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Solid South | |
|---|---|
In the1924 presidential election, a Republicanlandslide victory, all 11 former Confederate states and Oklahoma voted Democratic. | |
| Founded | 1876 |
| Dissolved | 1964 |
| Preceded by | Redeemers |
| Succeeded by | Southern RepublicansConservative Democrats |
| Ideology | Reactionism Conservatism Segregation White supremacy Southernerinterests States' rights Neo-Confederatism |
| National affiliation | Democratic Party |

TheSolid South was the electoralvoting bloc for theDemocratic Party in theSouthern United States between the end of theReconstruction era in 1877 and theCivil Rights Act of 1964.[1][2] In the aftermath of theCompromise of 1877 and the failure of theLodge Bill of 1890,Southern Democratsdisenfranchised nearly all blacks in all the former states of theConfederate States of America during the late 19th century and the early 20th century.[3]
During this period, theDemocratic Party controlled southern state legislatures and most local, state and federal officeholders in the South were Democrats. This resulted in aone-party system, in which a candidate's victory in Democraticprimary elections wastantamount to election to the office itself.White primaries were another means that the Democrats used to consolidate their political power, excluding blacks from voting.[4]
The "Solid South" included all 11 former Confederate states:Alabama,Arkansas,Florida,Georgia,Louisiana,Mississippi,North Carolina,South Carolina,Tennessee,Texas, andVirginia. It also included to a lesser extentKentucky andOklahoma,[a] which remained electorally competitive during theJim Crow era.[5] TheBorder states ofDelaware,Maryland, andWest Virginia were rarely identified with the Solid South after the1896 United States presidential election, whileMissouri became abellwether state after the1904 United States presidential election.[6] The Solid South only began to fall afterWorld War II, and ended in the 1960s as a result of theCivil rights movement.[7]
The Solid South can also refer to the "Southern strategy" that has been employed byRepublicans since the 1960s to increase their electoral power in the South. Republicans have been the dominant party in most political offices within the South since 2010.[8] The main exception to this trend has been the state ofVirginia.[9]

At the start of theAmerican Civil War, there were 34 states in the United States, 15 of which wereslave states. Slavery was also legal in theDistrict of Columbia until1862. Eleven of these slave states seceded from the United States to form theConfederacy:South Carolina,Mississippi,Florida,Alabama,Georgia,Louisiana,Texas,Virginia,Arkansas,Tennessee, andNorth Carolina.[11]
The southern slave states that stayed in the Union wereMaryland,Missouri,[c]Delaware, andKentucky, and they were referred to as theborder states. Kentucky and Missouri both had dual competing Confederate governments, theConfederate government of Kentucky and theConfederate government of Missouri. The Confederacy controlled more than half of Kentucky and the southern portion of Missouri early in the war but largely lost control in both states after 1862.[13]West Virginia, created in 1863 from Unionist and Confederate counties of Virginia, was represented in both Union and Confederate legislatures, and was the only border state to have civilian voting in the1863 Confederate States House of Representatives elections.[14][15]
By the time theEmancipation Proclamation was made in 1863, Tennessee was already under Union control. Accordingly, the Proclamation applied only to the 10 remaining Confederate states. Some of the border states abolished slavery before the end of the Civil War—Maryland in1864,[16] Missouri in 1865,[17] one of the Confederate states, Tennessee in 1865,[18] West Virginia in 1865,[19] and the District of Columbia in 1862. However, slavery persisted in Delaware,[20] Kentucky,[21] and 10 of the 11 former Confederate states, until theThirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution abolished slavery throughout the United States on December 18, 1865.[22]
Democratic dominance of the South originated in the struggle ofwhite Southerners during and afterReconstruction (1865–1877) to reestablishwhite supremacy and disenfranchise black people. Thefederal government of the United States under the Republican Party had defeated the Confederacy, abolished slavery, andenfranchised black people. In several states, Black voters were a majority or close to it. Republicans supported by black people controlled state governments in these states. Thus the Democratic Party became the vehicle for the white supremacistRedeemers.[23] TheKu Klux Klan, as well as other insurgentparamilitary groups such as theWhite League andRed Shirts from 1874, acted as "the military arm of the Democratic party" to disrupt Republican organizing, and to engage invoter intimidation andvoter suppresion of black voters.[24]

The end of Reconstruction and the creation of the Solid South was caused by theSouthern DemocraticRedeemers, and enabled by some Republicans.[23]Joseph P. Bradley was a Supreme Courtassociate justice from 1870 to 1892, and was a Republican appointed by Republican presidentUlysses S. Grant. Bradley was a key enabler of the creation of the Solid South, both as a judge and in his tie-breaking role in the 15-memberElectoral Commission that decided the disputed 1876 presidential election.[25]
The1872 Louisiana gubernatorial election was won by RepublicanWilliam Pitt Kellogg. TheColfax massacre occurred on April 13, 1873, inColfax, Louisiana. An estimated 62–153 Black men were murdered while surrendering to a mob of former Confederate soldiers and members of the Ku Klux Klan. Three White men also died during the confrontation.[25] In 1874, theBattle of Liberty Place occurred in which the White League attempted to overthrow Kellogg's Republican government inNew Orleans, Louisiana,[26] which was suppressed by federal troops sent by Republican presidentUlysses S. Grant.[27]
It was due to Bradley's intervention that prisoners charged in theColfax Massacre of 1873 were freed, after he happened to attend their trial and ruled that the federal law they were charged under was unconstitutional. This resulted in the federal government's bringing the case on appeal to the Supreme Court asUnited States v. Cruikshank (1875). The court's ruling was that because the massacre was not astate action, the federal government would not intervene on paramilitary and group attacks on individuals. It essentially opened the door to heightened paramilitary activity in the South that forced Republicans from office, suppressed black voting, and opened the way for white Democratic takeover of state legislatures.[25]
TheMississippi Plan of 1874–1875 was developed by white Southern Democrats to reverse Republican strength in Mississippi, particularly to remove Republican governorAdelbert Ames. White paramilitary organizations such as the Red Shirts arose to serve as "the military arm of the Democratic Party." The first step was to persuadescalawags (white Republicans) to vote with the Democratic party, with outright attacks and political pressure convincing many scalawags to switch parties or flee the state. The second step of the Mississippi Plan was intimidation of African American voters, with the Red Shirts often using violence, including whippings and murders, and intimidation at the polls. The Red Shirts were joined in the violence by white paramilitary groups known as "rifle clubs," who frequently provoked riots at Republican rallies, shooting down dozens of blacks in the ensuing conflicts.[28] Ultimately, Adelbert Ames was unable to organize a state militia and signed a peace treaty with Democratic leaders. In return for disarming the few militia units he had assembled, they promised to guarantee a full, free, fair election, a promise they did not keep. In November 1875, Democrats terrorized a large part of the Republican vote into staying home, driving voters from the polls with shotguns and cannons, and gaining firm control of both houses of the Mississippi legislature. The state legislature, convening in 1876, drew up articles of impeachment against Ames. Rather than face an impeachment trial, Ames's lawyers made a deal: once the legislature had dropped all charges, he would resign his office, which occurred on March 29, 1876.[23]




