, his reforms did not go far enough, leading to accusations that he was being overly cautious, even indecisive, a fault to which he himself admitted.[75][95] His decision to rely on Russia has been often criticized.[95] Poniatowski saw Russia as a "lesser evil" – willing to support the notional "independence" of a weak Poland within the Russian sphere of influence. However, in the event Russia imposed thePartitions of Poland rather than choose to support internal reform.[95][96] He was accused by others of weakness and subservience, even of treason, especially in the years following theSecond Partition.[68][69] During theKościuszko Uprising, there were rumours thatPolish Jacobins had been planning acoup d'état and Poniatowski's assassination.[70] Another line of criticism alleged poor financial management on his part.[85] Poniatowski actually had little personal wealth. Most of his income came fromCrown Estates and monopolies.[85] His lavish patronage of the arts and sciences was a major drain on the royal treasury. He also supported numerous public initiatives, and attempted to use the royal treasury to cover the state's expenses when tax revenues were insufficient.[85] The Sejm promised several times to compensate his treasury to little practical effect.[85] Nonetheless contemporary critics frequently accused him of being a spendthrift.[75]
Andrzej Zahorski dedicated a book to a discussion of Poniatowski,The Dispute over Stanisław August (Spór o Stanisława Augusta, Warsaw, 1988).[68] He notes that the discourse concerning Poniatowski is significantly coloured by the fact that he was the last King of Poland – the King who failed to save the country.[91] This failure, and his prominent position, rendered him a convenient scapegoat for many.[97] Zahorski argues that Poniatowski made the error of joining the Targowica Confederation. Although he wanted to preserve the integrity of the Polish state, it was far too late for that – he succeeded instead in cementing the damage to his own reputation for succeeding centuries.[96]
Poniatowski is depicted in numerous portraits, medals and coins.[68] He is prominent inJan Matejko's work, especially in the 1891 painting,Constitution of 3 May 1791 and in another large canvas,Rejtan, and in his series of portraits of Polish monarchs.[103][68] A bust of Poniatowski was unveiled inŁazienki Palace in 1992.[68] A number of cities in Poland have streets named after him, includingKraków andWarsaw.[68]
Poniatowski never married. In his youth, he had loved his cousinElżbieta Czartoryska, but her fatherAugust Aleksander Czartoryski disapproved because he did not think him influential or rich enough. When this was no longer an issue, she was already married. Hispacta conventa specified that he should marry a Polish noblewoman, although he himself always hoped to marry into someroyal family.[68]
Upon his accession to the throne, he had hopes of marryingCatherine II, writing to her on 2 November 1763 in a moment of doubt, "If I desired the throne, it was because I saw you on it." When she made it clear through his envoyRzewuski that she would not marry him, there were hopes of an Austrian archduchess,[104]Archduchess Maria Elisabeth of Austria (1743–1808). A marriage to PrincessSophia Albertina of Sweden was suggested despite the religious differences, but this match was opposed by his sisters,Ludwika Maria Poniatowska andIzabella Poniatowska, and nothing came of it.[105] The ceremonial role of queen and hostess of his court was played by his favourite niece,Urszula Zamoyska.[106]
A few historians believe that he later contracted a secret marriage withElżbieta Szydłowska. However, according toWirydianna Fiszerowa, a contemporary who knew them both, this rumour only spread after the death of Poniatowski, was generally disbelieved, and moreover, was circulated by Elżbieta herself, so the marriage is considered by most to be unlikely.[107] He had several notable lovers, includingElżbieta Branicka, who acted as his political adviser and financier,[108] and had children with two of them. WithMagdalena Agnieszka Sapieżyna (1739–1780), he became the father of Konstancja Żwanowa (1768–1810) and Michał Cichocki (1770–1828).[68] WithElżbieta Szydłowska (1748–1810), he became the father of Stanisław Konopnicy-Grabowski (1780–1845),Michał Grabowski (1773–1812), Kazimierz Grabowski (1770–?),[a] Konstancja Grabowska[a] and Izabela Grabowska (1776–1858).[68]
