This article is about the country that existed until 1990. For the 1994 self-proclaimed successor secessionist state, seeDemocratic Republic of Yemen.
People's Republic of Southern Yemen (1967–1970) جمهورية اليمَنَ الجنوبيّة الشعبيّةPeople's Democratic Republic of Yemen (1970–1990) جمهورية اليمَنَ الدِّيمقراطية الشعبيّة
South Yemen's origins can be traced to 1874 with the creation of the BritishColony of Aden and theAden Protectorate, which consisted of two-thirds of present-day Yemen. Prior to 1937, what was to become the Colony of Aden had been governed as a part of British India, originally as theAden Settlement subordinate to theBombay Presidency and then as a Chief Commissioner's province. After the establishments of theProtectorate andFederation of South Arabia amidst risingPan-Arab and anti-colonial sentiment,an armed rebellion began in 1963 that was led by theNational Liberation Front (NLF) and theFront for the Liberation of Occupied South Yemen (FLOSY) against British colonial rule. The Federation and Protectorate of South Arabia were overthrown to become thePeople's Republic of Southern Yemen (PRSY) on 30 November 1967.
The first political intercourse between Yemen and the British took place in 1799 during theFrench invasion of Egypt and Syria, when a naval force was sent from Britain, with a detachment of troops from India, to occupy the island ofPerim and prevent all communication of the French in Egypt with the Indian Ocean, by way of the Red Sea. Due to the lack of water supply, the barren and inhospitable island of Perim was found unsuitable for troops,[7][8] and the Sultan ofLahej, Ahmed bin Abdul Karim, received the detachment for some time atAden. He proposed to enter into an alliance and to grant Aden as a permanent station, but the offer was declined. A treaty was, however, concluded with the Sultan in 1802 by AdmiralHome Popham, who was instructed to enter into political and commercial alliances with the Chiefs of the Arabian coast of the Red Sea.[9]
By the early 1800s, the British were looking for a coaling station where they could fuel theirsteamships through their journey from theSuez Canal to theBritish Raj.[10] The British tried to negotiate with theMahra Sultanate to buy the island ofSocotra, located in theArabian Sea, but theSultan of Mahra refused, telling the British naval officer tasked with the mission that the island was "the gift of the Almighty to the Mahris".[10][11] In 1835, a year after the British had given up on Socotra, they had attempted to purchase the port city of Aden and itsinlet from the Sultan of Lahej, Muhsin Bin Fadl, but they failed. In 1837, theDuria Dawla, an Indian ship flying theUnion Jack, crashed near the east coast of Aden and was looted by local tribesmen. A year after the incident, in 1838, British officials arrived in Lahej and demanded 12,000Maria Theresa thalers (MTT) as compensation for the losses. The sultan, unable to pay that sum of money, was forced to cede Aden to the British for a sum of 8,700 MTT a year.[12] On 19 January 1839, theBritish East India Company landedRoyal Marines atAden to retain full control of Aden and stop attacks bypirates againstBritish shipping to India.
Following the landing in Aden, the British established informal treaties of protection with nine sheikhdoms and sultanates in the surrounding region.[13] This was more a precautionary measure to prevent theImams of Yemen from storming Aden, which was something the sheikhdoms did not want to happen.[14] These agreements allowed the British to maintain control, using the existing tribal structures to assert their influence. Since the region was plagued by frequent tribal conflicts and no single ruler held enough sway to unify the tribes, there was little threat to British dominance. This fragmentation not only prevented any strong opposition but also delayed the formation of a broader national identity. The British, in turn, benefited from a system that was both efficient and inexpensive, spending only around $5,435 a year in subsidies to secure the loyalty of twenty-five sultans. By avoiding direct administration and relying on a policy of strategic dependence, the British were able to expand their influence. By 1914, they had treaties with nearly every sultan in the region.[15]
In 1914, following theAnglo-Ottoman Convention of 1913, the British and the Ottomans dividedArabia into two parts: the northwest under Ottoman control and influence, and the southeast under British control and influence.[16] Although a further agreement, which came to be later known as theViolet Line,[16] was negotiated, the Ottomans planned an invasion of theAden Protectorate in cooperation with local tribes. They had gathered significant strength atCheikh Saïd. On 5 November 1914, during theFirst World War, the British declared war on the Ottomans, who responded with their declaration a few days later, on 11 November. Although the Ottomans managed to capture the Sultanate of Lahej and reach the city of Aden, they were later expelled by the British. Around the same time, the British-sponsoredArab Revolt in the Hejaz broke out, diverting Ottoman attention from Aden and effectively ending their campaign. TheArmistice of Mudros, signed in 1918, officially concluded the war and forced the Ottomans out of Arabia, leading to the establishment of theKingdom of Yemen.
