| Linguistic typology |
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| Morphological |
| Morphosyntactic |
| Word order |
| Lexicon |
Inlinguistic typology,split ergativity is a feature of certain languages where some constructions useergative syntax and morphology, but other constructions show another pattern, usuallynominative–accusative. The conditions in which ergative constructions are used vary among different languages.[1]
Nominative–accusative languages (including Indo-European languages) treat both the actor in a clause with atransitive verb and the experiencer in a clause with anintransitive verb in the same way grammatically. If the language usescase markers, they take the same case. If it uses word order, it is parallel.
For example, consider these two English sentences:
The grammatical role of "Jane" is identical. In both cases, "Jane" is thesubject.
Inergative–absolutive languages (such asBasque andGeorgian, or theEskaleut andMayan languages), there is a different pattern. The patient (or target) of a transitive verb and the experiencer of an intransitive verb are treated the same grammatically. If the two sentences above were expressed in an ergative language, "Max" in the former and "Jane" in the latter would be parallel grammatically. Also, a different form (theergative) would be used for "Jane" in the first sentence.
For example, in the followingInuktitut sentences, the subject 'the woman' is in ergative case (arnaup) when occurring with a transitive verb, while the object 'the apple' (aapu) is in absolutive case. In the intransitive sentence, the subject 'the woman'arnaq is in absolutive case.[2]
In split ergative languages, some constructions pattern with nominative–accusative, and others with ergative–absolutive.
The split is usually conditioned by one of the following:
An example of split ergativity conditioned by thegrammatical aspect is found inHindustani (Hindi-Urdu); in theperfective aspect of transitive verbs (in active voice), the subject takesergative case and the direct object takes an unmarkedabsolutive case identical to thenominative case, which is sometimes calleddirect case. However, in all other aspects (habitual &progressive), subjects appear either in thedirect/nominative case ordative case (seedative subjects), while direct objects continue to appear in thedirect case (the subject of such sentences is differentiated from the direct object not from a difference in case but from the agreement of the verb with the subject as well as other syntactic and contextual cues such as word order and meaning[citation needed]).
In the following perfective sentence, the agentlaṛke-ne(boy) is marked forergative case, while the undergoerkitāb(book) is in unmarked nominative case. The verbkharīdī (bought) has the feminine ending-ī, showinggender agreement with the undergoerkitāb (book).
लड़के-ने किताब ख़रीदी है
laṛke-ne kitāb xarīdī hai.
boy:MASC.SG.ERG book:FEM.SG.NOM buy:PRF.FEM.SG be:3P.SG.PRS
'The boy has bought a book'
In the correspondingimperfective (habitual aspect) sentence, the agentlaṛkā(boy) is in unmarkednominative case. The habitual participle formkharīdatā(buy) has the masculine ending-ā and thus agrees with the agentlaṛkā (boy).
लड़का किताब ख़रीदता है
laṛkā kitāb xarīdatā hai.
boy:MASC.SG.NOM book:FEM.SG.NOM buy:HAB.MASC.SG be:3P.SG.PRS
'The boy buys a book'
Perfective constructions with certain VV (verb-verb) complexes do not employ ergative case marking (see:light verbs in Hindi-Urdu). In perfective constructions, the agent argument is ideally assigned with an ergative case; however in cases like the first example shown below that does not happen. This is because the explicator verbgayī (gone) which although undergoessemantic bleaching but still retains its intransitivity which does not allow for an ergative case assignment to the agent argument (i.e.,ninā). This is why as shown in the second example below, VV complexes involving a transitiveexplicator verb (e.g.,phẽkā "threw") can employ ergative case to agent arguments.[5]
नीना आम खा गयी
ninā ām khā gayī.
nina:FEM.SG.NOM mango.MASC.SG.NOM eat.NF go:PRF.FEM.SG
'Nina has eaten the mango.'
नीना-ने तकिया उठा फेंका
ninā-ne takiyā uṭhā phẽkā.
nina:FEM.SG.ERG pillow.MASC.SG.NOM pick.NF throw:PRF.MASC.SG
'Nina (picked up and) threw the pillow.'
TheMayan languageChol has split-ergative person marking.[6]
In transitive clauses, verbs are framed by a person marking prefix (called "set A" in Mayan linguistics) that expresses the subject, and a suffix that expresses the object (= "set B").
In intransitive clauses, the subject can either be represented by a set A-person marker, or a set B-person marker, depending onaspect.
Inperfective aspect, Chol hasergative–absolutive alignment: the subject of the intransitive verb is expressed by a suffixed person marker, thus in the same way as the object of transitive verbs.
Inimperfective aspect, Chol hasnominative–accusative alignment: the subject of the intransitive verb is expressed by a prefixed person marker, thus in the same way as the subject of transitive verbs.
InColumbia RiverSahaptin, the split is determined by the person of both subject and object. The ergative suffix-nɨm occurs only for third-person subjects for which the direct object is in the first or the second person.
ku=š
and=1SG
ína
me
wínš-nɨm
man-ERG
ku=š i-q̓ínu-šan-a ína wínš-nɨm
and=1SG 3.NOM-see-IPFV-PST me man-ERG
"And the man saw me."
ku=nam
and=2SG
imaná
you.ACC
wínš-nɨm
man-ERG
ku=nam i-q̓ínu-šan-a imaná wínš-nɨm
and=2SG 3.NOM-see-IPFV-PST you.ACC man-ERG
"And the man saw you."
ku
and
paanáy
him/her/it
wínš
man
ku i-q̓ínu-šan-a paanáy wínš
and 3.NOM-see-IPFV-PST him/her/it man
"And the man saw him."
Another ergative suffix,-in, marks the subject in the inverse. Both subject and object are then always in the third-person.
Direct (same as above example):
ku
and
paanáy
him/her/it
wínš
man-ERG
ku i-q̓ínu-šan-a paanáy wínš
and 3.NOM-see-IPFV-PST him/her/it man-ERG
"Andthe man saw him."
Inverse:
ku
and
paanáy
him/her/it
wínš-in
man
ku pá-q̓inu-šan-a paanáy wínš-in
and INV-see-IPFV-PST him/her/it man
"And the man sawhim."