RepublicanDaniel Henry Chamberlain was born in Massachusetts and had served as asecond lieutenant in the U.S. Army with the5th Massachusetts Colored Volunteer Cavalry, aregiment of Black troops. Chamberlain was elected Governor of South Carolina in1874 and sought re-election in1876.[29] Both Republicans, Bradley and Chamberlain, played crucial roles on opposing sides of the creation of the Solid South. Bradley gave Republican Rutherford B. Hayes the presidency in the 1876 presidential election, which in turn caused Chamberlain to lose the South Carolina governorship as part of theCompromise of 1877.[30]
In the aftermath of thePanic of 1873, poor economic conditions caused voters to turn against the Republican Party. In the1874 congressional elections, the Democratic Party assumed control of the U.S. House of Representatives for the first time since the Civil War. Public opinion in the North began to steer away fromReconstruction. With the depression, ambitious railroad building programs crashed across the South, leaving most Southern states deep in debt and burdened with heavy taxes. Most Southern states fell to Democratic control in the South, as the Republican Party lost electoral power in the South.[31]
DemocratSamuel J. Tilden waselected governor of New York in 1874, and had supported the Union during the American Civil War. RepublicanRutherford B. Hayes had served in the Union army as an officer, served in Congress from 1865 to 1867, and served as governor of Ohio from 1868 to 1872 and 1876 to 1877 before his swearing-in as president. The1876 presidential election was extremely controversial, as Hayes lost the popular vote to Tilden 47.9%–50.9%, but ultimately won the Electoral College 185-184. Hayes won three former Confederate states, all by extremely narrow margins: South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana. Yet all three states were concurrently won by Democratic gubernatorial nominees by narrow margins as well.[30]
The concurrent1876 South Carolina gubernatorial election in particular was extremely close, and rife with violence and likely electoral fraud. Chamberlain ran against DemocratWade Hampton III, who was aLieutenant General in the ConfederateArmy of Northern Virginia during the Civil War, and a leader of the Redeemers. Hampton's campaign for governor was marked by extensive violence by the Red Shirts, who intimidated and suppressed Black voters in the state in the same way as the Mississippi Plan of 1874–1875.[32] Immediately after the 1876 South Carolina gubernatorial results were announced, both the Republican and Democratic parties accused each other of fraud. Hampton received 92,261 votes to Chamberlain's 91,127, that is 50.3% to 49.7%. However, the State Board of Canvassers, which was composed of five Republicans, declared that the elections inEdgefield County andLaurens County were so tainted by fraud that their results would be excluded from the final tally. This changed the Republican tally from a 1,134-vote loss to a 3,145-vote victory.[33]
To summarize, Republican Rutherford B. Hayes was ultimately elected president by winning the Electoral College 185-184, despite losing the popular vote 47.9-50.9%. Thetipping-point state was South Carolina, which Hayes had won 91,786 to 90,897 (50.24% to 49.76%), for South Carolina's 7 electoral votes. And DemocratWade Hampton III was elected governor of South Carolina, on the same ballot, 92,261 to 91,127 (50.3% to 49.7%). This was in a state whose elections had been conducted in an atmosphere of widespread violence and fraud, and led to thedisputed government of South Carolina of 1876–77. In 2001, Ronald F. King used modern statistical techniques on the election returns and concluded: "Application of social science methodology to the gubernatorial election of 1876 in South Carolina confirms charges of fraud raised by Republicans at the time of the election.... [the result] was the product of massive voter fraud and intimidation of black voters."[34]
From December 1876 to April 1877, the Republican and Democratic parties in South Carolina each claimed to be the legitimate government, declaring that they controlled the governorship and state legislature. Each government debated and passed laws, raised militias, collected taxes, and conducted other business as if the other did not exist.[35] And not only were the presidential and gubernatorial elections in South Carolina disputed, but they were also disputed in Louisiana and Florida, causing similar dual government disputes in those two states. In Louisiana, DemocratFrancis T. Nicholls had defeatedStephen B. Packard 84,487 to 76,477 (52.49% to 47.51%) in the1876 Louisiana gubernatorial election, yet Republican Rutherford B. Hayes had defeated Democrat Samuel J. Tilden in Louisiana 75,315 to 70,508 (51.65% to 48.35%) on the same ballot. And in Florida, Republican Rutherford B. Hayes had defeated Democrat Samuel J. Tilden 23,849 to 22,927 (50.99% to 49.01%), yet on the same ballot DemocratGeorge F. Drew defeated RepublicanMarcellus L. Stearns 24,613 to 24,116 (50.51% to 49.49%) in the1876 Florida gubernatorial election. Most importantly, the 1876 presidential election was also disputed with Tilden having 184 electoral votes, Hayes having 165 electoral votes, and the 20 disputed electoral votes all needing to go to Hayes to give him a majority of 185 out of 369 electoral votes.[30]
To resolve the 1876 presidential election, an "Electoral Commission" was created, consisting of fifteen members: five representatives selected by the House, five senators selected by the Senate, four Supreme Court justices named in the law, and a fifth Supreme Court justice selected by the other four. Originally, it was planned that the commission would consist of seven Democrats and seven Republicans, with an independent (JusticeDavid Davis) as the fifteenth member of the commission. According to historian Roy Morris Jr., "no one, perhaps not even Davis himself, knew which presidential candidate he preferred." Just as the Electoral Commission Bill was passing Congress, Davis was elected to the Senate by Democrats in the Illinois legislature, who believed that they had purchased Davis' support for Tilden, but this was a miscalculation: Davis promptly excused himself from the commission and resigned as a Justice in order to take his Senate seat. Because of this, Davis was unable to assume the spot, always intended for him, as one of the Supreme Court's members of the Commission. His replacement on the Commission was Republican Supreme Court JusticeJoseph P. Bradley, resulting in an 8–7 majority for Republicans, which in turn awarded Hayes the 20 disputed electoral votes on party-line votes, and thus Hayes had won the presidency by an electoral vote of 185–184 despite losing the popular vote 47.9% to 50.9%.[30]
Hayes was peacefully sworn in as president privately on Saturday, March 3, 1877 and publicly on Monday March 5, 1877. On March 31, Hampton and Chamberlain met with President Hayes to discuss the situation in South Carolina. On April 3, Hayes ordered the withdrawal of federal troops from South Carolina, which they did on April 10. Chamberlain, realizing that he could not continue in his role without the support of federal troops, resigned on April 11, 1877.[36] Embittered, Chamberlain blamed the President for having betrayed the mass of South Carolina's voters; the state's population was 58% African American. After conceding the governorship to Hampton, Chamberlain stated, "If a majority of people in a State are unable by physical force to maintain their rights, they must be left to political servitude." After Chamberlain's concession, Hampton was declared the sole governor of South Carolina.[33] Chamberlain left the state and moved to New York City, and became a successfulWall Street attorney. South Carolina would not elect another Republican governoruntil 1974, 100 years after Chamberlain was elected in 1874.[35] Hampton was later elected to the U.S. Senate by the South Carolina legislature for two terms, from 1879 to 1891.[32]
This series of events is referred to as theCompromise of 1877, acorrupt bargain by which Republican Rutherford B. Hayes was elected president despite losing the popular vote while Southern Democrats were given state-level power in the former Confederate states despite having committed violence and electoral fraud against African Americans. The loser of the Compromise of 1877 were African Americans, as Republicans allowed Southern Democrats to create hegemony in the former Confederate states, depriving African Americans of the protection of federal troops and the ability to elect Republican candidates in statewide and congressional races.[30] Republicans never won a singleDeep South state again until they won Louisiana in1956, and RepublicanBarry Goldwater won all the Deep South states in1964. This was despite the fact that African Americans constituted a majority or near-majority of the populations of the Deep South states, at least until theGreat Migration.[7]



RepublicanHenry Cabot Lodge was an American politician and statesman from Massachusetts, who served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1887 to 1893, and in United States Senate from 1893 to 1924.[citation needed] In 1890, Lodge co-authored theFederal Elections Bill, along with SenatorGeorge Frisbie Hoar of Massachusetts, that guaranteed federal protection forAfrican American voting rights. Although the proposed legislation was supported by PresidentBenjamin Harrison, the bill was blocked due to the efforts of filibustering Democrats[37] and RepublicanWilliam M. Stewart of Nevada in the Senate.
Republican William M. Stewart described how he helped defeat the Lodge Bill in his own memoir, published in 1908. Stewart worked with other Democrats, includingArthur Pue Gorman of Maryland, to defeat the Lodge Bill.[citation needed]
DemocratGrover Cleveland waselected governor of New York in 1882, and was elected President in1884, becoming the first Democratic President after the Civil War.
During the late 19th century, the state ofNew York was a swing state in presidential elections. Cleveland won the popular vote in all three of his presidential elections, but these were suspect due to the disenfranchisement of African Americans who mostly favored Harrison in the South, as was noted by Republican politicians at the time and by modern scholars. In particular, Republican Benjamin Harrison won Cleveland's home state ofNew York in 1888, which single-handedly cost Cleveland the 1888 presidential election given New York had 36 electoral votes.[38][39][40]
Also, the former Confederate state ofVirginia was competitive in the first two of Cleveland's three elections. Cleveland won Virginia in 1884 by 2.15% and Virginia in 1888 by just 0.53%, but won Virginia in 1892 by 17.46%.
In 1892, Cleveland had campaigned against the Lodge Bill,[41] which would have strengthened voting rights protections through the appointing of federal supervisors of congressional elections upon a petition from the citizens of any district. TheEnforcement Act of 1871 had provided for a detailed federal overseeing of the electoral process, from registration to the certification of returns. Cleveland succeeded in ushering in the 1894 repeal of this law.[42]
The failure of the Lodge Bill led to unsuccessful attempts to have the federal courts protect voting rights inWilliams v. Mississippi (1898) andGiles v. Harris (1903). These cases were a few years afterPlessy v. Ferguson (1896), which had upheld "separate but equal" racial segregation laws.[citation needed]
Ultimately, national Republicans gave up on voting rights for African Americans and winning the eleven former Confederate states, both because of opposition from Southern Democrats and the fact they did not need them to win presidential elections and majorities in Congress. In the1896 presidential election, RepublicanWilliam McKinley won the popular vote 51.0% to 46.7% and the Electoral College 271-176. McKinley did win the border states Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, and Kentucky (except for 1 electoral vote in the latter), but lost all the 11 former Confederate states. Republicans did not win even a single former Confederate state from 1880 until they won Tennessee in the1920 presidential election, though they may have been able to had the Lodge Bill passed.[43]
When a group of white supremacists violently overthrew the duly elected government of Wilmington, North Carolina, on November 10, 1898, in an event that came to be recognized as theWilmington massacre of 1898, Republican PresidentWilliam McKinley refused requests by Black leaders to send in federal marshals or federal troops to protect black citizens,[44] and ignored city residents' appeals for help to recover from the widespread destruction of the predominantly black neighborhood of Brooklyn, the majority-black neighborhood in Wilmington.[45] This was despite the fact that McKinley was the last president to have served in the American Civil War; he was the only one to begin his service as an enlisted man and ended it as a brevet major. McKinley had voted for the Lodge Bill, and was defeated in the1890 U.S. House elections as a representative from Ohio.[citation needed]
In 1900, as the56th Congress considered proposals forapportioning its seats among the 45 states following the1900 Federal Census, RepresentativeEdgar D. Crumpacker (R-IN) filed an independent report urging that the Southern states be stripped of seats due to the large numbers of voters they had disfranchised. He noted this was provided for in Section 2 of theFourteenth Amendment, which provided for stripping representation from states that reduced suffrage due to race. From 1896 until 1900, the House of Representatives with a Republican majority had acted in more than thirty cases to set aside election results from Southern states where the House Elections Committee had concluded that "[B]lack voters had been excluded due to fraud, violence, or intimidation".[46] However, in the early 1900s, it began to back off, after Democrats won a majority, which included Southern delegations that were solidly in Democratic hands. However, concerted opposition by the Southern Democratic bloc was aroused, and the effort failed.[47]

Some Northern Congressmen continued to raise the issue of Black disfranchisement and resulting malapportionment. For instance, on December 6, 1920, RepresentativeGeorge H. Tinkham (R-MA) offered a resolution for the Committee of Census to investigate the alleged disfranchisement of African Americans.[48] Tinkham argued there should be reapportionment in the House related to the voting population of southern states, rather than the general population as enumerated in the census. Such reapportionment was authorized by the Constitution, and would reflect reality so that the South should not get representation for voters it had disfranchised.[48]
Tinkham detailed how outsized the South's representation was related to the total number of voters in the former Confederate states in the1918 U.S. House elections, compared to other states with the same number of representatives, as shown in the following table:[48]
| State | Number of Representatives | Total Vote | Former Confederate state? |
|---|---|---|---|
| Florida | 4 | 31,613 | Yes |
| Colorado | 4 | 208,855 | No |
| Maine | 4 | 121,836 | No |
| Nebraska | 6 | 216,014 | No |
| West Virginia | 6 | 211,643 | No |
| South Carolina | 7 | 25,433 | Yes |
| Louisiana | 8 | 44,794 | Yes |
| Kansas | 8 | 425,641 | No |
| Alabama | 10 | 62,345 | Yes |
| Minnesota | 10 | 299,127 | No |
| Iowa | 10 | 316,377 | No |
| California | 11 | 644,790 | No |
| Georgia | 12 | 59,196 | Yes |
| New Jersey | 12 | 338,461 | No |
| Indiana | 13 | 565,216 | No |
Tinkham was defeated by the Democratic Southern Bloc, and also by fears amongst the northern business elites of increasing the voting power of Northern urban working classes,[49] whom both northern business and Southern planter elites believed would vote for large-scale income redistribution at a Federal level.[50]