During the period between the two World Wars, Aden grew significantly in strategic value to the British. Positioned near the entrance to thePersian Gulf, it played a crucial role in safeguarding maritime routes through theSuez Canal and was close to the newly discovered oil reserves in theArabian Peninsula. Recognising its increased importance, Britain formally designated Aden as aCrown Colony in 1937 and implemented a full colonial administrative system. This move further diminished the authority of local rulers, as Britain took full control over governance and policy decisions. The centralisation of power in British hands sparked several small-scale uprisings. In response, Yemeni leaders, often supported by British forces, resorted to harsh and repressive tactics to suppress dissent and maintain order among the tribes.[17]
In 1952,Arab nationalism began to sweep across theArab world, starting inEgypt, accompanied by anti-colonial sentiments. Nationalist pressures prompted the rulers of the Aden Protectorate states to renew efforts at forming a federation. On 11 February 1959, six of these states signed an accord to form theFederation of the Emirates of South Arabia. Over the next three years, nine additional sheikhdoms joined, and on 18 January 1963, Aden Colony was merged with the federation, creating the newFederation of South Arabia (FSA), although all but four sheikhdoms out of twenty-one had joined the union.[13] Meanwhile, theQu'aiti andKathiri sultanates ofHadhramaut, along withMahra, andUpper Yafa refused to join either of the federations and became theProtectorate of South Arabia, marking the end of the Aden Protectorate. The FSA did not succeed for several reasons, the first of which was the British insistence that theState of Aden would be part of the entity, which was rejected by the commercial elite of Aden, most of whom wereIndians,Persians, andJews, because they feared that Aden's wealth would be taken away by the neighbouring sheikhdoms.[13][18][19] On the other hand, the leaders of the sheikhdoms had little experience with federal rule and had no desire for cooperation.[14] In addition to all that, there were differences between the sheikhdoms over who should head the federation's new government.[14]
By 1965, most western protectorates had fallen to the National Liberation Front. Hadhramaut seemed calm until 1966 because the British presence there was less than its counterpart in thewestern protectorates.[27]Ali Salem al-Beidh andHaidar al-Attas joined the NLF faction in theeastern protectorates and prevented the sultans of theKathiri Sultanate and theQu'aiti Sultanate from entering their sultanates but allowed the Sultan of theMahra back, in sympathy for his old age.[27] Al-Beidh played a major role in gathering supporters in favour of the NLF in Hadhramaut, taking advantage of the near absence of the British in the eastern protectorates.[28] In February 1966, the British had announced that they would withdraw from Aden and cancel all protection treaties with the sultanates and sheikhdoms by 1968.[29][30] The announcement came as a shock to the protected sultans and sheiks, with one of the sultans expressing his fear of "being murdered in the street".[31] The insurgents did not trust the promise, reasoning that the British wouldn't be abandoning their important base of Aden "without a real fight."[31] By March 1967, the British had set the date for their departure to be on November of that year.[31]
Following Israel's victory in theSix-Day War of June 1967, which was considered a humiliation for theArab world, the anti-colonial sentiment was at its all-time high due to Britain's role in the creation of Israel following theFirst World War.[32] Slogans like "A bullet against Britain is a bullet against Israel" appeared, and attacks against the British had increased.Graffiti of the acronyms of the NLF and FLOSY had filled the streets in Aden, and the infighting between those two groups for power had increased.[32] In the same month, an NLF-directedArab Police mutiny in Crater ambushed a British military patrol and slaughtered threeArgyll & Sutherland Highlanders andcaptured the city of Crater.[33] The capture of Crater was considered a significant victory for the Arab world.Colin Mitchell, also known as "Mad Mitch," led his battalion back into Crater and retook it with minimal casualties. However, his methods were deemed too extreme, and he was ejected from the army.[33] The battle later came to be known as "the last battle of the British Empire." According to the American consul in Aden, the British handling of the insurgents "evolved from attempting to take them unharmed tosummary justice in the streets."[33]
NLF supporters waving their flags as part of the celebrations and mass marches on 29 and 30 November 1967
