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Spoiler effect

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Losing candidate affecting election result
For the same effect in sports, seeElimination from postseason contention § Spoiler effect.
"Independence of spoilers" redirects here. For the logical property in decision theory, seeIndependence of irrelevant alternatives.
A jointPolitics andEconomics series
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Insocial choice theory andpolitics, aspoiler effect happens when a losing candidate affects the results of an election simply by participating.[1] Voting rules that are not affected by spoilers are said to bespoilerproof[2][3] and satisfyindependence of irrelevant alternatives.[1][3][4]

The frequency and severity of spoiler effects depends substantially on the voting method.First-past-the-post voting withoutwinnowing or primary elections[citation needed] is sensitive to spoilers. And so, to a degree, areInstant-runoff or ranked-choice voting (RCV) and thetwo-round system (TRS).[4][5][6][7]Majority-rule (or Condorcet) methods are only rarely affected by spoilers, which are limited to rare[8][9] situations calledcyclic ties.[8][9][10]Rated voting systems are not subject toArrow's theorem, allowing them to be spoilerproof so long as voters' ratings are consistent across elections.[2][11][12][13]

Spoiler effects can also occur in some methods ofproportional representation, such as thesingle transferable vote (STV or RCV-PR) and thelargest remainders method of party-list representation, where it is called thenew states paradox. A new party entering an election causes some seats to shift from one unrelated party to another, even if the new party wins no seats.[14] This kind of spoiler effect is avoided bydivisor methods andproportional approval.[14]: Thm.8.3 

Motivation

[edit]

Indecision theory,independence of irrelevant alternatives is a fundamental principle ofrational choice which says that a decision between two outcomes,A orB, should not depend on the quality of a third, unrelated outcomeC. A famous joke bySidney Morgenbesser illustrates this principle:[15]

A man is deciding whether to order apple, blueberry, or cherry pie before settling on apple. The waitress informs him that the cherry pie is very good and a favorite of most customers. The man replies "in that case, I'll have the blueberry."

Politicians andsocial choice theorists have long argued for the unfairness of spoiler effects. The mathematician and political economistNicolas de Condorcet was the first to study the spoiler effect, in the 1780s.[16]

Manipulation by politicians

[edit]

Voting systems that violate independence of irrelevant alternatives are susceptible to being manipulated bystrategic nomination. Such systems may produce anincentive to entry, increasing a candidate's chances of winning if similar candidates join the race, or anincentive to exit, reducing the candidate's chances of winning.

Some systems are particularly infamous for their ease of manipulation, such as theBorda count, which exhibits a particularly severe entry incentive, letting any party "clone their way to victory" by running a large number of candidates. This famously forced de Borda to concede that "my system is meant only for honest men,"[17][18] and eventually led to its abandonment by theFrench Academy of Sciences.[18]

Other systems exhibit an exit incentive. The vote splitting effect inplurality voting demonstrates this method's strong exit incentive: if multiple candidates with similar views run in an election, their supporters' votes will be diluted, which may cause a unified opposition candidate to win despite having less support. This effect encourages groups of similar candidates to form an organization to make sure they don't step on each other's toes.[19]

By electoral system

[edit]
Susceptibility to spoilers
Electoral systemSpoiler effect
Plurality votingHigh
Runoffs orRCVMedium
Condorcet methodsLow
Score orMediansNone

Differentelectoral systems have different levels of vulnerability to spoilers. In general, spoilers are common withplurality voting, somewhat common inplurality-runoff methods, rare withmajoritarian methods, and impossible for mostrated voting methods.[note 1]

First-preference plurality

[edit]

In cases where there are many similar candidates, spoiler effects occur most often infirst-preference plurality (FPP).[citation needed] For example, in the United States, vote splitting is common inprimaries, where many similar candidates run against each other. The purpose of a primary election is to eliminate vote splitting among candidates from the same party in thegeneral election by running only one candidate. In a two-party system, party primaries effectively turnFPP into atwo-round system.[20][21][22]

Vote splitting is the most common cause of spoiler effects inFPP. In these systems, the presence of many ideologically-similar candidates causes their vote total to be split between them, placing these candidates at a disadvantage.[23][24] This is most visible in elections where a minor candidate draws votes away from a major candidate with similar politics, thereby causing a strong opponent of both to win.[23][25]

Runoff systems

[edit]

Plurality-runoff methods like thetwo-round system andRCV still experience vote-splitting in each round. This produces a kind of spoiler effect called acenter squeeze. Compared to plurality without primaries, the elimination of weak candidates in earlier rounds reduces their effect on the final results; however, spoiled elections remain common compared to other systems.[24][26][27] As a result, instant-runoff voting still tends towardstwo-party rule through the process known asDuverger's law.[12][28] A notable example of this can be seen inAlaska's 2024 race, where party elites pressured candidateNancy Dahlstrom into dropping out to avoid a repeat of thespoiled 2022 election.[29][30][31]

Tournament (Condorcet) voting

[edit]

