Serbian Renewal Movement Српски покрет обнове | |
|---|---|
| Abbreviation | SPO |
| Leader | Aleksandar Cvetković |
| Founders | |
| Founded | 14 March 1990 (1990-03-14) |
| Headquarters | Knez Mihailova Street 48,Belgrade |
| Paramilitary wing | Serbian Guard (1991–92) |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Centre-right |
| Parliamentary group | Aleksandar Vučić – Serbia Must Not Stop |
| Colours |
|
| Anthem | "Himna Srpskog pokreta obnove" ("Anthem of the Serbian Renewal Movement")[1] |
| National Assembly | 2 / 250 |
| Assembly of Vojvodina | 1 / 120 |
| City Assembly of Belgrade | 1 / 110 |
| Website | |
| spo | |
TheSerbian Renewal Movement (Serbian:Српски покрет обнове,romanized: Srpski pokret obnove, abbr.SPO) is aliberal andmonarchistpolitical party inSerbia. It was founded in 1990 by writerVuk Drašković, who served as the party's president until 2024.Aleksandar Cvetković is the incumbent leader.
Vuk Drašković was a writer for most of his life and he particularly became known in the 1980s due to hisnationalist-themed books.[2]: 143 [3]: 39 He formed the Saint Sava Association in 1989 withMirko Jović,Vojislav Šešelj, andVeljko Guberina, which sought to promote nationalism inVojvodina.[4][5]: 582 This association became a political party namedSerbian National Renewal (SNO) in January 1990.[4][5]: 581–582 Jović became the president of SNO and Drašković served along withŽarko Gavrilović [sr] as one of the vice-presidents of the party.[3]: 53 [5]: 582
As the chief ideologist of SNO, Drašković drafted its plan onexpanding Serbia's borders which were based on historical and ethnic borders of the Serbs.[3]: 53 [5]: 582 Alongside this, SNO also advocated for therestoration of the monarchy and de-Titoisation.[3]: 53 A schism inside SNO occurred in March 1990.[3]: 53 Jović began attacking Drašković due to his past membership in theLeague of Communists of Yugoslavia, while Drašković criticised Jović due to his pro-Slobodan Milošević views.[3]: 53 [5]: 582 Drašković created a faction inside SNO that with Šešelj, who at the time led theSerbian Freedom Movement, merged to form the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) on 14 March 1990.[3]: 54 [4][6]: 30 Drašković was chosen as the party's president.[3]: xx
At the time of the formation of SPO,Yugoslavia was still aone-party state.[7] However, after aJuly 1990 referendum, Serbia adopted amulti-party system and SPO became a registered political party.[8][9]: 9–11 According to political scientist Vukašin Pavlović, SPO implemented elements of apolitical movement, rather than apolitical party, after its formation.[2]: 143

Drašković and Šešelj were unable to cooperate together and in May 1990 Šešelj left SPO due to a dispute over whether to protestSiniša Kovačević's play titledSaint Sava.[3]: 55 Šešelj went on to form theSerbian Chetnik Movement, whose registration was rejected, and then theSerbian Radical Party (SRS).[3]: 58 [10] After the July 1990 referendum,first multi-party elections in Serbia were called to be held in December 1990.[11] SPO believed that the referendum should have occurred once the multi-party elections ended and theNational Assembly of Serbia was constituted.[12]: 41 Despite this, SPO decided to take part in the elections; Drašković was SPO's presidential candidate.[12]: 30, 37
During the 1990 election campaign, SPO organised protests in opposition to the policies ofRadio Television of Serbia (RTS) and protests due to alleged electoral manipulation.[12]: 38 [13] Together with another opposition party, theDemocratic Party (DS), SPO threatened toboycott the election due to the election conditions.[10][12]: 38 SPO sought to start its actions in towns and villages of theŠumadija region; Drašković calledValjevo his "political capital".[3]: 56–57 SPO did also campaign briefly in Kosovo, but was met with opposition from Milošević supporters.[3]: 56–57 [10] Additionally, Drašković used nationalist rhetoric in his speeches, earning the nickname "King of the Streets" due to his fiery oratory skills.[10] Their campaign ended when a SPO activist was murdered by aSocialist Party of Serbia (SPS) member.[10][14] Drašković won 16 per cent of the popular vote and was eventually defeated by Milošević in the first round of the election in alandslide.[5]: 549 SPO only won 19 seats in the National Assembly,[5]: 549 due to Serbia's newfirst-past-the-post electoral system, which favoured Milošević's SPS, the then-ruling and largest party of Serbia.[10][15] Another factor that contributed to SPO's failure at gathering more votes was that SPS also used nationalist rhetoric.[12]: 30 Drašković portrayed the election as a contest "betweenBolshevism and democracy, the past and the future".[16] Although a second round of the presidential elections did not occur, opposition parties did briefly gather around theUnited Opposition of Serbia coalition, signing a declaration in which they declared that citizens should vote for the opposition candidate in the second round, regardless of their party affiliation.[17][18]
SPO was disappointed with government's domination in the media and together with DS, it announced aprotest for 9 March 1991.[3]: 81 [19]: 97 Despite the government banning the gathering, demonstrators gathered in Belgrade; they were attacked by the police.[3]: 81 Drašković was eventually arrested andStudio B andB92 radio stations were closed down.[3]: 81 The protests increased in size and Milošević was met with pressure;[3]: 82, 84 Drašković was released, Studio B and B92 were allowed to broadcast again, and the RTS director was sacked.[3]: 84–85 [20] Author Robert Thomas said that Drašković came under criticism from certain opposition politicians due to not taking the advantage of the protests after his release.[3]: 86–87 After the protests, SPO went to form the shortly-livedUnited Serbian Democratic Opposition with theSerbian Liberal Party andNew Democracy–Movement for Serbia that existed up till late summer of 1991.[3]: 89, 91 [21]
TheDemocratic Movement of Serbia was formed in May 1992 as a political alliance made up primarily of SPO,New Democracy (ND),Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS). The political alliance however broke, and was dissolved in 1993.