The sultans tried to negotiate terms with the FLOSY, whom they calculated was the "lesser evil," but it came to little success. At that time, the British had advised the sultans to attend the ongoingGeneva negotiations between the British and the NLF, hoping that the United Nations would arrange a solution for them.[33] The British demands were an orderly handover to the authorities, and that the new state not interfere in the affairs of any country in the Arabian Peninsula.[34] The British were surprised by the presence of people they thought were loyal to them alongside the popular Qahtan.[33] The NLF had used the sultans' absences and toppled the sultanates and made headway in Aden, Hadhramaut, Mahra, and the island ofSocotra.[33] On 7 November, the Federal Army came out in support of the NLF, and the British government was forced to negotiate a hasty handover.[33] On 20 November, the British government eventually recognised the NLF as the de facto new power in the land, and spent their last 10 days trying to pare down their promised aid from £60 million to £12 million. The last British troops departed eleven hours before the birth of the new People’s Republic of Southern Yemen at midnight on 29–30 November, marking an end to 128 years of colonial rule,[35][33] and on 14 December 1967, it was admitted into theUnited Nations as a member state.[28]
Scenes from the celebrations of the independence by supporters of the NLF
The National Liberation Front had the upper hand at the expense of the Front for the Liberation of Occupied South Yemen, whose members were divided between joining the National Front or leaving for North Yemen.[36] Abdullah Al-Asnag andMohammed Basindawa left for theYemen Arab Republic. Qahtan al-Shaabi assumed the presidency of a state that had never existed before, with a collapsed economy.[37] Civilian workers and businessmen left, British support stopped, and the closure of the Suez Canal in 1967 reduced the number of ships crossing Aden by 75%.[38]
On 11 December 1967, the lands of what was called the "feudal symbols and British agents" were confiscated, and the state was divided into six governorates. The move aimed to end tribal aspects in the state and ignore the tribal borders between the defunct sheikhdoms.[39] On 16 June 1969, Qahtan fired Interior MinisterMuhammad Ali Haitham, but the latter withdrew his ties to With the tribes and the army, he was able to ally himself with Muhammad Saleh Al-Awlaki, and they reassembled the leftist forces that President Qahtan Al-Shaabi had dispersed. They were able to arrest him and place him under house arrest.[40]
Reforms and the establishment of a Marxist-Leninist state
The National Liberation Front, now rebranded as the National Front, had approximately 26,000 members,[41] a small number of university-educated leaders, and all of them, without exception, had no experience in government.[42][page needed] The front was divided into two right-wing and left-wing sections. The right-wingers and their popular leader, Qahtan, did not want to make major changes in the prevailing social and economic structure and took a conservative stance toward "liberating all Arab lands from colonialism, supporting the resistance of the Palestinian people, and supporting socialist regimes around the world to resist imperialism and colonial forces in the Third World."[43] The leftist faction of the National Front was also promoting and opposing the establishment of popular forces and proposals to nationalise lands, and they were not preoccupied with the struggle of social classes. Qahtan wanted the continuation of existing institutions and their development.[44][45] The leftist faction "wanted a social and economic transformation that would serve the broad segment of the working people instead of the wealthy minority," as they put it.[46] on 20 March 1968, Qahtan's right-wing faction dismissed all leftist leaders from the government and party membership and was able to put down a rebellion led by leftist factions in the army in May of the same year.[44][47] In July, August, and December 1968, the popular Qahtan faced new rebellions from leftist parties because all Arab countries welcomed the front. The National Liberation Front received a cold reception, as regimes like Egypt wanted to merge the National Front with the Front for the Liberation of Occupied South Yemen.[48] The leftist faction was more numerous than the supporters of the popular Qahtan, and they wanted a regime that would lead the masses and face the great challenges facing the new state, the most important of which was the bankruptcy of the treasury.[48]
On 22 June 1969, a radicalMarxist wing of the NLF formed a presidential committee of five people:Salim Rubaya Ali, who became president, Muhammad Saleh Al-Awlaki, Ali Antar, Abdel Fattah Ismail, and Muhammad Ali Haitham, who became prime minister.[40] They gained power in an event known as the "Corrective Move". This radical wing reorganised the country into the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) on 30 November 1970.[49] Subsequently, all political parties were amalgamated into the National Liberation Front, renamed theYemeni Socialist Party, which became the only legal party. This group took an extreme leftist line and declared its support for the Palestinians and theDhofar Revolution. West Germany severed its relationship with the state due to its recognition of East Germany. The United States also severed its relationship in October 1969. The new powers issued a new constitution, nationalised foreign banks and insurance companies, and changed the name of the state to The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen in line with the Marxist-Leninist approach they followed. A centrally planned economy was established.[50] The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen established close ties with theSoviet Union, theGerman Democratic Republic,Cuba, and thePalestinian Liberation Organization.East Germany's constitution of 1968 even served as a kind of blueprint for the PDRY's first constitution.[51]
