S. J. V. Chelvanayakam | |
|---|---|
சா. ஜே. வே. செல்வநாயகம் | |
 | |
| Member of theCeylonese Parliament forKankesanthurai | |
| In office 1947–1952 | |
| Succeeded by | S. Natesan |
| In office 1956–1977 | |
| Preceded by | S. Natesan |
| Succeeded by | A. Amirthalingam |
| Personal details | |
| Born | (1898-03-31)31 March 1898 |
| Died | 26 April 1977(1977-04-26) (aged 79) |
| Political party | Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi |
| Other political affiliations | Tamil United Liberation Front |
| Spouse | Emily Grace Barr-Kumarakulasinghe |
| Alma mater | Ceylon Law College |
| Profession | Lawyer |
Samuel James Veluppillai ChelvanayakamMP (Tamil:சாமுவேல் ஜேம்ஸ் வேலுப்பிள்ளை செல்வநாயகம்,romanized: Cāmuvēl Jēms Vēluppiḷḷai Celvanāyakam; 31 March 1898 – 26 April 1977) was aCeylonese lawyer, politician and Member of Parliament. He was the founder and leader of theIllankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) andTamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and a political leader of the Ceylon Tamil community for more than two decades. Chelvanayakam has been described as a father figure to Ceylon's Tamils, to whom he was known as "Thanthai Chelva" (father Chelva).
Born into anexpatriate Ceylon Tamil family inMalaya, Chelvanayakam moved toCeylon while still young. He worked as a teacher before studying law atCeylon Law College and qualifying as lawyer. A successful career incivil law saw him becoming aKing's Counsel and being offered a position on theSupreme Court, which he rejected. As a young lawyer Chelvanayakam was not involved in politics but when the British established theSoulbury Commission to look into constitutional reform in Ceylon he and other Tamil people formed theAll Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) to represent Tamil interests. He was elected toParliament in 1947 to representKankesanthurai, a constituency he would represent until his death, except for a period between 1952 and 1956. Chelvanayakam left the ACTC over the party's decision to join the government and in 1949 founded his own party, ITAK, also known as the Federal Party.
Chelvanayakam and ITAK advocatedfederalism as a means of sharing power between Ceylon's majoritySinhalese and minority Tamils. Chelvanayakam signed two pacts withCeylonese prime ministers—Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact (1957) andDudley-Chelvanayakam Pact (1965)—ondevolving powers to Tamils and resolvinglinguistic rights and other ethnic issues but both were abrogated by the prime ministers due to pressure fromSinhalese nationalists. This, together with government policies which were regarded by Ceylon's minorities as discriminatory, resulted in Chelvanayakam and the Tamil political movement shifting away from federalism and towardsseparatism. ITAK and other Tamil political groups formed theTamil United Front (TUF) in 1972 with Chelvanayakam as its leader. TUF was renamed TULF and in 1976, at a convention presided over by Chelvanayakam, passed theVaddukoddai Resolution calling for the "restoration and reconstitution of the free, sovereign, secular, socialist state ofTamil Eelam".
Chelvanayakam suffered fromParkinson's disease and failing hearing. He died in 1977 aged 79 after a fall at his home. Noted for his integrity, Chelvanayakam was committed to usingnon-violent methods to achieve his political goals, and led severalsatyagraha campaigns to realise the Tamils' political demands. His methods, however, failed to secure Tamils' rights in the face of opposition from Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists. His belief that the Tamils' political aspirations could be achieved through parliamentary institutions has been criticised as naive. With his death the era of non-violent protest was replaced by violentmilitancy.