The SPO was part of the "Together" (Zajedno) coalition in the1996 parliamentary election which received 23.8% of the popular vote, losing to theSocialist Party of Serbia (SPS). In 1997, Drašković ran twice for president but finished third in both elections. Its party won the third largest number of seats in that year's Serbian parliamentary elections. A dissident group inside the party abandoned the SPO and formedNew Serbia (NS) in 1997.
In early 1999, the SPO joined theSlobodan Milošević-led government, and Drašković became a Yugoslav Deputy Prime Minister. The SPO had a place in Serbia'sRambouillet Agreement delegation and held posts such as the Yugoslav Information Ministry to show a more pro-Western face to the world in the run-up toNATO's bombing campaign in 1999 against the country. In the midst of the war, Drašković and the SPO pulled out of the government, calling on Milošević to surrender to NATO.
The SPO participated in an attempt to overthrow Milošević in 1999, which faltered after Drašković broke off his alliance with opposition leaderZoran Đinđić. This caused the anti-Milošević elements to suggest that he was working for Milošević.
In 2000 presidential and parliamentary elections in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in which Milošević lost, the Serbian Renewal Movement overestimated its strength and ran independently, outside of the vastDemocratic Opposition of Serbia coalition.Vojislav Mihajlović, grandson ofChetnik commanderDraža Mihajlović, was its presidential candidate. He was opposed byVojislav Koštunica of DOS,Slobodan Milošević of the ruling SPS andTomislav Nikolić of theSerbian Radical Party. The SPO's vote collapsed, with its traditional voters drawn by Kostunica's conservatism and by the fact that he was their best hope to remove Milošević from power.
There was talk before the 5. October changes of dissolving theMirko Marjanović government in Serbia and setting up a government with the Serbian Radical Party. Following the 5.October changes the SPO participated in a so-called national unity government that served effectively under DOS "coordinator"Zoran Đinđić. In December 2000, after two months of DOS rule, Serbian parliamentary elections were held. The SPO, once the strongest opposition, failed to enter the parliament.
In 2003, Drašković called for the re-establishment of aparliamentary monarchy in Serbia as the best means for itsEuropean integration.[22]
The party fought the December 2003 legislativeelections in a coalition withNew Serbia. The coalition received 7.7% of the popular vote and 22 seats in parliament. 13 of these were allocated to the SPO. In turn, the coalition had dispatched 8 deputies into the federalAssembly of Serbia and Montenegro.
SPO-NS became part of Vojislav Koštunica's first elected cabinet. Vuk Drašković was selected for Minister of Foreign Affairs.
In 2004, nine members of the National Assembly left SPO, citing their disapproval with the party's leadership. Together with seven members of SPO's main board and two vice-presidents of SPO, they formalised theSerbian Democratic Renewal Movement (SDPO).[23]
One of the 4 was then bought off by the political tycoonBogoljub Karić to formhis party's list.[citation needed]
The SPO participated in the2007 election independently and received 3.33% of the vote, winning no seats.
In the2008 elections the SPO took part in theFor a European Serbia coalition under PresidentBoris Tadić, receiving 38.42% of the vote and 102 seats in parliament. Four seats were given to the SPO along with the Ministry of Diaspora portfolio.