In a work by De Daugnon, an anecdote is quoted that happened to his mother, Constance, in 1732. An Italian named Antonio Formica appears before her, who was assumed to be an astrologer. Seeing the child born on 17 January of that year, he predicted that he would be king of the Poles. The prediction came true many years later, and fortunately there are records of the existence of a Sicilian doctor Dr. Antonio Formica, who lived in Poland during those years, closely linked to the Polish aristocracy. It is said that it could be the same person.[93]
a^ Sources vary as to whether Konstancja Grabowska and Kazimierz Grabowski were Poniatowski's children. They are listed as such by several sources, includingJerzy Michalski's article on Stanisław August Poniatowski in thePolish Biographical Dictionary.[68] However,Maria Minakowska'swebsite on descendants ofGreat Sejm participants lists neither Kazimierz Grabowski nor Konstancja Grabowska as Poniatowski's children; and for Elżbieta Szydłowska, it lists only Kazimierz Grabowski asJan Jerzy Grabowski's child.[114][115]
^abcdefJerzy Michalski,Stanisław August Poniatowski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, T.41, 2011, p. 613
^abcdefghJerzy Michalski,Stanisław August Poniatowski, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, T.41, 2011, p. 614
^Teresa Zielińska (1997). "Volume 1".Poczet polskich rodów arystokratycznych (in Polish). Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne. p. 239.ISBN83-02-06429-7.
^Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak,Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987, pp. 297–298
^Andrzej Jezierski, Cecylia Leszczyńska,Historia gospodarcza Polski, 2003, p. 68.
^abJerzy Jan Lerski; Piotr Wróbel; Richard J. Kozicki (1996). "Volume 289".Polish Historical dictionary of Poland, 966–1945. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 565.ISBN0-313-26007-9.
^Marek Wrede; Hanna Małachowicz; Paweł Sadlej (2007).Konstytucja 3 Maja. Historia. Obraz. Konsweracja. Zamek Królewski w Warszawie. pp. 26–31.ISBN978-83-7022-172-0.
^Biogram został opublikowany w 1936 r. w II tomie Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego.
^Biography inPSB (1976), vol. 21 – tom XXI Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego
^Fiszerowa, Wirydianna (1998).Dzieje Moje Własne I OsóB Postronnych: WiąZanka Spraw PoważNych, Ciekawych I Błahych. Warsaw: Świat Książki.ISBN9788371292736.OCLC40907892.
^Biogram został opublikowany w 1994 r. w XXXV tomie Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego.
^Mieczysław B. Biskupski; James S. Pula (1990). "Volume 289".Polish democratic thought from the Renaissance to the great emigration: essays and documents. East European Monographs. p. 168.ISBN0-88033-186-0.
^abKawalerowie i statuty Orderu Orła Białego 1705–2008. Zamek Królewski w Warszawie: 2008, p. 186.
^Krzysztof Filipow (2003).Falerystyka polska XVII–XIX w. Muzeum Wojska w Białymstoku. p. 73.
^Liste der Ritter des Königlich Preußischen Hohen Ordens vom Schwarzen Adler (1851), "Von Seiner Majestät dem Könige Friedrich II. ernannte Ritter"p. 9
Butterwick, Richard (2001). "The Enlightened Monarchy of Stanisław August Poniatowski, 1764–1795". In Richard, Butterwick (ed.).The Polish-Lithuanian Monarchy in European Context, c. 1500–1795. Basingstoke and London: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 192–217.ISBN978-0-333-99380-4.
Dembiński, Bronisław, ed. (1904).Stanisław August i książe Józef Poniatowski w świetle własnej korespondencyi [Stanislaw and Prince Joseph Poniatowski in the Light of Their Private Correspondence] (in Polish). Nakład Towarzystwa dla Popierania Nauki PolskiejLviv.
Kiliński, Jan (1899) [1818].Drugi pamiętnik, nieznany, o czasach Stanisława Augusta [Recollections of the Times of Stanislaw August] (in Polish). Aleksander Kraushar.
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