Chelvanayakam was born on 31 March 1898 inIpoh,Malaya.[1][2][3] He was the son of Visvanathan Velupillai, a businessman, and Harriet Annamma Kanapathipillai.[2][4] Velupillai had been a school teacher in Tholpuram in northernCeylon before migrating to Malaya as a contractor.[5] Chelvanayakam had two brothers (Ernest Velupillai Ponnuthurai and Edward Rajasundaram) and a sister (Atputham Isabel).[5] The family later moved from Ipoh toTaiping.[5]
Malaya had few schools and most of these catered for rich Malays.[2] It was common for expatriate Ceylon Tamils to send their children to schools in Ceylon.[2] Aged four, Chelvanayakam, his mother, sister and two brothers were sent to Ceylon for the children's schooling.[2][a] Velupillai remained in Malaya to provide for his family.[5] The family lived inTellippalai, Harriet's home town, close to Harriet's siblings and their families.[2] Harriet's brother S. K. Ponniah, aChurch of England minister, became Chelvanayakam's guide and adviser.[2]
Chelvanayakam was educated atUnion College, Tellippalai andSt. John's College, Jaffna.[1][2][6][b] After school he joinedS. Thomas' College, Mutwal and obtained anexternal degree in science from theUniversity of London in 1918.[1][2][8][9] At St. Thomas Chelvanayakam was a contemporary ofS. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, futurePrime Minister of Ceylon.[2][10] After graduation Chelvanayakam visited his father in Malaya in 1918[c] shortly before his death.[12][13]
Chelvanayakam married Emily Grace Barr-Kumarakulasinghe (Rathinam), daughter of R. R. Barr-Kumarakulasinghe, in 1927.[1][4][8] The Barr-Kumarakulasinghes were an influential family from Tellippalai who served the Dutch and British administrations in Ceylon.[8] R. R. Barr-Kumarakulasinghe was Maniagar (British appointed administrative chief) for theValikamam region.[8][14] The Chelvanayakams had four sons (Manoharan, Vaseekaran, Ravindran and Chandrahasan) and a daughter (Susila).[1][8]
Chelvanayakam was a Protestant Christian and a member of theChurch of South India (CSI).[15] While studying in Colombo he became a member of the Church of England as the CSI had no presence in the capital.[15] Later, when the CSI established a church in Colombo, Chelvanayakam worshipped there.[15] Though a Christian, Chelvanayakam absorbed many of the values ofHinduism, claiming to be a Christian by religion and a Hindu by culture.[15]
After graduating Chelvanayakam started teaching at St. Thomas but resigned when thewarden William Arthur Stone refused him leave to visit his dying brother Edward Rajasundaram.[1][8][9][16][17] He then joinedWesley College, Colombo as chief science[d] master.[1][8][19][17] During this period he studied law atCeylon Law College and became anadvocate of theSupreme Court in 1923.[1][8][6][17][20] He startedpractising law inHulftsdorp, specialising incivil law, and was made aKing's Counsel on 31 May 1947.[1][8][6][21][22] Chelvanayakam was twice offered a position on the Supreme Court byChief JusticeJohn Curtois Howard.[23]
Chelvanayakam was part of a syndicate which purchased a controlling stake in the Pettiagalla Estateplantation inBalangoda.[24] He also owned aprinting press which, though not profitable, was used to print ITAK's newspaperSuthanthiran (Freedom).[24][25][26]
With the annexation of theKingdom of Kandy in 1815 the British brought the whole island of Ceylon under their control and in 1829 appointed theColebrooke–Cameron Commission to assess the administration of the island.[27][28] Among the recommendations of the commission were the end of the separate administration along ethnic/cultural lines for Low CountrySinhalese, Kandyan Sinhalese andTamils and the introduction of communal representation whereby Ceylonese members of theLegislative Council were appointed along ethnic lines.[29][30][31] TheDonoughmore Commission of 1931 introduceduniversal suffrage and replaced communal representation with territorial representation, thereby introducingmajority (Sinhalese) rule.[32][33] Following the1936 state council election an all-SinhaleseBoard of Ministers was established, stoking fears amongst the island's minorities about Sinhalese domination.[34][35]Ceylon's Tamils, led byG. G. Ponnambalam, responded by demanding balanced representation (half of seats in legislature for Sinhalese with the remaining half for the combined minorities).[36][37] When the British appointedSoulbury Commission to look into constitutional reform in 1944, Ceylon's Tamils formed theAll Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) to represent Tamil interests.[38]