By 1876, "Redeemer" Democrats had taken control of all state governments in the South. From then until the 1960s, state and local government in the South was almost entirely monopolized by Democrats. The Democrats elected all but a handful of U.S. Representatives and Senators, and Democratic presidential candidates regularly swept the region – from 1880 through 1944, winning a cumulative total of 182 of 187 states. The Democrats reinforced the loyalty of white voters by emphasizing the suffering of the South during the war at the hands of "Yankee invaders" under Republican leadership, and the noble service of their white forefathers in "the Lost Cause". This rhetoric was effective with many Southerners. However, thispropaganda was totally ineffective in areas that had been loyal to the Union during the war, such asEast Tennessee. Most of East Tennessee welcomed U.S. troops as liberators, and voted Republican even in the Solid South period.[51]
Despite White Southerners' complaints about Reconstruction, several Southern states kept most provisions of their Reconstruction constitutions for more than two decades, until late in the 19th century.[52] Disfranchisement of African Americans was a gradual and sometimes haphazard process, and began first in theDeep South states that had the largest African American populations.[53] In Georgia, a poll tax was first imposed in 1877. In South Carolina, an indirect literacy test and multiple-ballot box law, called the "Eight Box Law," was enacted in 1882.[54]
Even after white Democrats regained control of state legislatures, some black candidates were elected to local offices and state legislatures in the South. Black U.S. Representatives were elected from the South as late as the 1890s, usually from overwhelmingly black areas. Intimidation of African American voters and outrightelectoral fraud were common, before widespread disfranchisement began after the failure of theLodge Bill of 1890.[55]
In Virginia, the bi-racialReadjuster Party existed from 1877 to 1895, electingWilliam E. Cameron in1881 as the 39thGovernor of Virginia from 1882 to 1886.[56]William Mahone served as a U.S. Senator from Virginia from 1881 to 1887 as a member of the Readjuster Party.[57] Democratic presidentGrover Cleveland narrowly wonVirginia in 1884 51.05% to 48.90%, and wonVirginia in 1888 by just 49.99% to 49.46%, a 0.53 percentage point margin and the closest the Republican Party came to winning a former Confederate state untilWarren G. Harding wonTennessee in 1920.[58]
In Arkansas, the1888 and1890 gubernatorial elections were competitive, with DemocratJames Philip Eagle winning only 54.09% to 45.91% and 55.51% to 44.49%, respectively. Eagle ran against afusion ticket of theUnion Labor and Republican parties, with the Republican party endorsing the Union Labor party candidates.[59] Wealthy white landowners were extremely angry that poor blacks and whites might be uniting against them. In 1891, the Arkansas Democratic Party thus introduced a poll tax that would weigh extremely heavily upon poor Union Labor supporters and also introduced thesecret ballot which would make it more difficult for illiterate blacks and poor whites to cast a vote even if they could pay the poll tax.[60]

ThePeople's Party, usually known as the Populist Party or simply the Populists, was anagrarianpopulist party political party that was founded in 1892.[61] The Populists developed a following in the South, amongpoor white people who resented the Democratic Party establishment. Populists formed alliances with Republicans (including black Republicans) and challenged the Democraticbosses. In some cases, the Populists and their allies defeated their Democratic opponents.[43]
Unfortunately, the success of the Populist Party was a major impetus for even more thorough disfranchisement. The Populist Party was dissolved in 1909, by which point disfranchisement of African Americans was virtually complete. The Populist Party did win some U.S. House seats in the former Confederate states, includingThomas E. Watson of Georgia (1891–1893) and several representatives in North Carolina.[62] The Populists also elected North Carolina U.S. SenatorMarion Butler (1895–1901).[63]
In North Carolina, RepublicanDaniel Lindsay Russell waselected Governor of North Carolina in 1896 on afusionist ticket, a collaboration between Republicans andPopulists, and served as the 49thgovernor of North Carolina from 1897 to 1901.[64] On November 8, 1898, a part-black fusion slate won elections inWilmington, then the state's largest city and with a black majority.Alfred Waddell, whom Russell had defeated for Congress in 1878, led thousands of white rioters in theWilmington Insurrection of 1898; they seized the city government by force, and destroyed the only black-owned newspaper in the state.[65] Although Russell was not up for election in 1898, Democrats used him as a foil in their campaign that year, attacking him for undermining "white supremacy" and fanning fears of "negro rule" to regain control of the state legislature.[66] To prevent fusionist coalitions or Republicans winning office again, in 1899 the Democrats used their control of the North Carolina legislature to pass an amendment that effectively disenfranchised blacks and many poor whites. As a result, voter rolls dropped dramatically, blacks were excluded from the political system, and the Republican Party was crippled in the state.[67]
In Alabama,Reuben Kolb sought to unite poor farmers and sharecroppers with industrial workers and Black voters as a Populist in1892 and1894. The gubernatorial elections he lost in 1892 and 1894 are considered to have had widespread vote tampering and fraud.[68][69] In 1894, Kolb retreated from his brief flirtation with the idea of Black rights, "a telling reflection of the shallow commitment of Kolb and many of his followers to the notion of racial equality." And, after the Populist party's electoral failure in1896, "Kolb confessed his apostasy and pathetically pleaded to be allowed to return to the party of white supremacy."[70][71]
In Louisiana, the1896 Louisiana gubernatorial election was competitive, with incumbent Democratic governorMurphy J. Foster defeating the Republican-Populistfusion candidate John Newton Pharr (1829–1903), a sugar planter fromSt. Mary Parish. Pharr had possibly gained a majority of votes cast and won twenty-six of the then fifty-nine parishes, with his greatest strength in north central Louisiana and theFlorida Parishes to the east ofBaton Rouge.[72] With the assistance of the Democraticpolitical machine based in New Orleans, Foster officially received 116,116 votes (57 percent) to Pharr's 87,698 ballots (43 percent).[73] The election was heavily marked by fraud which benefited Foster and widespread violence to suppress black Republican voting, and a clear accounting of the election results is unknown.[74] Subsequently, as governor, Foster signed off on the new Louisiana Constitution of 1898, establishing a poll tax, literacy test, grandfather clause, and the secret ballot that made voting by poor whites much more difficult and producing a reduction in the number of registered black voters by 96 percent, from 130,334 to 5,320. After Foster's re-election in 1896, Louisiana general elections were non-competitive. The only competition took place in Democratic primaries.[75]
In Georgia,Thomas E. Watson had long supported black enfranchisement throughout the South, as a basic tenet of his populist philosophy.[76] He condemnedlynching and tried to protect black voters from lynch mobs. The Populists made significant runs for governor in1892,1894, and1896, which would have been stronger but for large scale electoral fraud.[77] However, after 1900 Watson's interpretation of populism shifted. He no longer viewed the populist movement as being racially inclusive. By 1908, Watson identified as awhite supremacist and ran as such during his presidential bid. He used his highly influential magazine and newspaper to launch vehement diatribes against blacks.[76]
To prevent bi-racial and Populist coalitions in the future and to stop relying on violence and electoral fraud associated with suppressing the black vote during elections, Southern Democrats acted to disfranchise both black people and poor white people.[78] From 1890 to 1910, after the failure of theLodge Bill and beginning withMississippi in 1890, all 11 former Confederate states adopted new constitutions and other laws which included various devices to restrict voter registration. These changes disfranchised virtually all black and many poor white residents.[3] These devices applied to all citizens; in practice they disfranchised most black citizens and also "would remove [from voter registration rolls] the less educated, less organized, more impoverished whites as well – and that would ensure one-party Democratic rules through most of the 20th century in the South".[79][80] All the Southern states adopted provisions that restricted voter registration and suffrage, including new requirements forpoll taxes, longer residency, and subjectiveliteracy tests. Some also used the device ofgrandfather clauses, exempting voters who had a grandfather voting by a particular year (usually before the Civil War, when black people could not vote.)[81]
In 1900, U.S. SenatorBenjamin Tillman explained how African Americans were disenfranchised in his state of South Carolina in a white supremacist speech:
In my State there were 135,000 negro voters, or negroes of voting age, and some 90,000 or 95,000 white voters.... Now, I want to ask you, with a free vote and a fair count, how are you going to beat 135,000 by 95,000? How are you going to do it? You had set us an impossible task.
We did not disfranchise the negroes until 1895. Then we had a constitutional convention convened which took the matter up calmly, deliberately, and avowedly with the purpose of disfranchising as many of them as we could under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. We adopted the educational qualification as the only means left to us, and the negro is as contented and as prosperous and as well protected in South Carolina to-day as in any State of the Union south of thePotomac. He is not meddling with politics, for he found that the more he meddled with them the worse off he got. As to his "rights"—I will not discuss them now. We of the South have never recognized the right of the negro to govern white men, and we never will.... I would to God the last one of them was in Africa and that none of them had ever been brought to our shores.[82]
White Democrats also opposed Republican economic policies such as the hightariff and thegold standard, both of which were seen as benefiting Northernindustrial interests at the expense of theagrarian society of the South during the 19th century. Nevertheless, holding all political power was at the heart of their resistance. From 1876 through 1944, the national Democratic party opposed any calls forcivil rights for black people. In Congress, Southern Democrats blocked such efforts whenever Republicans targeted the issue.[83][7]
White Democrats passed "Jim Crow" laws which reinforcedwhite supremacy throughracial segregation.[84] TheFourteenth Amendment provided for apportionment of representation in Congress to be reduced if a state disenfranchised part of its population. However, this clause was never applied to Southern states that disenfranchised black residents. No black candidate was elected to any office in the South for decades after theturn of the century. Black residents were also excluded fromjuries and other participation in civil life.[3]


Democratic candidates won by large margins in a majority of Southern states in every presidential election from1876 to1948, except for1928, when the Democratic candidate wasAl Smith, a Catholic New Yorker. Even in that election, the divided South provided Smith with nearly three-fourths of his electoral votes. Scholar Richard Valelly creditedWoodrow Wilson's 1912 election to the disfranchisement of black people in the South, and also noted far-reaching effects in Congress, where the Democratic South gained "about 25 extra seats in Congress for each decade between 1903 and 1953".[d][3] JournalistMatthew Yglesias argues:
The weird thing about Jim Crow politics is that white southerners with conservative views on taxes, moral values, and national security would vote for Democratic presidential candidates who didn't share their views. They did that as part of a strategy for maintaining white supremacy in the South.[85]
Some of the former Confederate states, particularly those that were not majority-African American, likely would have still voted Democratic even if African Americans were not disenfranchised due to partisan loyalty. In particular, Texas had never voted for a Republican presidential candidate until 1928, even during Reconstruction.[86] The border state of Kentucky still remained a Democratic stronghold in presidential elections, even though it did not disenfranchise African Americans.[4]
In theDeep South (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana), Democratic dominance was overwhelming, with Democrats routinely receiving 80%–90% of the vote, and only a tiny number of Republicans holding state legislative seats or local offices.[7] Mississippi and South Carolina were the most extreme cases – between1900 and1944, only in 1928, when the three subcoastal Mississippi counties ofPearl River,Stone andGeorge went for Hoover, did the Democrats lose even one of these two states' counties in any presidential election.[87]
TheGerman-AmericanTexas counties ofGillespie andKendall, ArkansasOzarks counties ofNewton andSearcy, and a number of counties inAppalachian parts of Alabama and Georgia would vote Republican in presidential elections through this period.[88] Arkansas consistently voted Democratic from 1876 to 1964, though Democratic margins were lower than in the Deep South.[88] Even in 1939, Florida was described as "still very largely an empty State," with onlyNorth Florida largely settled until afterWorld War II.[89] In Louisiana, non-partisan tendencies remained strong among wealthy sugar planters inAcadiana (Cajun Country) and within the business elite ofNew Orleans.[90]
InEast Tennessee,Western North Carolina, andSouthwest Virginia, Republicans retained a significant presence in these remote Appalachian regions which supported the Union during the Civil War and had few African Americans, winning occasional U.S. House seats and often drawing over 40% in presidential votes statewide.[91] In particular, Tennessee's1st and2nd congressional districts have been continuously held by Republicans since 1881 and 1867, respectively, to the present day. Although Tennessee disenfranchised African Americans, support for Republicans remained high in East Tennessee and kept the state relatively competitive during the Jim Crow era, although Democrats almost always still won statewide.[92]