The majorcommunist powers assisted in the building of the PDRY's armed forces. Strong support from Moscow resulted inSoviet naval forces gaining access to naval facilities in South Yemen.[56][57][58] The most significant among them, a Soviet naval and air base on the island of Socotra for operations in the Indian Ocean.[59][60][56]
On 13 January 1986, a violent struggle began inAden between Ali Nasir's supporters and supporters of the returned Ismail, who wanted power back. This conflict, known as theSouth Yemen Civil War, lasted for more than a month and resulted in thousands of casualties, Ali Nasir'souster, and Ismail's disappearance and presumed death. Some 60,000 people, including the deposed Ali Nasir, fled to theYAR.Ali Salim al-Beidh, an ally of Ismail who had succeeded in escaping the attack on pro-Ismail members of thePolitburo, then became General Secretary of theYemeni Socialist Party.[61]
Against the background of theperestroika in theUSSR, the main backer of the PDRY,political reforms were started in the late 1980s.Political prisoners were released, political parties were formed, and the system of justice was reckoned to be more equitable than in the North. In May 1988, theYAR and PDRY governments came to an understanding that considerably reduced tensions, including agreement to renew discussions concerning unification, to establish a joint oil exploration area along their undefined border, to demilitarise the border, and to allow Yemenis unrestricted border passage based on only a national identification card. In November 1989, after returning from theSoviet–Afghan War,Osama bin Laden offered to send the newly formedal-Qaeda to overthrow the South Yemeni government on behalf ofSaudi Arabia, but PrinceTurki bin Faisal found the plan reckless and declined.[62] In 1990, the parties reached a full agreement onjoint governing of Yemen, and the countries were effectively merged asYemen.[63]
In 1978, the Election Law No. 18 introduced significant democratic reforms, guaranteeing universal, equal, secret, and direct elections for all citizens aged 18 or over. The law explicitly affirmedwomen's right to vote. Candidates could run as either members of the Yemen Socialist Party or as independents, and had to be at least 24 years old.[67]
The executive body was known as theCouncil of Ministers, and was formed by the Supreme People's Council. Local representative bodies were the people's councils, and their decisions were taken into account when the members of the Supreme People's Council were governing. Local executive bodies were the executive bureaus of the people's councils.[66]
The highest court was the Supreme Court of South Yemen; other courts in the country included courts of appeal and the provincial courts, and the courts of first instance were known as the district courts or magistrate courts.[66] In Aden, there was a structured judicial system with asupreme court.[citation needed]
South Yemen often had an outward foreign policy approach, guided by its state ideology ofscientific socialism. This ideological commitment led to its support for ideologically consistent movements within its region. South Yemen would supply thePopular Front for the Liberation of the Occupied Arabian Gulf (PFLOAG), supplying the group with bases in its territory, and logistical and military support for the group, alongside facilitating Soviet aid to PFLOAG. When the PFLOAG began to falter against the Omani government, South Yemen ramped up its support for the group, eventually providing them with Artillery support against the Omani government in 1975, almost dragging the two into conflict. South Yemen also supported theDerg in Ethiopia, once more with the rationale of supporting the growth of a Marxist-Leninist bloc in theHorn of Africa. However, this faltered after Somalia re-aligned with the West in theOgaden War, leading South Yemen to solely supply the Derg, in line with the Soviet Union andCuba. This put South Yemen at odds with most of the Arab World.[72]
Relations between South Yemen and several nearby states were poor.Saudi Arabia only established diplomatic relations in 1976, initially hosting pro-British exiles and supporting armed clashes in the border regions of South Yemen.Relations with Oman declined through the 1970s as the South Yemeni government supported the insurgent MarxistPopular Front for the Liberation of Oman (PFLO). Relations withBa'athist Iraq were also low, as South Yemen offered asylum to severalIraqi communists.[73]