As a young lawyer Chelvanayakam was not involved in politics but when the ACTC was established in 1944 he became one of its principal organisers.[38] Ponnambalam was the ACTC's president and Chelvanayakam was effectively his deputy.[38][39] Chelvanayakam was part of the delegation, led by Ponnambalam, to the Soulbury Commission which argued unsuccessfully for balanced representation.[38] Chelvanayakam stood as the ACTC candidate forKankesanthurai in the1947 parliamentary election. He won the election and enteredParliament.[40]
In the 19th and 20th centuries the British recruited large numbers of South Indians, primarilyIndian Tamils, to work in tea, coffee, rubber and coconut plantations in Ceylon.[41][42] Ceylon's majority Sinhalese viewed Indian Tamils with deep suspicion, fearing that they would dominate the island's central highlands and ally themselves with the indigenous Ceylon Tamils, increasing the latter's political strength.[43][44] Following independence from Britain in February 1948, Ceylon's Sinhalese dominated government introduced theCeylon Citizenship Bill which had the effect of denying citizenship and makingstateless the country's Indian Tamils, who by now accounted for 11 per cent of the population.[45][46][47] The bill provided for citizenship by descent or registration but both required documentary proof, something that was difficult for most Indian Tamils, many of whom were illiterate.[48][49] The ACTC opposed the bill which was passed by Parliament at itssecond reading on 20 August 1948.[50][51][52] Shortly afterwards Ponnambalam decided to join theUnited National Party (UNP) ledgovernment which caused a split in the ACTC.[51] Eventually the ACTC dissidents, led by Chelvanayakam,E. M. V. Naganathan andC. Vanniasingam formed theIllankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK, Federal Party) on 18 December 1949.[6][51][53]
ITAK had four main aims: creation of afederal union in Ceylon with two states — a Tamil state in theNorthern andEasternprovinces and a Sinhalese state in the remaining seven provinces; cessation ofstate-sponsored colonisation in the two Tamil provinces; unity amongst theTamil speaking peoples of Ceylon—Ceylon Tamils, Indian Tamils andMuslims; and equal status forSinhala and Tamil languages.[53] Chelvanayakam lost his seat in the1952 parliamentary election but regained it in the1956 parliamentary election.[54][55][56] As Ceylon's two main parties, the UNP andSri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), introduced policies which further discriminated against the country's minorities, such as theSinhala Only Act which made theSinhala language the soleofficial language of Ceylon, ITAK'sTamil nationalism became more popular than the ACTC's conservatism. In the 1956 parliamentary election the ITAK overtook the ACTC as the most popular party amongst Ceylon Tamils.[57][58] On 5 June 1956 a group of Tamil activists and parliamentarians, led by Chelvanayakam, staged asatyagraha (a form ofnon-violent resistance) against the Sinhala Only Act onGalle Face Green opposite theParliament.[59] The satyagrahis were attacked by a Sinhalese mob as the police looked on, and ITAK MPs E. M. V. Naganathan andV. N. Navaratnam were thrown inBeira Lake.[60][61][62]
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With escalating discrimination against Tamils andanti-Tamil riots the Tamil political leadership became convinced that the way forward was to have a separate and sovereignTamil state.[63] At its fourth annual convention inTrincomalee on 19 August 1956 ITAK passed four resolutions:autonomy for Tamil provinces within a federal structure; equal status for Sinhala and Tamil languages; restoration of citizenship and voting rights for Indian Tamils; and cessation of state-sponsored colonisation of Tamil land.[64][65][66] Chelvanayakam gave Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, leader of the SLFP, until 20 August 1957 to meet ITAK's demands, stating that otherwise a campaign of non-violentcivil disobedience would be launched.[65][67] Initially Bandaranaike was indifferent to ITAK's demands but, following campaigns by some parts of the English language media and advice by prominent Ceylonese, entered into negotiations with ITAK in April 1957.[65][68] TheBandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact (B-C Pact) was signed on 26 July 1957.[65][68] The pact provided the establishment of regional councils (Draft Regional Council Bill) with powers over specified subjects (e.g. agriculture, colonisation, cooperatives, education, electricity, fisheries, health, housing, industries, lands and land developments, roads, social services and water schemes) and powers of taxation and borrowing; amalgamation and division of regions; and allowing regional councils to allocate land in colonisation schemes to residents from their regions.[69][70] Chelvanayakam wasn't entirely happy with the pact, which he considered an "interim adjustment" towards a federal state.[68]