By the 1920s, as memories of the Civil War faded, the Solid South cracked slightly. For instance,a Republican was elected U.S. Representative from Texas in 1920, serving until 1932. The Republican national landslides in 1920 and 1928 had some effects.[93] In the 1920 elections, Tennessee electeda Republican governor and five out of 10 Republican U.S. Representatives, and became the first former Confederate state to vote for a Republican candidate for U.S. President since Reconstruction.[94] North Carolina abolished its poll tax in 1920.[95][96]
In the1928 presidential election,Al Smith received serious backlash as a Catholic in the largely Protestant South in 1928.[97] Southern Baptist churches ordered their followers to vote against Smith, claiming that he would close down Protestant churches, end freedom of worship, and prohibit reading the Bible.[97] However, it was widely believed that RepublicanHerbert Hoover supported integration or at least was not committed to maintaining racial segregation, overcoming opposition to Smith's campaign in areas with large nonvoting black populations.[97] Smith only managed to carry Arkansas (the home state of his running mateJoseph T. Robinson) and the 5 states of the Deep South, and nearly lost Alabama by less than 3%.[93]
Theboll weevil, a species ofbeetle that feeds on cotton buds and flowers, crossed theRio Grande nearBrownsville, Texas, to enter the United States from Mexico in 1892.[98] It reached southeastern Alabama in 1909, and by the mid-1920s had entered all cotton-growing regions in the U.S., traveling 40 to 160 miles per year. The boll weevil contributed to Southern farmers' economic woes during the 1920s, a situation exacerbated by theGreat Depression in the 1930s.[99] The boll weevil infestation has been credited with bringing about economic diversification in the Southern US, including the expansion ofpeanut cropping. The citizens ofEnterprise, Alabama, erected theBoll Weevil Monument in 1919, perceiving that their economy had been overly dependent on cotton, and that mixed farming and manufacturing were better alternatives.[100] By 1922, it was taking 8% of the cotton in the country annually. A 2020 NBER paper found that the boll weevil spread contributed to fewer lynchings, less Confederate monument construction, less KKK activity, and higher non-white voter registration.[101]
Southern demography also began to change.[102] From 1910 through 1970, about 6.5 million black Southerners moved to urban areas in other parts of the country in theGreat Migration, and demographics began to change Southern states in other ways. The failures of the South's cotton crop due to the boll weevil was a major impetus for the Great Migration, although not the only one.[103]
However, with the Democratic national landslide of 1932, the South again became solidly Democratic.[104] A number of conservative Southern Democrats felt chagrin at the national party's growing friendliness to organized labor during theFranklin D. Roosevelt administration, forming theconservative coalition with conservative Republicans in 1937 to stymie further New Deal legislation.[105] Roosevelt was unsuccessful in attempting to purge some of these conservativeSouthern Democrats in white primaries in the1938 elections, such as SenatorWalter George of Georgia and SenatorEllison Smith of South Carolina, in contrast to successfully ousting representative and chair of theHouse Rules CommitteeJohn J. O'Connor of New York.[106]
In the 1930s, black voters outside the South largely switched to the Democrats,[107] and other groups with an interest in civil rights (notably Jews, Catholics, and academic intellectuals) became more powerful in the party.[108] Louisiana abolished its poll tax in 1934,[109] as did Florida in 1937.[110]
The Republican Party began to make gains in the South afterWorld War II, as the South industrialized and urbanized.[111][7]World War II marked a time of dramatic change within the South from an economic standpoint, as new industries and military bases were developed by the federal government, providing much-needed capital and infrastructure in the former Confederate states.[112][111] Per capita income jumped 140% from 1940 to 1945, compared to 100% elsewhere in the United States. Dewey Grantham said the war "brought an abrupt departure from the South's economic backwardness, poverty, and distinctive rural life, as the region moved perceptively closer to the mainstream of national economic and social life."[113][114][115]
Florida began to expand rapidly after World War II, with retirees and other migrants inCentral andSouth Florida becoming a majority of the state's population. Many of these new residents brought their Republican voting habits with them, diluting traditional Southern hostility to the Republicans.[116] In 1944, the Supreme Court ruled 8–1 inSmith v. Allwright againstwhite primary systems, and most Southern states ended their racially discriminatory primary elections.[117] They retained other techniques of disenfranchisement, such aspoll taxes andliteracy tests, which in theory applied to all potential voters, but in practice were administered in a discriminatory manner by white officials.[118]

Oklahoma was considered part of the Solid South, but did notbecome a state until 1907, and shared characteristics of both the border states and the former Confederate states in theUpper South. Oklahoma disenfranchised its African American population, whichcomprised less than 10% of the state's population from 1870 to 1960.[120] However, Oklahoma did not enact a poll tax and remained electorally competitive at the state and federal levels during the Jim Crow era.[121] Oklahoma elected three Republican U.S. Senators before 1964:John W. Harreld (1921–1927),William B. Pine (1925–1931), andEdward H. Moore (1943–1949).[121] Oklahoma had a strong Republican presence inNorthwestern Oklahoma, which had close ties to neighboringKansas, a Republican stronghold.[122]
During the Civil War, most of present-day Oklahoma was designated asIndian Territory andpermitted slavery, with most tribal leaders aligning with the Confederacy.[123] However,some tribes and bands sided with the Union, resulting in bloody conflict in the territory, with severe hardships for all residents.[124][125] TheOklahoma Territory was settled through a series ofland runs from 1889 to 1895, which included significant numbers of Republican settlers from theGreat Plains.[126]
Oklahoma did not havea Republican governor untilHenry Bellmon was elected in1962, though Republicans were still able to draw over 40% of the vote statewide during the Jim Crow era.[127] Democrats were strongest in Southeast Oklahoma, known as"Little Dixie", whose white settlers were Southerners seeking a start in new lands following the American Civil War.[121] InGuinn v. United States (1915), the Supreme Court invalidated theOklahomaConstitution's "old soldier" and "grandfather clause" exemptions from literacy tests. Oklahoma and other states quickly reacted by passing laws that created other rules for voter registration that worked against blacks and minorities.[128]
However, Oklahoma did not enact apoll tax, unlike the former Confederate states.[120] As a result, Oklahoma was still competitive at the presidential level, voting forWarren G. Harding in1920 andHerbert Hoover in1928. Oklahoma shifted earlier to supporting Republican presidential candidates, with the state voting for every Republican ticket since1952, except forLyndon B. Johnson in his1964 landslide. Oklahoma is the only Southern state to have never voted for a Democratic presidential candidate after 1964. It was one of only two Southern states, the other being Virginia, to be carried by RepublicanGerald Ford in the1976 presidential election.[129]

