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Southeast Babar language

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Austronesian language spoken in Maluku, Indonesia
Southeast Babar
Native toIndonesia
RegionMaluku
Native speakers
4,500 (2007)[1]
Austronesian
Language codes
ISO 639-3vbb
Glottologsout2883

Southeast Babar is anAustronesian language spoken onBabar Island in South Maluku,Indonesia.[2]

Phonology

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Consonants

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The following consonant inventory is provided by Steinhauer (2009).

LabialAlveolarDorsal
Plosivevoicelessptk
voicedbd(ɡ)
Nasalmn(ŋ)
Fricative(f)(s)x
Trillr
Laterall
Approximantwj
  • Soundssŋ/ only occur in loanwords.
  • /f/ is only attested in loanwords and also infrequently in roots.
  • /b/ and /d/ are marginal and only occur in a few words.

Other consonants in Taber's wordlist

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A wordlist collected in a 1993 article by Mark Taber records words with extra distinct sounds that are not recorded nor accorded phonemic status in Steinhauer's study.

Consonants exclusively appearing in Taber's wordlist
SoundWords with the soundComments
[utʰ] "dog, banana"Corresponds to word-final /tj/ clusters recorded by Steinhauer, e.g. Steinhauer records "dog" and "banana" asuty.
h[taˈha] "this", [ɛhɛlˈlei] "here", [ɛhɛllɛˈnei] "there", [hlil] "ear"Should have been deleted by regular sound laws. Might correspond to /x/ in some cases (like in "ear", which is recorded by Steinhauer asxlil)
ʔ[ˈtaʔanɛ] "that"Steinhauer records glottal stops as occurring non-phonemically at the starts of otherwise vowel-initial words.
d͡ʒ[d͡ʒai] "what?"

Vowels

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FrontCentralBack
Closei iːu
Midɛ ɛːɔ ɔː
Opena aː
  • /ɛ,ɔ/ are heard as more closed[e,o] when occurring before glides/w,j/.[3]

Phonotactics

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Due to extensive syncope of vowels in both prefixes and original final syllables, Southeast Babar admits a wide variety ofconsonant clusters both in the onsets and codas of syllables. One stark example of permitted consonant clusters isxweapk "we (inclusive) speak".

Word-final clusters of a consonant followed by /j/ may be optionally subject toepenthesis, with a non-phonemic [ə] being inserted either between the two consonants or after them. Both schwa positions can be used by the same speaker infree variation.

Phonological history

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Southeast Babar is notable for its drastic phonetic reshapings of inherited Austronesian vocabulary, with extensive consonant loss, unusual reflexes of surviving consonants, andsyncope andapocope of vowels. Many of these changes are outlined and exemplified by Hein Steinhauer as follows:[3]

Changes to consonants

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Consonant loss

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Elision of consonants in all historical positions is extensive throughout Southeast Babar. Ancestral Proto-Malayo-Polynesian sounds like*p,*k,*q,*R,*h*j and*z were simply lost in Southeast Babar with some exceptions. Examples of consonant deletions include:

  • *q
    • Initially:*qapuR >uir "chalk",*qatəluR >kely "egg".
    • Medially:*ma-qitem >mexm "black",ma-qudip >-mory "(a)live"
    • Finally:*tanaq >kal "soil",*buaq "fruit" >wu,*bunuq >-wuly "to kill".
  • *h
    • *hikan >eːl "fish",*hapuy >uy "fire".
  • *z
    • *zalan >al "road"
  • *k
    • Initially:*kutu >oxy "louse",*kita >ixy "we (inclusive)",*kayu >ay "wood",*kaRat >-ax "to bite"
    • Medially:*i-kau >yow "you (sg. polite),*hikan >*ial >eːl "fish"
    • Finally:*burak >wo-wor "white",*tasik >kat "sea",*utak "brain" >ox "head"
  • *R
    • Initially:*Rumaq >em "house"
    • Medially:*kaRat >-ax "to bite",*maRi >-moy "to come",*daRaq >ra "blood".
    • Finally:*qatəluR >kely "egg".
    • Preserved asr:*qapuR >uir "chalk",*ma-bəʀ(əq)at >berk "heavy"
  • *p
    • Initially:*pitu >wo-exy "7",*punti "banana" >uty
    • Medially:*hapuy >uy "fire",*nipən >*liəl >lil "tooth"
    • Finally:ma-qudip >-mory "(a)live",*malip >-moly "laugh".
    • Preserved asp:*panas >pant "warm"
  • *j
    • *qaləjaw >le "day",*ŋajan >non "name"
    • Preserved asr:*ijuŋ >irl "nose"