The B-C Pact was opposed bySinhalese nationalists, led by the opposition UNP, who considered it to be division of the country.[71][17] There was even more opposition from Sinhalese civil servants who undermined every concession given to Tamil civil servants by the pact.[71] Civil servants from theMinistry of Transport sentstate-ownedCeylon Transport Board buses bearing number plates with the Sinhalese prefix "Sri" to Tamil speaking areas, intentionally provoking a reaction from the Tamil population.[71][72] Chelvanayakam led campaigns against the "Sri" number plates inJaffna andBatticaloa, in March 1958 and April 1958 respectively, during which he spread tar over the "Sri".[71][72] In Batticaloa he was arrested and charged for defacing number plates and imprisoned for one week.[73] On 9 April 1958 hundreds of people, includingBuddhist monks, staged a protest against the B-C pact on Bandaranaike's lawn at Rosemead Place, Colombo demandingabrogation of the pact.[74] Bandaranaike obliged, publicly tearing the pact into pieces.[74]
At its sixth annual convention inVavuniya on 25 May 1958 ITAK resolved to launch a non-violent campaign of civil disobedience to achieve its goals.[75][76] In May and June 1958 Ceylon witnessedanti-Tamil rioting.[77][78] Bandaranaike blamed ITAK for precipitating the violence and banned the party along with the Jathika Vimukthi Peramuna (National Liberation Front).[79][80][81] ITAK's leaders, including Chelvanayakam, were arrested on 4 June 1958 as they left Parliament and imprisoned.[82] The ITAK leaders were placed underhouse arrest which meant that Chelvanayakam could not communicate with the public until late 1958 when the detention order was lifted.[20][81]
Chelvanayakam was re-elected in theMarch 1960 parliamentary election which resulted in ahung parliament.[83][84] The new Prime MinisterDudley Senanayake tried to get ITAK's support for hisminority government but refused to give into ITAK's demands to end state-sponsored colonisation of Tamil-majority areas by Sinhalese, regional autonomy and the rights of Indian Tamils.[85] As a result, ITAK started negotiations with the opposition SLFP who agreed to introduce the provisions of the B-C pact asbills in parliament.[86] During the negotiations on forming an alternate stable government Chelvanayakam informed theGovernor-General that ITAK would support a SLFP government for a full term and as result the Governor-Generaldissolved parliament.[86]
Chelvanayakam was re-elected in theJuly 1960 parliamentary election in which the SLFP and its leftist allies achieved a majority in parliament.[87][88] No longer needing ITAK's support in parliament, the SLFP reneged on its pledges to honour the B-C pact and commenced enacting anti-Tamil policies, announcing the full operation of the Sinhala Only Act from January 1961 and using Sinhala in courts of law throughout the country.[88] ITAK launched a campaign of civil disobedience in January 1961, beginning inJaffna.[88] Chelvanayakam started distributing leaflets outside JaffnaKachcheri inOld Park urging Tamil civil servants to boycott government offices and cease using Sinhala.[89] The campaign was hugely successful and large crowds, including ITAK MPs, gathered in front of the Kachcheri and staged a protest rally.[89]
Early on the morning of 20 February 1961 dozens of ITAK volunteers staged a satyagraha at the Jaffna Kachcheri.[90][91] Among them were several ITAK MPs including Chelvanayakam.[90] AsGovernment AgentM. Srikantha and Superintendent of Police Richard Arndt tried to leave Old Park in a jeep the protesters blocked their way.[90] The police baton charged the protestors, kicking and dragging them away.[60][90][91] Several protestors, including ITAK MPsA. Amirthalingam,V. Dharmalingam,V. A. Kandiah, E. M. V. Naganathan andK. Thurairatnam were injured.[90] The police firedtear gas to disperse a large crowd that had gathered to watch the satyagraha.[90] At the end of the day Chelvanayakam issued a press statement saying that it was "a great day for the Tamil-speaking people of Ceylon. This was the day we resorted to direct action to win our freedom".[90]