In contrast to the 11 former Confederate states, where almost all blacks weredisenfranchised during the first half to two-thirds of the twentieth century, for varying reasons blacks remained enfranchised in the border states despite movements for disfranchisement during the 1900s.[130] Note thatMissouri is classified as aMidwestern state by the Census bureau, and also did not disenfranchise its African American population.[131]
The border states, being the northern region of theUpper South, had close ties to the industrializing andurbanizingNortheast andMidwest, experiencing a realignment in the1896 United States presidential election.[132][133]
African Americans generally comprised asignificantly lower percentage of the populations of the border states than the percentages in the former Confederate states from 1870 to 1960. Less than 10% of the populations of West Virginia and Missouri were African American. In Kentucky, 5–20% of the state's population was African American. In Delaware, 10–20% of the state's population was African American. In Maryland, 15–25% of the state's population was African American.[134]
ForWest Virginia, "reconstruction, in a sense, began in 1861".[135] Unlike the other southernborder states, West Virginia did not send the majority of its soldiers to the Union and a substantial portion of the state continued to be controlled by the Confederacy till later in the war.[136] West Virginia was the lastslave state admitted into the Union in 1863, and was the only state in the Border South to also participate in the 1863 Confederate elections. The prospect of those returning ex-Confederates prompted the Wheeling state government to implement laws that restricted their right of suffrage, practicing law and teaching, access to the legal system, and subjected them to "war trespass" lawsuits.[137] The lifting of these restrictions in 1871 resulted in the election ofJohn J. Jacob, a Democrat, to the governorship. It also led to the rejection of the war-time constitution by public vote and a new constitution written under the leadership of ex-Confederates such asSamuel Price,Allen T. Caperton andCharles James Faulkner. In 1876 the state Democratic ticket of eight candidates were all elected, seven of whom were Confederate veterans.[138] For nearly a generation West Virginia was part of the Solid South.[139]
However, Republicans returned to power in 1896, controlling the governorship for eight of the next nine terms, and electing 82 of 106 U.S. Representatives until 1932.[140] In 1932, as the nation swung to the Democrats, West Virginia again became solidly Democratic. It was perhaps the most reliably Democratic state in the nation between 1932 and 1996, being one of just two states (along with Minnesota) to vote for a Republican president as few as three times in that interval. Moreover, unlike Minnesota (or other nearly as reliably Democratic states like Massachusetts and Rhode Island), it usually had a unanimous (or nearly unanimous)congressional delegation and only elected two Republicans as governor (albeit for a combined 20 years between them).[141]
Kentucky did usually vote for the Democratic Party in the majority of presidential elections from 1877 to 1964 and was generally considered part of the Solid South, but was still a competitive state at both the state and federal levels.[142] The Democratic Party in the state was heavily divided overfree silver and the role of corporations in the middle 1890s, and lost the governorship for the first time in forty years in1895.[143] In contrast to the former Confederate States, Kentucky was part of the Upper South and bordered the industrialMidwest across theOhio River, and had a significant urban working class who supported Republicans.[144] In the1896 presidential election, the state was exceedingly close, with McKinley becoming the first Republican presidential candidate to carry Kentucky, by a mere 277 votes, or 0.06352%. McKinley's victory was, by percentage margin, the seventh-closest popular results for presidential electors on record.[e]
Before the Civil War, Kentucky had a southern plantation economy heavily relying on slavery with tobacco plantations in the central and western portions of the state. Kentucky remained mostly in the Union during the Civil War, though it was heavily contested, with the Confederacy controlling half the state early in the war. Delegates from 68 of 110 Kentucky counties signed an ordinance of secession at the Russellville Convention and formed theConfederate government of Kentucky, joining the CSA on December 10, 1861 with the signature ofJefferson Davis. However, some pro-Union eastern counties in the statehave never voted Democratic to this day, similar to neighboringEast Tennessee. The secessionist central and western areas of the state were strongly Democratic during the Jim Crow era.[145]
Kentucky remained extremely competitive at the state level even after the failure of the Lodge Bill, due to the state being mostly White and the divide between formerly secessionist and unionist areas.Lexington's city government had passed a poll tax in 1901, but it was declared invalid in state circuit courts. Six years later, a new state legislative effort to disenfranchise blacks failed because of the strong organization of the Republican Party in the pro-Union regions of the state.[145]
Republicans won Kentucky in the1924 and1928 presidential elections, the former of which was the only state thatWarren G. Harding lost in the1920 presidential election, but Coolidge won in the1924 presidential election.[146][147] Kentucky also elected some Republican governors during this period, such asWilliam O'Connell Bradley (1895–1899),Augustus E. Willson (1907–1911),Edwin P. Morrow (1919–1923),Flem D. Sampson (1927–1931), andSimeon Willis (1943–1947).[148]
Before the Civil War, Maryland had a southern plantation economy focused around tobacco plantations using slavery centered inSouthern Maryland and theEastern Shore. During the war despite initially voting against secession, due to Southern sympathies in the state and requests by the state for Northern troops to leave the state. the Federal government put Maryland very quickly under Northern military occupation and imprisoned a portion of the state legislature, as well as suspending Habeas Corpus to force the state to stay in the Union and deter any attempts at secession. Maryland very narrowly, by a vote of 30,174 to 28,380 (52% to 48%), abolished slavery in1864.[149] Maryland was considered part of the Solid South and voted for the Democratic Party presidential candidate from 1868 to 1892, but the 1896 presidential election was a realignment in the state, similar to West Virginia. Maryland voted for the Republican Party presidential candidate from 1896 to 1928, except for DemocratWoodrow Wilson in 1912 and 1916.[150]
In contrast to the former Confederate states, nearly half the African American population was free before the Civil War, and some had accumulated property. Literacy was high among African Americans and, as Democrats crafted means to exclude them, suffrage campaigns helped reach blacks and teach them how to resist.[151] In1895, a biracial Republican coalition enabled the election ofLloyd Lowndes, Jr. as governor (1896 to 1900).[151]
The Democrat-dominated state legislature tried to pass disfranchising bills in 1905, 1907, and 1911, but was rebuffed on each occasion, in large part because of black opposition and strength. Black men comprised 20% of the electorate and had established themselves in several cities, where they had comparative security. In addition, immigrant men comprised 15% of the voting population and opposed these measures. The legislature had difficulty devising requirements against blacks that did not also disadvantage immigrants.[152] In 1910, the legislature proposed theDigges Amendment to the state constitution. It would have used property requirements to effectively disenfranchise many African American men as well as many poor white men (including new immigrants). TheMaryland General Assembly passed the bill, whichGovernorAustin Lane Crothers supported. Before the measure went to popular vote, a bill was proposed that would have effectively passed the requirements of the Digges Amendment into law. Due to widespread public opposition, that measure failed, and the amendment was also rejected by the voters of Maryland with 46,220 votes for and 83,920 votes against the proposal.[153]
Nationally Maryland citizens achieved the most notable rejection of a black-disfranchising amendment. The power of black men at the ballot box and economically helped them resist these bills and disfranchising effort. In1911, RepublicanPhillips Lee Goldsborough (1912 to 1916) was elected governor, succeeding Crothers. Maryland elected two more Republican governors from 1877 to 1964,Harry Nice (1935 to 1939) andTheodore McKeldin (1951 to 1959).[154]
Before the war, Delaware used slavery in the southern portion of the state but it was very sparse compared to other southern states even in the Upper South. During the war, despite there being some Southern sympathies in the state, the state legislature very quickly rejected secession and didnt consider it further. Despite Delaware being a southern border state and not abolishing slavery until the ratification of the 13th amendment, due its proximity to theNortheast and not bordering any of the former Confederate States, Delaware voted for the Republican Party ina majority of presidential elections from 1876 to 1964 (12 out of 23).[155]
For a generation bitter memories of Republican actions during the Civil War had kept the Democrats firmly in control of the government throughout Delaware. However, during this period gas executiveJ. Edward Addicks, aPhiladelphia millionaire, established residence in Delaware, and began pouring money into the Republican Party, especially inKent and Sussex County.[156] He succeeded in reigniting the Republican Party, which would soon become the dominant party in the state. In1894, RepublicanJoshua H. Marvil was elected as the first Republicangovernor of Delaware since Reconstruction.[157] The allegiance of industries with the Republican party allowed them to gain control ofDelaware's governorship throughout most of the twentieth century. The Republican Party ensured Black people could vote because of their general support for Republicans and thus undid restrictions on Black suffrage.[158]
Delaware was generally associated with the Solid South and voted for the Democratic Party presidential candidate from 1876 to 1892, but then consistently voted for the Republican Party presidential candidate from 1896 to 1932, except in 1912 for Woodrow Wilson when the Republican Party split. Delaware voted for RepublicanHerbert Hoover in1932, despite DemocratFranklin D. Roosevelt winning in a landslide.[159]
A southern state with a plantation economy based around tobacco, hemp, and cotton in the central and southeastern portions of the state using enslaved labor before the war. Although a southern border state during the Civil War and heavily contested and claimed by the Confederacy with theConfederate government of Missouri, Missouriabolished slavery in January 1865, before the Civil War ended.[160] Missouri enacted racial segregation, but did not disenfranchise African Americans, who comprised less than 10% of the state's population from 1870 to 1960. In particular, Missouri never implemented apoll tax as a requirement to vote, unlike even neighboring Kentucky or Tennessee.[161]
Although generally considered part of the Solid South until 1904. Between the Civil War and the end of World War II, Missouri transitioned from a rural southern state to a hybrid industrial-service-agricultural midwestern state as theMidwest rapidly industrialized and expanded into Missouri. Missouri received major Midwestern migration after the war, overtaking the state's original Southern population, including inKansas City, Missouri andSt. Louis.[131] Missouri voted for the Republican presidential candidate in the1904 presidential election for the first time since 1872, repositioning itself from being associated with the Solid South to being seen as abellwether state throughout the twentieth century. From 1904 until 2004, Missouri only backed a losing presidential candidate once, in1956.[162] Missouri also elected someRepublican governors before 1964, beginning withHerbert S. Hadley (1909–1913).[163]

The1896 election resulted in the first break in the Solid South. Florida politician Marion L. Dawson, writing in theNorth American Review, observed: "The victorious party not only held in line those States which are usually relied upon to give Republican majorities ... More significant still, it invaded the Solid South, and bore off West Virginia, Maryland, and Kentucky; caused North Carolina to tremble in the balance and reduced Democratic majorities in the following States: Alabama, 39,000; Arkansas, 29,000; Florida, 6,000; Georgia, 49,000; Louisiana, 33,000; South Carolina, 6,000; and Texas, 29,000. These facts, taken together withthe great landslide of 1894 and 1895, which swept Missouri and Tennessee, Maryland and Kentucky over into the country of the enemy, have caused Southern statesmen to seriously consider whether the so-called Solid South is not now a thing of past history".[164] The former Confederate states stayed mostly a single bloc until the 1960s, with a brief break in the 1920s, however.
In the1904 election, Missouri supported Republican Theodore Roosevelt, while Maryland awarded its electors to DemocratAlton Parker, despite Roosevelt's winning by 51 votes.[165] Missouriwas a bellwether state from 1904 to 2004, voting for the winner of every presidential election except in1956.[166] By the1916 election, disfranchisement of blacks and many poor whites was complete, and voter rolls had dropped dramatically in the South. Closing out Republican supporters gave a bump toWoodrow Wilson, who took all the electors across the South (apart from Delaware and West Virginia), as the Republican Party was stifled without support by African Americans.[3]
The1920 presidential election was a referendum on President Wilson's League of Nations. Pro-isolation sentiment in the South benefited RepublicanWarren G. Harding, who won Tennessee, Missouri, Oklahoma, and Maryland. In1924, RepublicanCalvin Coolidge won Kentucky, Missouri, and Maryland.[93]

In1928,Herbert Hoover, benefiting from bias against his Democratic opponentAl Smith (who was aRoman Catholic and opposedProhibition),[167] won not only those Southern states that had been carried by either Harding or Coolidge (Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Oklahoma, and Maryland), but also won Florida, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia, none of which had voted Republican since Reconstruction. He furthermore came within 3% of carrying the Deep South state of Alabama. Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover all carried the two Southern states that had supported Hughes in 1916, West Virginia and Delaware. Al Smith received serious backlash as a Catholic inthe largely Protestant South in 1928, carrying only his running mateJoseph T. Robinson's home state ofArkansas and the 5 states of the Deep South.[168] The only place where Smith's Catholicism helped him in the South was heavily-CatholicAcadiana inLouisiana.[169] Smith nearly lostAlabama, which he held by 3%, which had Hoover won, would have physically split the Solid South.[170]
The South appeared "solid" again during the period ofFranklin D. Roosevelt's political dominance, as hisNew Deal welfare programs and military buildup invested considerable money in the South, benefiting many of its citizens, including during theDust Bowl. Roosevelt carried all the 11 former Confederate states and Oklahoma in each of his four presidential elections.[171]


Democratic PresidentHarry S. Truman, who grew up in the border state of Missouri where segregation was practiced and largely accepted, issuedExecutive Order 9981 in July 1948, prohibiting racial segregation in the armed forces.[172] Truman's support of thecivil rights movement, combined with the adoption of a civil rights plank in the 1948 Democratic platform proposed by future Vice PresidentHubert Humphrey,[173] prompted many Southerners to walk out of theDemocratic National Convention and form theDixiecrat Party.[174] This splinter party played a significant role in the1948 election; the Dixiecrat candidate,Strom Thurmond, carried Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, his native South Carolina, and one electoral vote from Tennessee.[7]
Despite this, in one of the greatest electionupsets in American history,[175][176] incumbent DemocraticPresidentHarry S. Truman defeated heavily favored RepublicanNew York GovernorThomas E. Dewey. Truman won every electoral vote in the former Confederate states not won by Thurmond.[177] Three former Confederate states repealed their poll taxes after World War II, specifically Georgia (1945), South Carolina (1951), and Tennessee (1953).[178][179]
In the elections of1952 and1956, the popular RepublicanDwight D. Eisenhower, commander of the Allied armed forces during World War II, carried several Southern states, with especially strong showings in the new suburbs.[180] Even in theDeep South, Eisenhower's performances were relatively competitive, sometimes winning at least 40% of the vote statewide.[181] Most of the Southern states he carried had voted for at least one of the Republican winners in the 1920s, but in 1956,Eisenhower carried Louisiana, becoming the first Republican to win the state sinceRutherford B. Hayes in1876. The rest of the Deep South voted for his Democratic opponent,Adlai Stevenson.[182]
In the1960 election, the Democratic nominee,John F. Kennedy, continued his party's tradition of selecting a Southerner as the vice presidential candidate (in this case, SenatorLyndon B. Johnson of Texas).[183] Kennedy and Johnson, however, both supported civil rights.[184] In October 1960, whenMartin Luther King Jr. was arrested at a peacefulsit-in inAtlanta, Georgia, Kennedy placed a sympathetic phone call to King's wife,Coretta Scott King, and Kennedy's brotherRobert F. Kennedy helped secure King's release. King expressed his appreciation for these calls. Although King made no endorsement, his father, who had previously endorsed RepublicanRichard Nixon, switched his support to Kennedy.[185]
By the mid-1960s, changes had come in many Southern states. Former Dixiecrat SenatorStrom Thurmond of South Carolina changed parties in 1964; Texas elected a Republican Senator in1961;[186] Florida and Arkansas elected Republican governors in1966, as did Virginia in1969. In the Upper South, where Republicans had always been a small presence, Republicans gained a few seats in the House and Senate.[108]