Drašković resigned as party leader on 12 July 2024 and was succeeded byAleksandar Cvetković.[24]
During the 1990s, the Serbian Renewal Movement was orientated towardsultranationalism andirredentism, and it supportedrevisionism andanti-communism.[25][26][27] During that period, it was positioned on theright-wing on the political spectrum.[28][29] It was also characterised as aright-wing populist party, and it was backed by theSerbian Orthodox Church.[30][31] It also heldconservative views.[32][33]
Although after the 2000s, the party rejected its radical nationalist past andstatism, and embracedliberal-democratic elements.[34] It also shifted toliberalism,[25] andeconomic liberalism,[35] and it adopted a more moderate right,[36] andcentre-right position.[37][38] It was also described as moderate nationalist during that period.[39]
Since its inception, it has been described asmonarchist,[39] and it advocates for the restoration ofparliamentary monarchy.[40] Since the late 2000s, it has been supportive ofaccession of Serbia to the European Union andNATO,[41][42] and in the early 2010s, it shifted its support towards the recognition ofKosovo.[43]
During the party's early history, when SPO still favoured a Greater Serbian policy, Drašković intended SPO to also have branches inYugoslavia's constituent republics where Serbs were a large minority, such as in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.[3]: 55 There was a proposal to form SPO branches in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the congress in October 1990, however, Drašković rejected it, stating that "such a move would only serve to divide the Serbian voters"; he describedRadovan Karadžić'sSerb Democratic Party as a "sister-party to our movement".[3]: 56 SPO did eventually nominate candidates for the1990 Bosnian municipal elections and only one SPO candidate was elected in the Assembly ofNevesinje.[3]: 56
| # | President | Birth–Death | Term start | Term end | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Vuk Drašković | 1946– | 14 March 1990 | 12 July 2024 | ||
| 2 | Aleksandar Cvetković | 1977– | 12 July 2024 | Incumbent | ||
| Year | Leader | Popular vote | % of popular vote | # | # of seats | Seat change | Coalition | Status | Ref. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1990 | Vuk Drašković | 794,786 | 16.49% | 19 / 250 | – | Opposition | [44] | ||
| 1992 | 797,831 | 17.98% | 30 / 250 | DEPOS | Opposition | [45] | |||
| 1993 | 715,564 | 17.34% | 37 / 250 | DEPOS | Opposition | [46] | |||
| 1997 | 793,988 | 19.99% | 45 / 250 | – | Opposition | [47] | |||
| 2000 | 141,401 | 3.86% | 0 / 250 | – | Extra-parliamentary | [48] | |||
| 2003 | 293,082 | 7.76% | 13 / 250 | SPO–NS | Government | [49] | |||
| 2007 | 134,147 | 3.38% | 0 / 250 | SPO–LS–NS–ŽZK | Extra-parliamentary | [50] | |||
| 2008 | 1,590,200 | 39.25% | 4 / 250 | ZES | Government | [51] | |||
| 2012 | 255,546 | 6.83% | 4 / 250 | U-Turn | Opposition | [52] | |||
| 2014 | 1,736,920 | 49.96% | 5 / 250 | BKV | Support | [53] | |||
| 2016 | 1,823,147 | 49.71% | 3 / 250 | SP | Support | [54] | |||
| 2020 | 1,953,998 | 63.02% | 3 / 250 | ZND | Support | [55] | |||
| 2022 | 1,635,101 | 44.27% | 2 / 250 | ZMS | Support | [56] | |||
| 2023 | 1,783,701 | 48.07% | 2 / 250 | SNSDS | Support | [57] |
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| Year | Candidate | 1st round popular vote | % of popular vote | 2nd round popular vote | % of popular vote | Notes | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1990 | Vuk Drašković | 2nd | 824,674 | 16.95% | — | — | — | |
| 1992 | Milan Panić | 2nd | 1,516,693 | 34.65% | — | — | — | Supported Panić |
| Sep 1997 | Vuk Drašković | 3rd | 852,808 | 21.46% | — | — | — | Election annulled due to low turnout |
| Dec 1997 | 3rd | 587,776 | 15.74% | — | — | — | ||
| Sep–Oct 2002 | 4th | 159,959 | 4.49% | — | — | — | Election annulled due to low turnout | |
| Dec 2002 | Election boycott | Election annulled due to low turnout | ||||||
| 2003 | Election boycott | Election annulled due to low turnout | ||||||
| 2004 | Dragan Maršićanin | 4th | 414,971 | 13.47% | — | — | — | Supported Maršićanin |
| 2008 | Velimir Ilić | 3rd | 305,828 | 7.57% | — | — | — | Supported Ilić |
| 2012 | Čedomir Jovanović | 6th | 196,668 | 5.27% | — | — | — | Supported Jovanović |
| 2017 | Aleksandar Vučić | 1st | 2,012,788 | 56.01% | — | — | — | Supported Vučić |
| 2022 | 1st | 2,224,914 | 60.01% | — | — | — | ||
| Year | no. | Popular vote | % of popular vote | Overall seats won | Government |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1990 | #6 | 4,217 | 0.2% | 1 / 110 | opposition |
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