As the civil disobedience campaign spread to other parts of the north-east, Prime MinisterSirimavo Bandaranaike accused ITAK of trying to establish a separate state.[92] In April 1961 the satyagrahas were removed by thearmy using brutal force.[93] Astate of emergency was declared on 18 April 1961. ITAK was banned, and its MPs and other leading members arrested and imprisoned atPanagoda Cantonment.[93][94] Chelvanayakam was allowed to leave the camp and return home due to his deteriorating health.[95] Chelvanayakam suffered fromParkinson's disease and his hearing had been gradually failing.[95] After initially refusing, Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike allowed Chelvanayakam to travel to the UK to undergo surgery inEdinburgh at the hands of aneurosurgeonFrancis John Gillingham.[94][96] The operation was successful and after a few months recuperating inLondon Chelvanayakam returned to Ceylon.[96]
The detention order on the ITAK leaders was lifted in October 1961.[94][96] As a compromise theBandaranaike government proposed the District Councils Bill todevolve powers todistricts but following protests from Sinhalese Buddhist nationalists dropped the bill in June 1964.[96] In 1964, as ITAK started preparing for a second civil disobedience campaign, the government started collapsing.[97] As several SLFP MPs defected to the opposition, the government sough ITAK's support but ITAK chose instead to support the opposition and on 3 December 1964 the government was unable to prove its majority in parliament, precipitating an election.[97]
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Chelvanayakam was re-elected in the1965 parliamentary election which resulted in a hung parliament.[98][99] After the election Chelvanayakam met with UNP leader Dudley Senanayake who agreed to Chelvanayakam's conditions for supporting a UNP led government.[100] The agreement, known as theDudley-Chelvanayakam Pact (D-C Pact), was put down on paper and signed by Chelvanayakam and Senanayake on 24 March 1965.[100] Under the Dudley-Chelvanayakam Pact, which was a modified version of the B-C pact, Senanayake agreed to make Tamil the language of administration and of record in the Northern and Eastern provinces (Tamil Language Special Provisions Act); amend the Languages of Courts Act to allow legal proceedings in the Northern and Eastern provinces to be conducted and recorded in Tamil; establish District Councils vested with powers over mutually agreed subjects; amend the Land Development Ordinance to provide allotment of land to citizens; and grant land under colonization schemes in the Northern and Eastern provinces to landless people in the district, to Tamil-speaking residents from the two provinces, and to other citizens with preference being given to Tamils from other provinces.[84][101][102] Senanayake kept the contents of the D-C Pact a secret which allowed Sinhalese nationalists to allege that he had agreed to the division of the country.[103] Even the leftistLanka Sama Samaja Party andCommunist Party of Ceylon joined the Sinhala nationalist SLFP in propagating this claim.[103]
ITAK joined the UNP-led seven partynational government (hath haula).[84][104] ITAK was offered three cabinet posts in the national government but, as the party had pledged that none of its MPs would accept ministerial positions untilfederalism had been achieved, it asked thatM. Tiruchelvam be appointed to theSenate and given theHome Affairs portfolio.[105] Senanayake refused to give the Home Affairs portfolio to ITAK and instead gave Tiruchelvam theLocal Government portfolio.[106] The Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Regulation 1966, which made Tamil the language of administration in the Northern and Eastern provinces, was passed by Parliament in July 1966.[107][108] The District Councils Bill, which was presented to Parliament in June 1968, met with opposition from UNPbackbenchers and was abandoned.[109][17][110]
Tiruchelvam resigned from the government in November 1968 when Senanayake over-ruled Tiruchelvam's decision to appoint a committee to look into declaringFort Fredrick, including the historicKoneswaram temple, a Hindu sacred area.[111] Senanayake's decision had come after the Buddhist high chief priest of Tammankaduwa had objected to such a declaration, stating that it would result in the area getting "into the hands of those who are neither Sinhalese nor Buddhists".[111] Chelvanayakam informed Senanayake that ITAK would withdraw from the national government.[111] Thereafter ITAK sat as an independent group in Parliament, supporting or opposing the government based on the issue in question.[111]