The United States listed South Yemen asa “state sponsor of terrorism” between 1979 and the Yemeni reunification.[74] Diplomatic relations with the United States had been broken on 24 October 1969[75] because of disagreements with US policy in the Middle East.[76] They were not restored until shortly before reunification.[77]
However, these plans were put on hold in 1979, as the PDRY funded Red rebels in theYAR, andthe war was only prevented by anArab League intervention. The goal of unity was reaffirmed by the northern and southern heads of state during a summit meeting inKuwait in March 1979.[80]
In 1980, PDRY presidentAbdul Fattah Ismail resigned and went into exile in Moscow, having lost the confidence of his sponsors in theUSSR.[81] His successor,Ali Nasir Muhammad, took a less interventionist stance toward both North Yemen and neighbouringOman.[82]
Following independence, South Yemen was divided into sixgovernorates (Arabic:muhafazat), with roughlynatural boundaries. From 1967 to 1978, each was given a name bynumeral.[83] The state changed this practice in the mid-1980s but gave the governorates geographical or historical names and ensured that their borders did not coincide with tribal allegiances.[83] Today, this legacy contributes to misunderstanding and confusion when discussing political issues and allegiances in Yemen.[83] The islands ofKamaran (until 1972, when North Yemen seized it),Perim,Socotra,Abd-el-Kuri,Samha (inhabited),Darsah and others uninhabited from the Socotra archipelago were districts (mudiriyat) of the First/Aden Governorate being under the Prime Minister's supervision.[84]
Located at the southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula, South Yemen occupied awedge-shaped territory that tapered toward theBab al-Mandab strait, the maritime chokepoint between theRed Sea and theIndian Ocean. The country's territorial claims included the volcanic island ofPerim within the strait and the larger island ofSocotra, a semi-desert landmass situated in the Arabian Sea. The total area of South Yemen was estimated at approximately 208,106 square kilometres (80,345 square miles), although this figure remains approximate due to the lack of fully demarcated borders withNorth Yemen andSaudi Arabia, particularly in the southern expanse of theRub' al Khali.[85]
The lands of South Yemen are rugged and barren, a fact that played a role in the social, cultural, and economic development of the south, unlike the northern regions of Yemen. Their population in 1967 did not exceed two million people, while northern Yemen exceeded six million.[86] Most of the population of the south was concentrated in the western regions ofLahij and its environs, and these alone constituted more than 60% of the population; 10% werebedouins. South Yemen's landscape was shaped by a prominent mountain chain that mirrors the Red Sea coast of the Arabian Peninsula, extending from theGulf of Aqaba southward to theBab al-Mandab before curving northeast along theGulf of Aden and theArabian Sea towardRas Musandam at the entrance to thePersian Gulf. This terrain includes a coastal plain ofTihamah, varying in width from a few kilometres to over sixty, which gradually ascends to foothills and then sharply rises to mountain ranges where peaks exceed 2,000 metres.[85]
These mountains, locally known by the termkur (meaning "camel saddle"), are of relatively recent volcanic origin. The highlands primarily consisted ofmetamorphic rocks, with limited presence oflimestone andsedimentary formations. Exposed granitic surfaces in the region are often scorched black by intense solar radiation.[85]
Despite a poor economy, the government ensured a basic level of living standard for all citizens and established awelfare state.[73] Income equality improved, corruption was reduced, and health and educational services expanded.[52][83] Overall, the population was assured of a basic but adequate living standard for all.[88]
The conversion of the Yemeni people to Islam was a gradual and complex process. Although thePersian governor of Yemen converted to Islam in 631 AD, widespread conversion among the population did not happen immediately. Yemen's initial commitment to Islam was relatively superficial. During the first few centuries following the Arab conquests and the relocation of the Islamic caliphates far from Yemen, the region became increasingly marginalised. Islamic teaching and practice were largely confined to a few urban centres, while much of the country remained on the periphery of the Islamic world.[89]
Geography played a significant role in shaping South Yemen's social and political development. The region was characterised by rugged, mountainous terrain that is among the most inhospitable in the region. These natural barriers protected the interior from external influence and allowed local societies to evolve relatively undisturbed. As a result, the spread of Islam in these areas did not fundamentally alter longstanding patterns of land ownership, social hierarchy, or tribal governance.[90]