Spoiler effects rarely occur when usingtournament solutions, where candidates are compared in one-on-one matchups to determine relative preference. For each pair of candidates, there is a count for how many voters prefer the first candidate in the pair to the second candidate The resulting table of pairwise counts eliminates the step-by-step redistribution of votes, which is usually the cause for spoilers in other methods.[10] This pairwise comparison means that spoilers can only occur when there is aCondorcet cycle, where there is no single candidate preferred to all others.[10][32][33]

Theoretical models suggest that somewhere between 90% and 99% of real-world elections have a Condorcet winner,[32][33] and the first Condorcet cycle in a ranked American election was found in 2021.[34] Some systems like theSchulze method andranked pairs have stronger spoiler resistance guarantees that limit which candidates can spoil an election without aCondorcet winner.[35]: 228–229 

Rated voting

[edit]

Rated voting methods ask voters to assign each candidate a score on a scale (e.g. rating them from 0 to 10), instead of listing them from first to last.Highest median andscore (highest mean) voting are the two most prominent examples of rated voting rules. Whenever voters rate candidates independently, the rating given to one candidate does not affect the ratings given to the other candidates. Any new candidate cannot change the winner of the race without becoming the winner themselves, which would disqualify them from the definition of a spoiler. For this to hold, in some elections, some voters must use less than their full voting power despite having meaningful preferences among viable candidates.

The outcome of rated voting depends on the scale used by the voter or assumed by the mechanism.[36] If the voters use relative scales, i.e. scales that depend on what candidates are running, then the outcome can change if candidates who don't win drop out.[37] Empirical results from panel data suggest that judgments are at least in part relative.[38][39] Thus, rated methods, as used in practice, may exhibit a spoiler effect caused by the interaction between the voters and the system, even if the system itself passes IIA given an absolute scale.

Proportional representation

[edit]

Spoiler effects can also occur in some methods ofproportional representation, such as thesingle transferable vote (STV or RCV-PR) and thelargest remainders method of party-list representation, where it is called anew party paradox. A new party entering an election causes some seats to shift from one unrelated party to another, even if the new party wins no seats.[14] This kind of spoiler effect is avoided bydivisor methods andproportional approval.[14]: Thm.8.3 

Spoiler campaign

[edit]
See also:List of elections involving vote splitting,Protest vote, andSingle-issue politics

United States

[edit]
See also:Electoral fusion in the United States

A spoiler campaign in the United States is often one that cannot realistically win but can still determine the outcome by pulling support from a more competitive candidate.[40] The two major parties in the United States, theRepublican Party andDemocratic Party, have regularly won 98% of all state and federal seats.[41] The US presidential elections most consistently cited as having been spoiled by third-party candidates are1844[42] and2000.[43][44][45][42] The2016 election is more disputed as to whether it contained spoiler candidates or not.[46][47][48] For the2024 presidential election, Republican lawyers and operatives have fought to keep right-leaning third-parties like theConstitution Party off swing state ballots[49] while working to getCornel West on battleground ballots.[50] Democrats have helped some right-leaning third-parties gain ballot access while challenging ballot access of left-leaning third-parties like theGreen Party.[51] According to theAssociated Press, the GOP effort to prop up possible spoiler candidates in 2024 appears more far-reaching than the Democratic effort.[52]Barry Burden argues that they have almost no chance of winning the 2024 election but are often motivated by particular issues.[53]

Third party candidates are always controversial because almost anyone could play spoiler.[54][55] This is especially true in close elections where the chances of a spoiler effect increase.[56]Strategic voting, especially prevalent during high stakes elections with highpolitical polarization, often leads to a third-party that underperforms its poll numbers with voters wanting to make sure their least favorite candidate is not in power.[41][57][58] Third-party campaigns are more likely to result in the candidate a third party voter least wants in the White House.[55] Third-party candidates prefer to focus on their platform than on their impact on the frontrunners.[55]

Notable unintentional spoilers

[edit]

An unintentional spoiler is one that has a realistic chance of winning but falls short and affects the outcome of the election. Some third-party candidates express ambivalence about which major party they prefer and their possible role as spoiler[59][60] or deny the possibility.[61]

2009 Burlington mayoral election

[edit]

InBurlington, Vermont's second IRV election, spoilerKurt Wright knocked out DemocratAndy Montroll in the second round, leading to the election ofBob Kiss, despite the election results showing most voters preferred Montroll to Kiss.[62] The results of every possible one-on-one election can be completed as follows:

Andy Montroll (D)6262 (Montroll) –

591 (Simpson)

4570 (Montroll) –

2997 (Smith)

4597 (Montroll) –

3664 (Wright)

4064 (Montroll) –

3476 (Kiss)

4/4 Wins
Bob Kiss (P)5514 (Kiss) –

844 (Simpson)

3944 (Kiss) –

3576 (Smith)

4313 (Kiss) –

4061 (Wright)

3/4 WinsRCV winner
Kurt Wright (R)5270 (Wright) –

1310 (Simpson)