Chain shift of*s,*t, and*k

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The loss of*k led to a pullchain shift. Subsequently,*t shifted tok except if the*t was directly preceded by original*n; unshifted*t before*n is known from*punti >uty "banana". In turn,k produced from*tlenited to /x/ unless the*k was:

  • Word- or root-initial and followed by a vowel:
    • *tanaq >kal "soil",*ma-takut >mkak "afraid" (root*takut "to be afraid"),*təlu >wo-kely "3"
  • Word-final when protected by a consonant that now immediately precedes thek due to syncope:
    • *laŋit >lalk "sky, heavens",*ma-bəʀ(əq)at >berk "heavy"

Lenited reflexes of*t >k >x include*teliŋa >xlil "ear",*mata >mox "eye",*ma-qitəm >mexm "black",*matay >-moxy "to die",*batu >waxy "stone", and*(h)əpat >wo-ax "4".

Afterwards,*s subsequently underwentfortition tot, with examples including:

  • *sulu >tuly "torch"
  • *susu >-tuty "milk"
  • *asu >uty "dog".
  • *panas >pant "warm"

Merger of*n, and*l

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The inherited Malayo-Polynesian nasal consonants*n and merge with each other as*n, followed by a merger of that merged phoneme with*l, generally surfacing as /l/.

  • *ta-kaən >*ka-an >kaːl "you and I eat"
  • *teliŋa >xlil "ear"
  • *nipən >*lipəl >*liəl >lil "tooth"
  • *laŋit >lalk "sky, heavens".

Post-merger /l/ subsequently underwent an inverse development ton when adjacent tot either originating from*s or borrowed from another language. This circular development leads to roots and inflectional affixes to synchronically contain alternations betweenl andn.

  • Englishbottle > Indonesianbotol > Southeast Babarpotn
  • *panas >*palt >pant "hot" (intermediate*l preserved in reduplicated intensive derivativepal-pant "very hot")

A few cases ofn failing to merge withl are known, mainly in monosyllabic words where, due to medial consonant deletion and resulting vowel coalescence, there is simultaneously there is onen in the onset and a secondn in the coda.

  • *ŋajan >non "name"
  • *na-kaən >*na-an >noːn "(s)he eats"

Due to*nipən "tooth" surfacing aslil and not**nin, Steinhauer suggests that the loss of*p occurred after the loss of*j and*k.

Other consonants

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*b and*d generally becomew andr, merging with original*w and*r.

  • Original*w and*r:*waiR >wey "water",*burak >wo-wor "white"
  • Originally*b and*d:*batu >waxy "stone",*babuy >wawy "pig",*balik >-waly "to turn",*daləm >ralm "inside",*dua >ru "2"
  • Irregularly unchanged*b:*ma-bəRat >berk "heavy"

Changes to vowels

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Reduction and loss of final vowels

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All word-final and*a, whether inherited as word-final or secondarily word-final due to the loss of a following consonant, aredeleted in Southeast Babar.

  • Originally word-final:*lima >lim "hand",*mata >mox "eye",*dua >wu-ru "2"
  • Secondarily word-final:*tanaq >*kala >kal "land",*dəŋəR >rel "to hear"

Word-final high vowels*-u and*-i generally reduce to the glide /j/. Like with*a, the loss of a following consonant will make the high vowel count as word-final for the purposes of this reduction.

  • From*u:*batu >waxy "stone",*sulu >tuly "torch",*baqəRu >wa-way "new"
  • From*i:*malip >-moly "to laugh",*balik >-waly "to turn",*waiR >wey "water"
  • From*-ay:*matay >-moxy "to die"

Syncope of vowels between two consonants

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Vowels often faced deletion in final syllables between two surviving consonants. Examples cited by Steinhauer includelaŋit >lalk "heavens",*daləm >ralm "inside",*inum >*imun >-iml "to drink",*panas >pant "warm", and*matay >-moxy "to die".