Even as Islam eventually took root in Yemen, many traditional customs and laws persisted. Tribal loyalty continued to serve as the primary organising principle, often taking precedence over both religious and national affiliations. This deep-rooted tribalism was further reinforced by persistent conflicts between rival Islamic sects, which fragmented the religious landscape and hindered the emergence of a unified Islamic identity. Rather than fostering a cohesive sense of community under Islam, these sectarian divisions contributed to a more pragmatic form of faith—one in which religious knowledge was often limited, and adherence to Islamic law was secondary to the authority of tribal customs.[91]
As a result, secular tribal law ('urf), rooted in pre-Islamic tradition, remained more influential than Islamic law (shari'ah). The region's isolation also meant that it escaped the homogenising administrative reforms imposed by theOttoman Turks, whose control was limited mostly to the port city of Aden. Consequently, Yemen retained a distinct social structure that had evolved well before the Islamic era and persisted despite centuries of nominal Islamic rule.[92]
South Yemen had a dual-sided approach to religion. State policy officially promoted Islam as the state religion, and government leaders performed public displays of religious observance to deflect accusations of anti-Islamism. However, the state also worked to diminish the role of religion in everyday life, especially that which it considered to be 'popular' Islam out of alignment with the official creed.Sharia was replaced withsecular law in personal and many other matters. Legal interpretation was often the province of secular officials, and the independence ofsheikhs was limited by government control of religious trusts and mosque funds.[93]
Democratic Yemen had a "National Science Day" on 10 September.[94]
According to theUNESCO in 1985, education in Democratic Yemen was considered the best in theArabian Peninsula and 98% of the population were consideredliterate.[95][96]
Women's rights under the socialist government were widely regarded as the mostprogressive in the region.[52][103][104] Following theNational Front's (NF) adoption of Marxist-Leninist principles in 1968, the South Yemeni government actively promoted the emancipation of women as part of its broader ideological goals. In 1978, the NF was renamed the Yemeni Socialist Party and implemented a series of social and legal reforms inspired byEastern European models, many of which directly affected the status of women.[105][106]
TheGeneral Union of Yemeni Women played a central role in advancing gender equality and was closely integrated into both the party and state apparatus. Women from the union held positions across all levels of the ruling party's structure, including representation within its central and regional committees.[106]
Significant legal changes were introduced to dismantle religious and traditional restrictions on women. The1974 Family Law curtailed polygamy, abolished unilateral male divorce (talaq), upheld a woman's right to child custody after divorce, and prohibited both early and non-consensual marriages. These reforms also banned arranged marriages, and transferred jurisdiction over personal status issues from religious authorities to state institutions. Women were granted full legal equality with men, and equal rights in divorce were codified.[106]
Beyond legislation, the state pursued a broader cultural and social transformation. Women were actively encouraged to participate in sectors traditionally reserved for men, including the military, judiciary, and political spheres. Education and workforce integration were seen as key to achieving women's emancipation. From independence onward, girls and women had access to all levels of education, including technical and vocational training. A major literacy campaign between 1972 and 1976 prioritised female participation. These efforts contributed to South Yemen achieving one of the highestfemale labour force participation rates in the Arab world at the time.[107][106][108]
GDR working on infrastructure projects in South Yemen
During British rule, economic development in South Yemen was restricted to the city ofAden, focused mainly on the port and on the British military bases. As a result, following the British withdrawal, there here was little to noindustrial output ormineral wealth exploitation in the country until the mid-1980s, when significantpetroleum reserves in the central regions nearShibam andMukalla were discovered. Foreign aid was minimal, as the British government did not fulfil promises of aid and the Soviet Union offered onlyUS$152 million from 1969 to 1980.[73]
South Yemen's nationalisation policies and land reforms helped establish a modern state sector and significantly reduced inequalities in land ownership.[109] The main sources of income were agriculture, mostly fruit,cereal crops, cattle and sheep, and fishing. The government guaranteed full employment in agriculture for rural citizens, and established a number of collective farms; however, those set up following theSoviet model produced poorer results than cooperative-run farms.[73]