Chelvanayakam was re-elected in the1970 parliamentary election which resulted in the Sinhala nationalist SLFP and its leftist allies winning a large majority in Parliament.[112][113] Sensing that life was going to get even worse for Tamils under theUnited Front government, Chelvanayakam declared "Only God can help the Tamils".[113][114] Some Tamil youth, who felt that they had no other choice, started resorting to violence.[115] Chelvanayakam, who still commanded respect among Tamil youth, urged them to renounce violence and continue with their education.[115]
Following the1971 JVP insurrection the United Front started implementing policies aimed at the causes of the insurrection but which further discriminated against Tamils. Jobs and land in the newly nationalised plantations were given to Sinhala youth, to the exclusion of Tamils.[116] Chelvanayakam labelled the nationalisation "highway robbery".[116] Thepolicy of standardisation replaced the merit based system for university entrance with one based on ethnicity, discriminating against Tamil youths.[117]
Using its large majority in Parliament, the United Front government started the process of replacing the "British imposed"Soulbury Constitution.[113] The government's proposed new constitution was seen as a Sinhala-Buddhist document by ITAK which mobilised Tamil public support against it.[115] The proposals to constitutionally enshrine Sinhala as the sole official language, give special provision for Buddhism and repeal the protection for minorities particularly alarmed ITAK.[115] ITAK believed that if Tamils did not participate in the constitution setting process they could demandself determination and a revert to the pre-British structures which existed before 1833.[118] On 7 February 1971 Tamil parties held an all-party conference inValvettithurai at which they issued a six-point memorandum of demands on regional autonomy, language rights, colonisation, employment discrimination and citizenship for Indian Tamils.[118][119] The government rejected the demands and refused to invite the ITAK MPs to give evidence before the constituent assembly.[118] Chelvanayakam vowed to resume civic protests and in February 1972, while visitingMadras, declared that ITAK would launch a non-violent struggle to agitate for aseparate state.[120][121]
There was growing resentment amongst Tamils at the monopolisation of political and economic power by the Sinhalese.[122][123] As a result, Tamil parties started coming together and on 14 May 1972 the ITAK, ACTC,Ceylon Workers' Congress, Eelath Thamilar Otrumai Munnani and All Ceylon Tamil Conference met inTrincomalee and formed theTamil United Front (TUF) with Chelvanayakam as its president.[119][124][125][126][127] The TUF MPs boycotted the ceremonial opening of theNational State Assembly (NSA) on 22 May 1972, the day thenew constitution waspromulgated.[127] In October 1972 Chelvanayakam informed the NSA that he was resigning his parliamentary seat and would seek re-election on the issue of the new constitution which he claimed had been rejected by the Tamils.[127][128] The government delayed holding aby-election in Chelvanayakam's constituency, citing the possibility of violence, which resulted in Chelvanayakam being exiled from Parliament for nearly two and half years.[128] Chelvanayakam wrote to Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike on 4 November 1973 stating that the election would be peaceful and that the government's supporters could campaign freely.[129] Bandaranaike did not respond.[129]
In the meantime, Tamil political opinion started shifting as a result of the government's perceived apathy and the Prime Minister's apparent inability to recognise the consequences of the growing ethnic tension in the country.[119] At its 12th annual convention inMallakam in September 1973 ITAK passed a resolution seekingself-determination for Tamils.[119][130] Tamils now established their claim to be asovereignnation-state and Chelvanayakam was considered thefather of the nation.[131] For his part Chelvanayakam ingrained the concept of a "traditional homeland for the Tamil people" in the mindset of the Tamils.[131] Violence betweenTamil militant youth and the government also escalated.[132]