Reflexes of*a

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*a turns intou if it becomes the first phoneme of a word at any point in its evolution to Southeast Babar.

  • Original word-initial*a:*asu >uty "dog",*ama >um "father"
  • Secondarily word-initial*a:*hapuy >uy "fire",*qabu >uwy "ash"
  • Exceptions:*zalan >al "road"

*a surfaces aso after nasal consonants. However, this change is blocked in the first-person singular of verbs, where a /j/ is infixed in the verbal root between the nasal and the vowel. Contrast:

  • *ku-malip >i-myaly "I laugh" (rounding blocked by infixed-y-)
  • *na-malip >l-moly "(s)he laughs" (with rounding after nasal).

If an*a is either not word-initial, not preceded by a nasal, or not subject to apocope or syncope, it will remain asa.

  • Not word initial nor following a nasal:*daləm >ralm "inside",*babuy >wawy "pig"
  • Not syncopated nor apocopated:*panas >pant "warm"

Reflexes of other vowels

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*u remained asu unless before a syllable containing a non-high vowel, which lowered it too. The difference in reflexes can be starkly contrasted with*buaq "fruit", which became the numeral prefixwu- orwo- depending on the vowel of the following numeral.

  • With no lowering:wu-ru "2",wu-lim "5"
  • With lowering:wo-kely "3",wo-ax "4",wo-lem "6"

*u also lowered too before /x/, such as in*mutaq >mox "to vomit" and*kutu >oxy "louse".

is often deleted in various places in trisyllabic words. However, if an survives these deletions, it is reflected ase.

  • Deleted:*təliŋa >xlil "ear",*baqəRu >wa-way "new"
  • Surfaces ase:*dəŋəR >-rel "to hear",*ənəm >-lem "6", *təlu >-kely "3"

Morphology

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Morphophonological processes

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Some conditioned sound changes have led to phonetic mutations of morphemes when subject to morphological processes, including affixation and reduplication.

Change ofl ton beforet

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Southeast Babar morphemes ending inl generally change thel ton whenever it precedes at.

  • l- (3sg. verbal prefix) +-tol "to see" +tel (perfect particle) >nton tel "(s)he has seen"
  • lewal "language" +toːl "our (inclusive)" >lewan toːl "our language"
  • -tol "ill" >-tontol "very ill" (reduplicated)

Glide metathesis and insertion

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On verbs whose roots end in the glide-y, the glide and the first consonant of the following morpheme undergometathesis. For instance,l-moxy "(s)he dies" becomeslmox tyel "(s)he has died", with they from the verb root and thet of the particletel switching places.

The metathesis process also occurs when a morpheme ending in-y is reduplicated, such as-kary "to work" reduplicating to-karkyary "to be working".

The 1st-person singular, 2nd-person singular, and 2nd-person plural also trigger the insertion of a glide after the first consonant of the following verb stem; the presence of glide insertion is governed by the same restrictions as the application of glide metathesis.

Glide metathesis and insertion have some restrictions on their application.

  • The morpheme the glide might move to or be inserted at cannot have ahigh vowel after its first consonant.
  • The initial consonant of the next morpheme cannot bew.

If metathesis is blocked by one of these two restrictions, the glide is simply lost unless a vowel follows the glide.

If an original Malayo-Polynesian*a was rounded too after a nasal in a base morpheme, the vowel is reverted toa if the nasal is subject to the glide metathesis or insertion process. The conjugation of-moly "to laugh" demonstrates this:

  • Unreduplicatedl-moly "(s)he laughs" andi-myaly "I laugh" (with glide insertion)
  • Reduplicatedl-molmyaly "(s)he keeps laughing" andi-myalmyaly "I keep laughing"

Verb conjugation

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Southeast Babar verbs areconjugated for threegrammatical persons (first, second, and third persons) and twogrammatical numbers (singular and plural). First-person plural conjugation also distinguishesclusivity, with exclusive 1st-person plural excluding the addressee but the inclusive 1st-person plural including them. In addition, verbs can additionally inflect for at least three knowngrammatical aspects, namelyperfect,progressive aspect, andinchoative aspect.