Because of these and other events, the Democrats lost ground with white voters in the South, as those same voters increasingly lost control over what was once a whites-only Democratic Party in much of the South.[187] The 1960 election was the first in which a Republican presidential candidate received electoral votes from the former Confederacy while losing nationally. Nixon carried Virginia, Tennessee, and Florida, which he would also win in 1968 and 1972. Though the Democrats also wonAlabama andMississippi, slates ofunpledged electors, representing Democratic segregationists, awarded those states' electoral votes toHarry Byrd, rather than Kennedy.[188]
The parties' positions on civil rights continued to evolve in the run up to the1964 election. The Democratic candidate, Johnson, who had become president after Kennedy's assassination, spared no effort to win passage of a strongCivil Rights Act of 1964. After signing the landmark legislation, Johnson said to his aide,Bill Moyers: "I think we just delivered the South to the Republican Party for a long time to come."[189] In contrast, Johnson's Republican opponent, SenatorBarry Goldwater ofArizona, voted against the Civil Rights Act, believing it enhanced the federal government and infringed on theprivate property rights of businessmen.[190] Goldwater did support civil rights in general anduniversal suffrage, and voted for the1957 Civil Rights Act (though casting no vote on the1960 Civil Rights Act), as well as voting for theTwenty-fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which bannedpoll taxes as a requirement for voting. This was one of the devices that states used to disfranchise African Americans and the poor.[191][192][193]

In November 1964, Johnson won a landslide electoral victory, and the Republicans suffered significant losses in Congress. Goldwater, however, besides carrying his home state of Arizona, carried theDeep South: voters in Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina had switched parties for the first time since Reconstruction.[194] Goldwater notably won only in Southern states that had voted against Republican Richard Nixon in 1960, while not winning a single Southern state which Nixon had carried. Previous Republican inroads in the South had been concentrated on high-growth suburban areas, often with many transplants, as well as on the periphery of the South.[2][1]
Harold D, Woodman summarizes the explanation that external forces caused the disintegration of the Jim Crow South from the 1920s to the 1970s:

The "Southern strategy" was the long-termRepublican Party electoral strategy to increase political support among white voters in theSouthern United States since the 1960s. According to a quantitative analysis done byIlyana Kuziemko andEbonya Washington,racial backlash played a central role in the decline in relative white Southern Democratic identification.[196][197][198] Support for thecivil rights movement in the 1960s by Democratic presidentsJohn F. Kennedy andLyndon B. Johnson solidified the Democrats' support within theAfrican American community. African Americans have consistently voted between 85% and 95% Democratic since the 1960s.[199][200][201]
AlthoughRichard Nixon carried 49 states in1972, including every Southern state, the Republican Party remained quite weak at the local and state levels across the entire South for decades. Glenn Feldman argues that "the South did not become Republican so much as the Republican Partybecame southern."[202] Republicans first won a majority of U.S. House seats in the South in the1994 "Republican Revolution", and only began to dominate the South after the2010 elections.[8][203] Many analysts believe the Southern Strategy that has been employed by Republicans since the 1960s is now virtually complete, with Republicans in dominant, almost total, control of political offices in the South since the 2010s.[204][205][206]
Scholars have debated the extent to whichideological "divisions over the size of government (including taxes, social programs, and regulation), national security, and moral issues such as abortion and gay rights, with racial issues only one of numerous areas about which liberals and conservatives disagree," were responsible for the realignment.[207][208][209][210] When looked at broadly, studies have shown thatWhite Southerners tend to be moreconservative, bothfiscally andsocially,[211][212][85] than most non-Southerners and African Americans.[213][214] Historically,Southern Democrats were generallymore conservative than non-Southern Democrats, joining factions such as theconservative coalition andBoll weevils.[215][216]
Yellow dog Democrats is a term for voters in the Southern United States who voted solely for Democratic Party candidates, though they would oftensplit their tickets and vote for Republican presidential candidates. Some have argued that the South remained Democratic for decades because it was only until Yellow dog Democrats died out or stopped ticket-splitting for Democrats that Republicans began to dominate the South.[204] Theconservative coalition lasted until 1994, and Bill Clinton was far less liberal than 21st century Democrats.[210]
The twoVirginias, Virginia and West Virginia, have realigned in opposite directions since 1964.[141] Virginia went from voting Republican for president from 1968 to 2004 to always voting Democratic for president since 2008.[9] West Virginia has always voted Republican since 2000, after previously only voting Republican in 1972 and 1984.[217] In the2024 United States presidential election, West Virginia gave the Republican presidential nominee 70% of the vote, the highest vote share in the state’s history. Meanwhile, Virginia voted for a Democratic presidential nominee who lost the popular vote, for the first time since1924, a century earlier.[218]


In the1968 election, Richard Nixon saw the cracks in the Solid South as an opportunity to tap into a group of voters who had historically been beyond the reach of the Republican Party. With the aid of Harry Dent and South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond, who had switched to the Republican Party in 1964, Nixon ran his1968 campaign onstates' rights and "law and order". As a key component of this strategy, he selected as his running mate Maryland GovernorSpiro Agnew.[219] Liberal Northern Democrats accused Nixon of pandering to Southern whites, especially with regard to his "states' rights" and "law and order" positions, which were widely understood by black leaders to legitimize thestatus quo of Southern states' discrimination.[220] This tactic was described in 2007 by David Greenberg inSlate as "dog-whistle politics".[221] According to an article inThe American Conservative, Nixon adviser and speechwriterPat Buchanan disputed this characterization.[222][223]
The independent candidacy of George Wallace, former Democratic governor of Alabama, partially negated Nixon's Southern Strategy.[224] With a much more explicit attack on integration and black civil rights, Wallace won all but two of Goldwater's states (the exceptions beingSouth Carolina andArizona) as well asArkansas and one ofNorth Carolina's electoral votes. Nixon picked upVirginia,Tennessee,North Carolina,South Carolina,Florida,Oklahoma,Kentucky,Missouri, andDelaware. The Democrat, Hubert Humphrey, wonTexas, heavily unionizedWest Virginia, and heavily urbanizedMaryland. WriterJeffrey Hart, who worked on the Nixon campaign as aspeechwriter, said in 2006 that Nixon did not have a "Southern Strategy", but "Border State Strategy" as he said that the 1968 campaign ceded the Deep South to George Wallace. Hart suggested that the press called it a "Southern Strategy" as they are "very lazy".[225]
The 1968 election had been the first election in which both theUpper South andDeep South bolted from the Democratic party simultaneously. The Upper South had backed Eisenhower in 1952 and 1956, as well as Nixon in 1960.[226] The Deep South had backed Goldwater just four years prior. Despite the two regions of the South still backing different candidates, Wallace in the Deep South and Nixon in the Upper South, only Texas, Maryland, and West Virginia had held up against the majority Nixon-Wallace vote for Humphrey.[224] By 1972, Nixon had swept the South altogether, Upper and Deep South alike, marking the first time in American history a Republican won every Southern state.[227]
In the1976 election, former Georgia governorJimmy Carter gave Democrats a short-lived comeback in the South, winning every state in the old Confederacy except forVirginia, which was narrowly lost.[228] However, in his unsuccessful1980 re-election bid, the only Southern states he won were his native state ofGeorgia,West Virginia, andMaryland. The year 1976 was the last year a Democratic presidential candidate won a majority of Southern electoral votes, or won Texas, Mississippi, Alabama, and South Carolina in a presidential election.[203] The Republicans took all the region's electoral votes in the1984 election and every state exceptWest Virginia in1988.[229]

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the South was still overwhelmingly Democratic at the state level, with majorities in all state legislatures, most U.S. House delegations, and many so-calledNew South governorships.[210] These New South governors were still relatively conservative, but avoided race-baiting. Some supported new government services, but typically avoided large tax increases and redistributionist programs.[230] Many conservative Southern white voterssplit their tickets, supporting conservative Democrats for local and statewide office while simultaneously voting for Republican presidential candidates.[216][227]
Republicans held 10 of the 22 US Senate seats and 39 seats in the US House of Representatives from the South after the1980 elections, after winning control of the U.S. Senate for the first time since1952. Republican presidentRonald Reagan was able to form a governing majority due to a coalition between Republicans and conservative Southern Democrats, known as theboll weevils, named after the species of beetle destructive to cotton crops.[231]
Over the next 30 years, this gradually changed. Veteran Democratic officeholders retired or died, and older voters who were stillrigidly Democratic died off.[202][204] As part of theRepublican Revolution in the1994 elections, Republicans captured a majority of the U.S. House's southern seats for the first time, which allowed them to win control of the U.S. House for the first time since1952.[232] There were also increasing numbers of migrants from other areas, especially in Florida, Georgia, Texas, North Carolina, and Virginia.[233]
Some formerSouthern Democrats became Republicans, such asKent Hance (1985),Rick Perry (1989), andRalph Hall (2004) from Texas;Billy Tauzin (1995) andJimmy Hayes (1995) from Louisiana;Richard Shelby (1994) andKay Ivey (2002) from Alabama; andNathan Deal (1995) andSonny Perdue (1998) from Georgia.[234][198]
In the1992 and1996 elections, when the Democratic ticket consisted of two Southerners (Bill Clinton andAl Gore),[210] the Democrats and Republicans split the region.[235][236] In both elections, Clinton wonArkansas,Louisiana,Kentucky,Tennessee,West Virginia,Missouri,Maryland, andDelaware, while the Republican wonTexas,Mississippi,Alabama,North Carolina,South Carolina,Virginia, andOklahoma.[237] Bill Clinton won Georgia in 1992, but lost it in 1996 toBob Dole. Conversely, Clinton lostFlorida in 1992 to George H.W. Bush, but won it in 1996.[238] The year 1996 was the last year a Democratic presidential candidate won Louisiana, Arkansas, Tennessee, Missouri, Kentucky, and West Virginia.[203]