Limited natural resources posed challenges to the economic development of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY). Despite this constraint, significant, albeit modest, oil reserves were discovered shortly after the country's unification in 1990. However, the YSP government did not benefit from oil exports to fund its development initiatives.[83]
Over time, economic policies in the PDRY underwent a transformation, shifting from an initial focus on developing the state sector to promoting cooperative and joint private-public enterprises. By the late 1980s, there was a notable presence of industries in Aden and around Al Mukalla in Hadramawt, producing a range of essential goods such as plastics, batteries, cigarettes, matches, tomato paste, dairy products, and fish canning.[83]
Within the industrial sector, the state implemented welfarist labour laws that were widely enforced. These laws included regulations aimed at safeguarding women in the workforce by prohibiting night shifts and hazardous occupations. Additionally, the legislation ensured that workers received salaries that enabled them to maintain reasonable living standards. Trade unions in the PDRY primarily functioned as state entities rather than as negotiating bodies, playing a significant role in upholding labour regulations and standards.[83]
A few months after thecivil war of 1986, the PDRY had discovered oil after more than 6 decades of unsuccessful exploration,[110] the Soviet Union discovered oil in theShabwah Governorate in late 1986, marking a turning point for the resource-scarce nation.[111] Decades of unsuccessful exploration efforts, hampered by the harsh desert environment and political instability, had left South Yemen heavily reliant on foreign aid, primarily from the Soviet Union, and remittances from its citizens working abroad, estimated to be around half of government revenue by the mid-1980s. The discovery, made by the Soviet oil company Technoexport, emerged amidst the Cold War, with the Soviet Union playing a crucial role in the exploration and discovery process.[112]
In the 1980s, Technoexport contracted with the PDRY to search for oil in a 13,500-square-mile area in Shabwa, and, in 1984, launched a program of exploratory drilling. This Soviet effort yielded only traces of oil over the next two years, a sharp contrast to the discovery and rapid exploitation of oil in the same period by an American company,Hunt Oil, in the YAR'sMarib basin, an area just to the west of Shabwa. Then, in late 1986, the Soviets struck very high quality oil in western Shabwa, an occurrence confirmed by authorities in Aden in early 1987.[111]
By late March, Initial estimates placed the oil reserves at around 1 billion barrels,[111][113] sparking plans for pipeline construction and full-scale production of the oil fields. Events moved swiftly, and industry sources reported in mid-1987 that the three fields—lyad East,lyad West, andAmal—already had a productive capacity of 10,000 barrels per day (bpd), that between 5,000-10,000 bpd were being trucked to the Aden refinery, and that there were plans to increase the number of trucks on the oil run to bring deliveries up to 25,000 bpd, considerably more than the PDRY's total domestic need at the time.[111] The discovery was viewed as a potential pathway to reduce dependence on external sources of income and improve the lives of South Yemen's roughly 2.4 million citizens. However, the joy of discovery was accompanied by a multitude of challenges.[111]
Western Shabwa was not the only exploration area, and the Soviet Union was not the only explorer in the second half of the 1980s.[111] Replying to a claim that the PDRY had put all of its eggs in one basket, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Energy and Minerals Salih Abu-Bakr ibn Husaynun noted in late 1987 that eight Western and Arab companies were engaged in exploration efforts in several areas in the PDRY.[111] Although Italy's Agip stopped work in late 1985, Brazil's Braspetrol, France's Societe Nationale Elf Aquitaine (Elf) and Compagnie Française des Petroles (Total), Kuwait's Independent Petroleum Group, and Canadian Occidental were among the firms actively searching for oil in the years that followed.[111]
The Soviet involvement in the discovery, estimated to have cost over half a billion dollars and added to South Yemen's already staggering debt, raised concerns about potential political and economic influence in the region.[111] Additionally, the oil find added a layer of complexity to the already intricate relationship between South and North Yemen, both of which desired unification and saw the resource, estimated to hold the potential for substantial economic benefits, as a potential driver of economic prosperity.[111]