Theby-election in Kankesanthurai was eventually held on 6 February 1975 and Chelvanayakam was re-elected with a large majority.[133][134] At a meeting in Jaffna in 1975 the TUF's action committee resolved to change the TUF's name toTamil United Liberation Front (TULF).[131] Chelvanayakam, G. G. Ponnambalam andS. Thondaman would be the TULF's co-leaders.[131] The TULF held its first national convention in May 1976 inVaddukoddai and on 14 May 1976, under Chelvanayakam's chairmanship, passed theVaddukoddai Resolution calling for the "restoration and reconstitution of the free, sovereign, secular, socialist state ofTamil Eelam".[135][136][137] On 19 November 1976, in one of his last speeches in the NSA, Chelvanayakam acknowledged that his quest to obtain the "lost rights of the Tamil speaking people" through federalism had failed.[134][138] "We have abandoned the demand for a federal constitution" he stated, "We know that the Sinhalese people will one day grant our demand and that we will be able to establish a state separate from the rest of the island."[138]
On 21 May 1976 several Tamil politicians (A. Amirthalingam, V. N. Navaratnam,K. P. Ratnam,M. Sivasithamparam and K. Thurairatnam) were delivering leaflets when they were all arrested on government orders.[139][140] Sivasithamparam was released but the others were taken to Colombo and tried forsedition.[139] All the defendants were acquitted on 10 February 1977 after a high-profiletrial-at-bar[e] case in which around 70 prominent Tamil lawyers, including Chelvanayakam and G. G. Ponnambalam, acted for the defence.[134][141]
The last years of Chelvanayakam were personally difficult.[142] He had financial problems as a result of the government not paying him compensation for the nationalisation of two plantations in which he had shares.[142] Two of his sons and daughter had moved abroad.[142] He had frequent falls as a result of his Parkinson disease.[142]
In March 1977 the government sought the TULF's support for extending the life of Parliament.[143] Chelvanayakam and other TULF leaders did not trust the SLFP but felt that they had to take part in the discussions which were halted when Chelvanayakam fell ill.[144] He was left unconscious after falling heavily.[142] Chelvanayakam died on 26 April 1977.[4][6][145][f] At his funeral orationBishop of JaffnaD. J. Ambalavanar said of Chelvanayakam "likeMoses, Mr. Chelvanayagam showed us the promised land, but failed to reach it on his own".[146]
Chelvanayakam has been described as a father figure to Ceylon's Tamils, to whom he was known as "Thanthai Chelva" (Father Chelva).[45][147][148][149][150]Ceylon Workers' Congress leader S. Thondaman said of him, "Chelvanayakam was the Tamil people; and the Tamil people were Chelvanayakam".[6] He was noted for his integrity and respected by both allies and opponents.[145][151][152] Known as the "Trousered Gandhi" by Tamils, Chelvanayakam was compared withGandhi for his commitment to using non-violent methods to achieve his political goals.[145][153][154] Critics, however, faulted him for naively believing that the Ceylon Tamils' political demands could be achieved through Parliamentary institutions.[155] While many of Ceylon's political leaders gave up Christianity for reasons of political expediency, Chelvanayakam remained a Christian which led to opponents questioning his right to lead Tamils, the majority of whom were Hindu.[6][156][157]
Chelvanayakam's non-violent methods proved to be ineffective against Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism and failed to secure Tamils' rights from successive governments.[158][159][160] With his death the era of non-violent protest was replaced by violentmilitancy.[161]
| Election | Constituency | Party | Votes | Result |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1947 parliamentary[40] | Kankesanthurai | ACTC | 12,126 | Elected |
| 1952 parliamentary[54] | Kankesanthurai | ITAK | 11,571 | Not elected |
| 1956 parliamentary[55] | Kankesanthurai | ITAK | 14,855 | Elected |
| 1960 March parliamentary[83] | Kankesanthurai | ITAK | 13,545 | Elected |
| 1960 July parliamentary[87] | Kankesanthurai | ITAK | 15,668 | Elected |
| 1965 parliamentary[98] | Kankesanthurai | ITAK | 14,735 | Elected |
| 1970 parliamentary[112] | Kankesanthurai | ITAK | 13,520 | Elected |
| 1975 parliamentary by[133] | Kankesanthurai | TUF | 25,927 | Elected |
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