Person-number prefixes

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Southeast Babar conjugates verbs for person and number via a series of prefixes attached to verb stems, either to an unmarked stem or the progressive stem.

There are two basic classes of person-number prefixes in the language. One class has the person-number prefixes all contain a vowel, and the other class where most of the prefixes do not. The prefixes for each class are as follows:

Southeast Babar person-number verbal markers
Person and numberVocalic prefixesConsonantal prefixesProto-forms[note 1]
1st sg.o-i-[note 2]*ku-
2nd sg.mo-m-[note 2]*mu-
3rd sg.le-l-[note 3]*na-
1st pl. inclusiveke-x-*ta-
1st pl. exclusiveme-m-*ma-
2nd pl.mi-m-[note 2]*mi-
3rd pl.te-t-*sida-
  1. ^Steinhauer posits that these proto-forms can only account directly for the consonantal prefixes, and finds it more difficult to envision how the vocalic prefixes can descend from these.
  2. ^abcInserts a glide after a following consonant if this consonant is notw nor is followed by ahigh vowel.
  3. ^Surfaces asn- in verbs whose stem begins witht, liken-tol "(s)he sees", and also in the irregular verbn-oːn "(s)he eats".

Verbal aspect marking

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A particletel follows the conjugated verb to mark theperfect aspect. Another postverbal particlekay marks theinchoative aspect. The two particles can stack together to form an "inchoative perfect", so to speak. Steinbauer demonstrates the two particles with the following examples.

  • lmoxy "(s)he dies"
  • lmox tyel "(s)he has died"
  • lmok kyay tyel "(s)he has already died"

Progressive aspect is expressed by a special verbal stem for each verb formed viareduplication of the verb root.

  • lkary "(s)he works" >lkarkyary "(s)he is working"
  • lmoly "(s)he laughs" >lmolmyaly "(s)he keeps laughing".
  • Proto-Malayo-Polynesian*kaən > reduplicated*kakan >-kkol "is eating" (present-o:l ~-a:l-)

Pronouns

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The basic personal pronouns in Southeast Babar are:

Southeast Babar pronouns
singularplural
1st
person
exclusiveumam
inclusiveixy
2nd person(y)owmiy
3rd personiyity

Possessive markers

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There are also at least two series of possessive markers, one series ending inu and another one ending inoːl. They all are stressed when attached to a possessed noun. Possessive markers documented by Steinhauer are first-person singularu andoːl, second-person singularmu andmoːl, and first-person inclusive pluraltoːl.

Possessive markers follow the noun that is possessed. Examples of this behaviour include:

  • u-series:ox u "my head",ox mu "your (sg.) head"
  • oːl-series:lim oːl "my hand",lim moːl "your (sg.) hand",lewan toːl "our (incl.) language"

Numerals

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Cardinal numerals from 2 to 9 have an obligatory prefixwu-/wo- that is derived from*buaq "fruit", which on the way to Southeast Babar evolved into a classifier and then a prefix.

The cardinals from 2-7 are given by Steinhauer aswu-ru "2",wo-kely "3",wo-ax "4",wu-lim "5",wo-lem "6", andwo-exy "7". Other numerals are only recorded in Taber's wordlist, includingmetl "1",wo-ka "8",wu-si "9", andwu-ki "10".

References

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  1. ^Southeast Babar atEthnologue (18th ed., 2015)(subscription required)
  2. ^Taber, Mark (1993). "Toward a better understanding of the Indigenous Languages of Southwestern Maluku".Oceanic Linguistics.32 (2):389–441.doi:10.2307/3623199.JSTOR 3623199.
  3. ^abSteinhauer, Hein (2009).The sounds of Southeast Babar(PDF). Adelaar, K. Alexander and Pawley, Andrew (eds.), Austronesian historical linguistics and culture history: a festschrift for Robert Blust: Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University. pp. 399–409. Archived fromthe original(PDF) on 28 February 2015.
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