While the South was shifting from the Democrats to the Republicans, theNortheastern United States went the other way. The Northeastern United States is defined by the US Census Bureau asPennsylvania,New Jersey,New York, and theNew England States. Maryland and Delaware also are included in some definitions of the Northeast, being located in theNortheast megalopolis.[239][240][241]
The argument that the South shifted to the Republicans in part by having higher ideological support for conservatism gains support from the Northeast having higher ideological support forliberalism and shifting to the Democrats.[242][210] In the 1980s, the termgypsy moth Republican described Republicans from theNortheast who voted against theRonald Reagan administration's proposed cuts in aid to economically distressed people, contrasting with boll weevil Southern Democrats who voted for these cuts.[243][244] Thegypsy moth is aninvasive species destructive to trees in the Northeastern United States.[244][245]
InHarry S. Truman's1948 upset victory, he only won the Northeastern states ofMassachusetts andRhode Island.[246] Truman won every Southern electoral vote not won by Dixiecrat Strom Thurmond[174] except for the border states ofMaryland andDelaware, which he narrowly lost to RepublicanThomas E. Dewey.[247]
In his close1976 presidential election victory, formergovernor of Georgia Jimmy Carter lost the Northeastern states of New Jersey,Connecticut,Vermont,New Hampshire, andMaine while winning every former Confederate state except Virginia. Well into the 1980s, much of the Northeast – in particular the heavily suburbanized states of New Jersey and Connecticut, and the rural states of northern New England – were strongholds of the Republican Party.[248] The Democratic Party made steady gains there, however, and from 1992 through 2012,all nine Northeastern states plus Maryland and Delaware voted Democratic, with the exception of New Hampshire's plurality for George W. Bush in 2000.[249]
Although Republican presidents had dominated the South during landslide victories in the late 20th century, the South only became a Republican stronghold at the presidential level in the 21st century.[198] In2000, Al Gore received no electoral votes from the South, even from his home state of Tennessee, apart from heavily urbanized and uncontested Maryland and Delaware. The popular vote in Florida wasextraordinarily close in awarding the state's electoral votes toGeorge W. Bush.[250] This pattern continued in the2004 election; the Democratic ticket ofJohn Kerry andJohn Edwards received no electoral votes from the South apart from Maryland and Delaware, even though Edwards was fromNorth Carolina, and was born in South Carolina.[251]
The border states of the Upper South have split in the 21st century, with Maryland and Delaware being Democratic strongholds while Missouri, Kentucky, and West Virginia are Republican strongholds.[252] In particular,Appalachia remained a Democratic stronghold until the 21st century. The region gradually realigned towards Republicans, particularly the state of West Virginia.[253]

West Virginia was perhaps the most reliably Democratic state in the nation between 1932 and 1996, being one of just two states (along with Minnesota) to vote for a Republican president as few as three times in that interval. Moreover, unlike Minnesota (or other nearly as reliably Democratic states like Massachusetts and Rhode Island), it usually had a unanimous (or nearly unanimous)congressional delegation and only elected two Republicans as governor (albeit for a combined 20 years between them).[217] West Virginian voters shifted toward the Republican Party from 2000 onward, as the Democratic Party became more strongly identified withenvironmental policies anathema to the state'scoal industry and withsocially liberal policies, and is now a solidly red state. After the 2010 elections, West Virginia had a majority-RepublicanU.S. House delegation for the first time since 1949.[141]
In the2008 election, as some areas in the South became more urbanized, liberal, and demographically diverse,[254]Barack Obama won the former Republican strongholds ofVirginia andNorth Carolina as well asFlorida.[255] However, Obama narrowly lostMissouri in 2008, ending its bellwether status, as the state has not supported a Democratic presidential candidate since 1996.[256] Obama lost further ground in theUpland South, becoming the first person to win the presidency while losing Missouri since 1956, Kentucky and Tennessee since 1960, and Arkansas since 1968. Obama also became the first Democrat to win without carrying West Virginia since 1916.[206]
The tendency of many Southern Whites tosplit their tickets, voting for Republican presidential candidates but Democrats for state offices, lasted until the2010 United States elections. In theNovember 2008 elections, Democrats won 3 out of 4 U.S. House seats from Mississippi, 3 out of 4 in Arkansas, 5 out of 9 in Tennessee, and achieved near parity in the Georgia and Alabama delegations.[257] In2016, RepublicanDonald Trump wonElliott County in Kentucky, which had previously never voted for a Republican presidential candidate since its creation in 1869. Elliott County was the last majority-White rural county in the South to have never voted Republican, until 2016.[209][258]
Even after 2010, Democrats have still been competitive in some Southernswing states in presidential elections. Obama won Virginia and Florida again in2012 and lost North Carolina by only 2.04 percent.[259] In2016,Hillary Clinton won only Virginia while narrowly losing Florida and North Carolina.[260] In2020,Joe Biden won Virginia, a growing stronghold for Democrats, and narrowly won Georgia, in large part due to the rapidly growingAtlanta metropolitan area, while narrowly losing Florida and North Carolina.[261] In2024,Kamala Harris won only Virginia while narrowly losing Georgia and North Carolina.[218]
Although Republicans gradually began doing better in presidential elections in the South starting in 1952, Republicans did not finish taking over Southern politics at the non-presidential level until the elections of November 2010.[8] On the eve of the 2010 elections, Democrats had a majority in the Alabama, North Carolina, Mississippi, Arkansas and Louisiana Legislatures, a majority in the Kentucky House of Representatives and Virginia Senate, a near majority of the Tennessee House of Representatives,[262] and a majority of the U.S. House delegations from Arkansas, North Carolina, Mississippi, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia, as well as near-even splits of the Georgia and Alabama U.S. House delegations.[263]

However, during the 2010 midterm elections, Republicans swept the South, successfully reelecting every Senate incumbent, electing freshmenMarco Rubio in Florida andRand Paul in Kentucky, and defeating Democratic incumbentBlanche Lincoln in Arkansas for a seat now held byJohn Boozman. In the House, Republicans reelected every incumbent except forJoseph Cao of New Orleans, defeated several Democratic incumbents, and gained a number of Democratic-held open seats. They won the majority in the congressional delegations of every Southern state.[8] Most Solid South states, with the exceptions of Arkansas, Kentucky, North Carolina, and West Virginia, also elected or reelected Republicans governors. Most significantly, Republicans took control of both houses of the Alabama and North Carolina State Legislatures for the first time since Reconstruction,[264] with Mississippi and Louisiana flipping a year later during their off-year elections.[265] Even in Arkansas, the GOPwon three of six statewidedown-ballot positions for which they had often not fielded candidates. They also went from eight to 15 out of 35 seats in the state senate and from 28 to 45 out of 100 in the State House of Representatives.[264] In 2012, the Republicans finally took control of the Arkansas State Legislature and the North Carolina Governorship.[266][206]
In 2014, both houses of the West Virginia legislature were finally taken by the GOP, and most other legislative chambers in the South up for election that year saw increased GOP gains.[267]Shelley Moore Capito also became the first Republican Senator from West Virginia in2014 for the first time since1956.[268] Arkansas' governorship finally flipped GOP in 2014 when incumbentMike Beebe was term-limited, as did every other statewide office not previously held by the Republicans.[269] Georgia RepresentativeJohn Barrow was defeated in 2014, being the last white Democratic Representative in a state that George Wallace won in 1968 (Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia).[270]
Following the 2016 elections, when Republicans won theKentucky House of Representatives, every state legislative chamber in the South had a Republican majority for the first time ever.[271] Republicans would control every state legislature in the former Confederate states until Democrats regained both Houses of theVirginia Legislature in2019.[272]
Today, the South is considered a Republican stronghold at the state and federal levels.[204] As of 2024, Republicans account for a majority of every Southern state's House delegation apart from Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware.[257] Republicans also control 10 of the 11 state legislatures in the former Confederacy, the sole exception being theVirginia General Assembly.[273]
In 2024, Republican president Donald Trump won the majority of Hispanics in Texas and Florida, making substantial gains in majority-Hispanic counties inSouth Texas andSouth Florida in the 2024 presidential election. This signals a potential realignment amongHispanic Americans in the South towards Republicans to further strengthen the party's power in the region. In particular, Trump wonMiami-Dade County for the first time since 1988,Osceola County, Florida for the first time since 2004, andHendry County, Florida. Trump also won all but four counties in South Texas, some of which had not voted Republican in over a century.