Furthermore, South Yemen grappled with internal political struggles and social unrest at the time of the discovery. The violent leadership struggle within the ruling communist party, culminating in the January 1986 "blood bath" in Aden, further destabilised the nation. This volatile political landscape cast a shadow over the potential benefits of the newfound oil wealth and raised questions about how the resources would be managed and distributed fairly within the nation.[111]
TheBrothers Air Services was formed by Sayid Zein A. Baharoon who used the "Brothers" nomenclature in his merchant enterprises. Known as BASCO, this fledgling airline lasted only a short time.[118]
According to journalist Bilal Zenab Ahmed, nostalgia remains strong in parts of southernYemen for the PDRY.[119] Ahmed compared nostalgia for South Yemen tonostalgia for the Soviet Union, noting their shared emphasis on cultural memory and ongoing impact on modern day nationalism.[119] Ahmed asserted that nostalgia for the perceived stability, social benefits, and low unemployment of South Yemen have played a strong role in support for modern-day South Yemeni separatism.[119] TheSouthern Movement in particular drew much of its initial support from elements of the southern Yemeni population nostalgic for the former Marxist government, and socialist nostalgia features subtly in much of its messaging, propaganda, and symbolism.[119]
Political scholar Anne-Linda Amira Augustin asserted that nostalgia for the PDRY is primarily driven by nostalgia for state-sponsored social benefits, namely free healthcare, an educational system with relatively high standards, low unemployment, and provision of social security.[120] Augustin found in her research that communist nostalgia has experienced a resurgence among younger Yemenis born since 1990 who cannot remember the South Yemeni government, but are disillusioned with the social and political conditions since the country's unification.[120]
^"Perim Island Colony".www.britishempire.co.uk. Retrieved13 April 2025.The East India Company had actually briefly occupied the island as far back as 1799 once Napoleon had arrived in Egypt. Lieutenant-Colonel John Murray landed with 300 soldiers to see if it would make a suitable base to block any further French advance towards India. John Murray soon concluded that any British cannons placed on the island would not have had the range to block a French fleet sailing past. The island was also at a disadvantage as a base due to the lack of any water supply. Consequently, within 6 months, the EIC withdrew its forces from the island and abandoned its plans to build a fort there. For the next six decades, the island returned to its status as an obstacle to be avoided by shipping.
^Sandler, Stanley.Ground Warfare: The International Encyclopedia. Vol. 1 (2002): p. 977. "Egypt immediately began sending military supplies and troops to assist the Republicans... On the royalist side Jordan and Saudi Arabia were furnishing military aid, and Britain lent diplomatic support. In addition to Egyptian aid, the Soviet Union supplied 24 MiG-19s to the republicans."
^abcdUnited States. Department of State. Bureau of Public Affairs (December 1989). "[South] Yemen".Department of State Publication. Background Notes Series:1–4.ISSN1049-5517.PMID12178022.
^Katzman, Kenneth (13 February 2002). "Terrorism: Near Eastern Groups and State Sponsors". CRS Report for Congress (Report). p. 21.The former South Yemen (People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, PDRY) was on the U.S. terrorism list during 1979-1990 for supporting left-wing Arab terrorist groups
^United States Congress (1978). "Report of Congressman Paul Findley on Visit to South Yemen". Peace in the Mideast: A Delicate Balance (Report). pp. 38–39.
^Ismael, Tareq Y.; Jacqueline S. Ismael (October 1986).The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen: Politics, Economics, and Society; The Politics of Socialist Transformation. Lynne Rienner Pub.ISBN978-0-931477-96-6.
^Jovanovic, Bojan; Panahi, Majeed; Zarei, Asghar; Veroeveren, Pieter (19 January 2007)."Asian Nations Cup 1976".RSSSF.Archived from the original on 30 May 2013. Retrieved2 January 2022.
van Dijk, Ruud; Gray, William Glenn; Savranskaya, Svetlana;Suri, Jeremi; Zhai, Qiang, eds. (15 May 2008).Encyclopedia of the Cold War.Routledge.ISBN9780415975155.
Jonsson, Gabriel (31 January 2022).Towards Korean Reconciliation: Socio-Cultural Exchanges and Cooperation. Routledge.ISBN9781138358485.
Muhammad, Ali Nasir (2019).ذاكرة وطن: عدن من الإحتلال الى الإستقلال [Memory of the Nation - Aden: From occupation to independence] (in Arabic) (1st ed.). Beirut: Riyad al-Rayyis Publishing.ISBN978-9953-21-704-8.OCLC1089880767.
Muhammad, Ali Nasir (2020).ذاكرة وطن: جمهورية اليمن الديمقراطية الشعبيية [Memory of the Nation - People's Democratic Republic of Yemen](PDF) (in Arabic) (1st ed.). Baghdad: al-Mada.
التعداد العام الثاني للسكان والمساكن والمنشآت [Second General Census of Population, Housing and Establishments](PDF), People's Democratic Republic of Yemen: Central Statistical Organization, 1988.
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