3971 (Wright) –

3793 (Smith)

2/4 WinsSpoiler for Montroll
Dan Smith (I)5570 (Smith) –

721 (Simpson)

1/4 Wins
James Simpson (G)0/4 Wins

This leads to an overall preference ranking of:

  1. Montroll – defeats all candidates below, including Kiss (4,064 to 3,476)
  2. Kiss – defeats all candidates below, including Wright (4,313 to 4,061)
  3. Wright – defeats all candidates below, including Smith (3,971 to 3,793)
  4. Smith – defeats Simpson (5,570 to 721) and the write-in candidates

Montroll was therefore preferred over Kiss by 54% of voters, over Wright by 56%, and over Smith by 60%. Had Wright not run, Montroll would have won instead of Kiss.[62][63]

Because all ballots were fully released, it is possible to reconstruct the winners under other voting methods. While Wright would have won underplurality, Kiss won underIRV, and would have won under atwo-round vote or a traditionalnonpartisan blanket primary. Montroll, being themajority-preferred candidate, would have won if the ballots were counted usingranked pairs (or any otherCondorcet method).[64]

2022 Alaska's at-large congressional district special election

[edit]

InAlaska's first-ever IRV election,Nick Begich was eliminated in the first round to advanceMary Peltola andSarah Palin. However, the pairwise comparison shows that Begich was theCondorcet winner while Palin was both theCondorcet loser and a spoiler:[65]

Pairwise comparison matrix by vote totals[66][65]
BegichPeltolaPalin
Begich-88,126101,438
Peltola79,486-91,375
Palin63,66686,197-
Pairwise as a percentage
WinnerLoserWinnerLoser
Begichvs.Peltola52.6%vs. 47.4%
Begichvs.Palin61.4%vs. 38.6%
Peltolavs.Palin51.5%vs. 48.5%

In the wake of the election, a poll found 54% of Alaskans, including a third of Peltola voters, supported a repeal of RCV.[67][68][69] Observers noted such pathologies would have occurred under Alaska's previous primary system as well, leading several to suggest Alaska adopt any one ofseveral alternatives without this behavior.[70]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^Strategic voting can sometimes create additional spoiler-like behavior. However, this does not substantially affect the general order described here.

References

[edit]
  1. ^abHeckelman, Jac C.; Miller, Nicholas R. (2015-12-18).Handbook of Social Choice and Voting. Edward Elgar Publishing.ISBN 9781783470730.A spoiler effect occurs when a single party or a candidate entering an election changes the outcome to favor a different candidate.
  2. ^abMiller, Nicholas R. (2019-04-01)."Reflections on Arrow's theorem and voting rules".Public Choice.179 (1):113–124.doi:10.1007/s11127-018-0524-6.hdl:11603/20937.ISSN 1573-7101.
  3. ^abMcCune, David; Wilson, Jennifer (2024-03-03),Multiwinner Elections and the Spoiler Effect,arXiv:2403.03228
  4. ^abMcCune, David; Wilson, Jennifer (July 2023)."Ranked-choice voting and the spoiler effect".Public Choice.196 (1–2):19–50.doi:10.1007/s11127-023-01050-3.ISSN 0048-5829.
  5. ^Merrill, Samuel (1985)."A statistical model for Condorcet efficiency based on simulation under spatial model assumptions".Public Choice.47 (2):389–403.doi:10.1007/bf00127534.ISSN 0048-5829.the 'squeeze effect' that tends to reduce Condorcet efficiency if the relative dispersion (RD) of candidates is low. This effect is particularly strong for the plurality, runoff, and Hare systems, for which the garnering of first-place votes in a large field is essential to winning
  6. ^McGann, Anthony J.; Koetzle, William; Grofman, Bernard (2002)."How an Ideologically Concentrated Minority Can Trump a Dispersed Majority: Nonmedian Voter Results for Plurality, Run-off, and Sequential Elimination Elections".American Journal of Political Science.46 (1):134–147.doi:10.2307/3088418.ISSN 0092-5853.JSTOR 3088418.As with simple plurality elections, it is apparent the outcome will be highly sensitive to the distribution of candidates.
  7. ^Borgers, Christoph (2010-01-01).Mathematics of Social Choice: Voting, Compensation, and Division. SIAM.ISBN 9780898716955.Candidates C and D spoiled the election for B ... With them in the running, A won, whereas without them in the running, B would have won. ... Instant runoff voting ... doesnot do away with the spoiler problem entirely, although it ... makes it less likely
  8. ^abGehrlein, William V. (2002-03-01)."Condorcet's paradox and the likelihood of its occurrence: different perspectives on balanced preferences*".Theory and Decision.52 (2):171–199.doi:10.1023/A:1015551010381.ISSN 1573-7187.
  9. ^abVan Deemen, Adrian (2014-03-01)."On the empirical relevance of Condorcet's paradox".Public Choice.158 (3):311–330.doi:10.1007/s11127-013-0133-3.ISSN 1573-7101.
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