The biggest exception to Republican gains in the former Confederate states has been the commonwealth ofVirginia. It got an earlier start in the trend towards the Republican Party than the rest of the region. It voted Republican for president in 13 of the 14 elections between 1952 and 2004, the exception being Lyndon B. Johnson's1964 landslide, while no other former Confederate state did so more than 9 times (that state beingFlorida).[88] Moreover, it had aRepublican Governor more often than not between 1970 and 2002, and Republicans held at least half the seats in theVirginia congressional delegation from 1968 to 1990 (although the Democrats had a narrow minority throughout the 1990s),[9] while with single-term exceptions (Alabama from 1965 to 1967, Tennessee from 1973 to 1975, and South Carolina from 1981 to 1983) and the exception of Florida (which had its delegation turn majority Republican in 1989), Democrats held at least half the seats in the delegations of the rest of the Southern states until theRepublican Revolution of 1994.[257]
This is largely due to massive population growth inNorthern Virginia, part of the strongly DemocraticWashington metropolitan area, which is politically oriented with theNortheast.[274] The Democratic Party has won most statewide races in Virginia since 2005, including consistently at the presidential level since 2008.[275]
Virginia was the only former Confederate state to vote Democratic in the2016 and2024 presidential elections. As of 2025, theVirginia General Assembly is the only state legislature Democrats control in the former Confederate States.[273]
Virginia never voted for RepublicanDonald Trump in any of his three elections.Virginia voted in 2024 for Democratic nomineeKamala Harris despite her losing the popular vote, the first time it did so since1924, a century earlier.
While Republicans occasionally won southern states in elections in which they won the presidency in the Solid South, it was not until 1960 that a Republican carried any of the 11 former Confederate states, Kentucky, or Oklahoma, while losing the election.[188] This table includes data for all 16 states considered part of the Southern United States by the Census Bureau.
| Democratic Party nominee |
| Republican Party nominee |
| Third-party nominee or write-in candidate |
Bold denotes candidates elected as president
Officials who acted as governor for less than ninety days are excluded from this chart. This chart is intended to be a visual exposition of party strength in the solid south and the dates listed are not exactly precise. Governors not elected in their own right are listed in italics.[278]
The parties are as follows: Democratic (D), Farmers' Alliance (FA), Prohibition (P), Readjuster (RA), Republican (R).
The events of 1964 laid open the divisions between the South and national Democrats and elicited distinctly different voter behavior in the two regions. The agitation for civil rights by southern blacks continued white violence toward the civil rights movement, and President Lyndon Johnson's aggressive leadership all facilitated passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. ... In the South, 1964 should be associated with GOP growth while in the Northeast this election contributed to the eradication of Republicans.
Events surrounding the presidential election of 1964 marked a watershed in terms of the parties and the South (Pomper, 1972). The Solid South was built around the identification of the Democratic party with the cause of white supremacy. Events before 1964 gave white southerners pause about the linkage between the Democratic Party and white supremacy, but the 1964 election, passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 altered in the minds of most the positions of the national parties on racial issues.
In 1981 Republicans took control of the Senate for the first time since 1953, but most Southern elected officials remained white Democrats. When Republicans took control of the House in 1995, white Democrats still comprised one-third of the South's tally. ... white Southern Democrats have met their Appomattox: they will account for just 24 of the South's 155 senators and congressmen in the 112th United States Congress. ... This does not indicate a disappearance of liberals. White Southern Democrats were largely conservative before, and the Democratic domination of Congress in the second half of the 20th century rested on an uneasy coalition between men such as James Eastland, a senator from Mississippi who insisted three years after Brown v. Board of Education banned segregation that "the vast majority of Negroes want their own schools, their own hospitals, their own churches, their own restaurants", and northern urban liberals such as Ted Kennedy. Strom Thurmond, Richard Shelby and Phil Gramm—Southern Republican stalwarts all—were first elected as Democrats, and of the 37 Democrats who voted against the health-care bill in March, 16 were Southern whites.
Nicholas Lemann opens his extraordinary new book with a riveting account of the horrific events of Easter 1873 in Colfax, Louisiana, where a white militia of Confederate veterans-turned-vigilantes attacked the black community there and massacred hundreds of people in a gruesome killing spree. This was the start of an insurgency that changed the course of American history: for the next few years white Southern Democrats waged a campaign of political terrorism aiming to overturn the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and challenge President Grant's support for the emergent structures of black political power. The remorseless strategy of well-financed "White Line" organizations was to create chaos and keep blacks from voting out of fear for their lives and livelihoods. Redemption is the first book to describe in uncompromising detail this organized racial violence, which reached its apogee in Mississippi in 1875. ...Redemption makes clear that this is what led to the death of Reconstruction—and of the rights encoded in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. We are still living with the consequences.
In this major work of popular history and scholarship, acclaimed historian and biographer Roy Morris, Jr, tells the extraordinary story of how, in America's centennial year, the presidency was stolen, the Civil War was almost reignited, and Black Americans were consigned to nearly ninety years of legalized segregation in the South. The bitter 1876 contest between Ohio Republican governor Rutherford B. Hayes and New York Democratic governor Samuel J. Tilden is the most sensational, ethically sordid, and legally questionable presidential election in American history. The first since Lincoln's in 1860 in which the Democrats had a real chance of recapturing the White House, the election was in some ways the last battle of the Civil War, as the two parties fought to preserve or overturn what had been decided by armies just eleven years earlier. Riding a wave of popular revulsion at the numerous scandals of the Grant administration and a sluggish economy, Tilden received some 260,000 more votes than his opponent. But contested returns in Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina ultimately led to Hayes's being declared the winner by a specially created, Republican-dominated Electoral Commission after four tense months of political intrigue and threats of violence. President Grant took the threats seriously: he ordered armed federal troops into the streets of Washington to keep the peace. ...Fraud of the Century presents compelling evidence that fraud by Republican vote-counters in the three southern states, and especially in Louisiana, robbed Tilden of the presidency. It is at once a masterful example of political reporting and an absorbing read.
Despite insurgencies at home — the Populist Party, for example, swept through Georgia and North Carolina in the 1890s — reactionary white leaders were able to maintain an iron grip on federal offices until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
But North Carolina's white supremacist Democrats had a different strategy. They were plotting to take back the state legislature in November "by the ballot or bullet or both," and then use the Manly editorial to trigger a "race riot" to overthrow Wilmington's multi-racial government. Led by prominent citizens including Josephus Daniels, publisher of the state's largest newspaper, and former Confederate Colonel Alfred Moore Waddell, white supremacists rolled out a carefully orchestrated campaign that included raucous rallies, race-baiting editorials and newspaper cartoons, and sensational, fabricated news stories. With intimidation and violence, the Democrats suppressed the black vote and stuffed ballot boxes (or threw them out), to win control of the state legislature on November eighth. Two days later, more than 2,000 heavily armed Red Shirts swarmed through Wilmington, torching the Record office, terrorizing women and children, and shooting at least sixty black men dead in the streets. The rioters forced city officials to resign at gunpoint and replaced them with mob leaders. Prominent blacks—and sympathetic whites—were banished. Hundreds of terrified black families took refuge in surrounding swamps and forests. This brutal insurrection is a rare instance of a violent overthrow of an elected government in the U.S. It halted gains made by blacks and restored racism as official government policy, cementing white rule for another half century. It was not a "race riot," as the events of November 1898 came to be known, but rather a racially motivated rebellion launched by white supremacists. InWilmington's Lie, Pulitzer Prize-winner David Zucchino uses contemporary newspaper accounts, diaries, letters and official communications to create a gripping and compelling narrative that weaves together individual stories of hate and fear and brutality. This is a dramatic and definitive account of a remarkable but forgotten chapter of American history.
{{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)When the Republican party nominated Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater—one of the few senators who had opposed the Civil Rights Act—as their presidential candidate in 1964, the party attracted many southern whites but permanently alienated African-American voters. Beginning with the Goldwater-versus-Johnson campaign more southern whites voted Republican than Democratic, a pattern that has recurred in every subsequent presidential election. ... Before the 1964 presidential election the Republican party had not carried any Deep South state for eighty-eight years. Yet shortly after Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, hundreds of Deep South counties gave Barry Goldwater landslide majorities.
1964 was the last presidential election in which the Democrats earned more than 50 percent of the white vote in the United States.
By 2000, however, the New Deal party alignment no longer captured patterns of partisan voting. In the intervening 40 years, the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts had triggered an increasingly race-driven distinction between the parties. ... Goldwater won the electoral votes of five states of the Deep South in 1964, four of them states that had voted Democratic for 84 years (Califano 1991, 55). He forged a new identification of the Republican party with racial conservatism, reversing a century-long association of the GOP with racial liberalism. This in turn opened the door for Nixon's "Southern strategy" and the Reagan victories of the eighties.
Everything about the Blue Dogs (at least in the South) was designed to convince ancestral conservative white Democrats to persist in their ancient voting habits on the non-presidential level on grounds of solidarity with said Democrats' grievances with the national party. ... Even more to the point, once the ancient white Democratic voting habits were broken, there was really no going back. Blue Dogs were a fading echo of the Yellow Dog tradition in the South, in which the Democratic Party was the default vehicle for day-to-day political life, and the dominant presence, regardless of ideology, for state and local politics.
President Obama's landslide victory in 2008 was supposed to herald the beginning of a new Democratic era. And yet, six years later, there is not even a clear Democratic majority in the country, let alone one poised for 30 years of dominance. It's not because Mr. Obama's so-called new coalition of young and nonwhite voters failed to live up to its potential. They again turned out in record numbers in 2012. The Democratic majority has failed to materialize because the Republicans made large, countervailing and unappreciated gains of their own among white Southerners. From the high plains of West Texas to the Atlantic Coast of Georgia, white voters opposed Mr. Obama's re-election in overwhelming numbers. In many counties 90 percent of white voters chose Mitt Romney, nearly the reversal of the margin by which black voters supported Mr. Obama.
In an original analysis of national politics, Lassiter carefully rejects "racereductionist narratives" (pp. 4, 303). Cliches like "white backlash" and "southern strategy" are inadequate to explain the conservative turn in post-1960s politics. ... Racism has not been overcome. One might say rather that it has become redundant. One of Lassiter's many fascinating demonstrations of racism's superfluousness is his recounting of the actual use of the "southern strategy." The strategy obviously failed the Dixiecrats in 1948 and the GOP in 1964. The only time Nixon seriously tried to appeal to southern racism, in the 1970 midterm elections, the South rejected his party and elected Democrats like Jimmy Carter and Dale Bumpers instead (pp. 264–74). To win a nationwide majority, Republicans and Democrats alike had to appeal to the broad middle-class privileges that most people believed they had earned. Lassiter suggests that the first step on the way out of hypersegregation and resegregation is to stop indulging in comforting narratives. The most comforting narratives attribute the whole problem to racists and the Republicans who appease them.
The majority of Elliott's 8,000 residents have cast their ballots for the Democratic presidential candidate in every election since the county was incorporated in 1869 -- the longest continuous stretch of any county in the United States. This despite the fact that Kentucky as a whole has trended Republican over the last several decades. In 2004, Elliott was one of 11 rural Kentucky counties to vote Democratic. In the 2008, that number dwindled to four. In 2012, Elliott became the last county to vote Democratic – not just in Kentucky, but among all predominantly white counties in the rural South. Elliott remains the last embodiment in the region of the Democratic principles that "Song of the South" highlighted: a belief in the power of government to help people and improve their daily lives. When the county supports a Republican presidential nominee – and recent election results suggest that time might be soon – it will mark the final victory of conservative social values over progressive economic interests in the region, and the end of a once-powerful Democratic voting bloc whose roots can be traced back to the Civil War.
This wasn't the old days before the great realignment. Democratic Party wins in the South were grounded in the African-American community, and most whites voted Republican. But Democrats ran well enough to win in those states where incomes were the lowest, bringing along downscale whites for whom multigenerational political allegiances still meant something. But this allegiance also meant something to the Clinton-era national party. Bill was a Southerner, and so was Al Gore. And the party's values had at least one foot in the cultural norms of the white South. Unlike his two Yankee predecessors as Democratic nominee, Clinton backed the death penalty. He backed school uniforms. He backed the V-chip, an ultimately doomed effort to keep salacious television programming away from children. He signed the Defense of Marriage Act, and he was aloof to labor unions. This was the politics of what was called, at the time, the New South. Not politically dominated by white supremacy anymore. Forward-looking and interested in economic development. But still in some fundamental ways conservative. Churchy. Patriotic. Skeptical of radicals and agitators and the political left.
What was needed was a Northern counterweight to the "Boll Weevil Democrats", some 50 Southerners who consistently voted with [President Reagan] to whack at [aid to economically distressed people] ... some 20 Frostbelt Republicans have decided to defect from their lockstop White House support ...
With Central Appalachia firmly in the Republican win column in recent elections, it's tempting to think that it's always been the case. A combination of coal politics, declining power of unions and – probably – race have contributed to the change.