| Rustam Mirza | |
|---|---|
_LACMA_1635-40.jpg) Mughal portrait of Rustam Mirza by Hashim | |
| Governor ofZamindawar andGarmsir | |
| Reign | 1578–1593 |
| Predecessor | Soltan Hosayn Mirza |
| Successor | Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza |
| Regent | Kur Hamza Beg |
| Subahdar ofMultan | |
| Reign | 1593–1597 |
| Predecessor | Muhib Ali Khan |
| Successor | Said Khan |
| Subahdar ofThatta | |
| Reign | 1612–1615 |
| Predecessor | Mirza Ghazi Beg |
| Successor | Taj Khan Tash Beg |
| Subahdar ofAllahabad | |
| Reign | 1622–1626 |
| Predecessor | Parviz Mirza |
| Successor | Jahangir Quli Khan[1] |
| Subahdar ofBihar | |
| Reign | 1626–1627/February 1628 |
| Predecessor | Parviz Mirza |
| Successor | Khan-i-Alam |
| Born | 1565 (1565) |
| Died | 1642 (aged 76–77) |
| Issue Among others | Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman Safavi |
| Dynasty | Safavid |
| Father | Soltan Hosayn Mirza |
Rustam Mirza Safavi (1565–1642), known asRustam Qandahari,[a] was an Iranian administrator, a prince of theSafavid dynasty, and an eminent grandee in the court of theMughal Empire. Rustam Mirza belonged to a junior branch of the Imperial Safavids, who ruled over theQandahar region. In 1578, at age 12, Rustam was appointed governor ofZamindawar andGarmsir (modern-dayAfghanistan), by his cousin,ShahMohammad Khodabanda. As an adult, Rustam became a significant destabilising force in the region, exercising semi-independent rule and launching invasions into neighboringSistan and Qandahar to expand his domain, fostering a fierce rivalry with his brother,Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza. In the early 1590s, his failed attempt to establish an independent realm inKhorasan prompted his defection to theMughal Empire.
The Mughal emperorsAkbar andJahangir exploited Rustam's status as a Safavid prince. His elevation to the position of thesubahdar ofMultan, which was strategically located near Qandahar, in 1593, facilitated the peaceful Mughal acquisition of Qandahar in 1595. Rustam's growing influence within the Mughal administration, bolstered by his retinue, posed a latent threat to Safavid stability. He further entrenched his position through marital alliances, with two daughters marrying Mughal princesParviz Mirza andShah Shuja, and his eldest son wedded to the daughter ofAbdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, a key Mughal noble. Until his death in 1642, Rustam remained a potential challenge to the Safavidshah,Abbas the Great, compelling the latter to maintain diplomatic relations with the Mughals to preempt any movement to place Rustam on the Safavid throne.
The Safavid chroniclerIskandar Beg Munshi, serving under Abbas I, downplayed Rustam Mirza's significance, portraying him and his family as marginal and non-threatening. This depiction likely served to justify Abbas's centralisation of power within the Safavid dynasty, which successfully subdued the main imperial line but could not neutralise Rustam's influence in Mughal India. Rustam's son,Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman went on to become a distinguished Mughalamir and EmperorAurangzeb's father-in-law, further perpetuating the tradition for his family.
"Rustam" (Persian:رستم) derives from theMiddle PersianRōtastakhm potentially originating from theAvestan*raotas-taxma, meaning "having the strength of the stream."[3] The name was chosen from theepic poemShahnameh (The Book of Kings), a recurring trend among theSafavids, aiming at restoring and honouring Iranian culture and tradition.[4][b] In theShahnameh,Rostam is a legendary hero fromSistan who becomes the protector of theKayanian dynasty, kings ofIran, and theirkhvarenah, the divine glory symbolizing sovereignty and authority.[6]
From the 15th century, the Persian titleMirza, derived fromamir-zada (son of anamir), was incorporated into the royal titulature of theTimurid dynasty to designate princes, a practice later adopted by subsequent dynasties.[7] In Safavid society, the placement ofMirza after a name signified the individual's status as a royal prince, whereas when placed before a name, it indicated membership in the bureaucratic or scholarly class.[8]
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TheSafavid dynasty ofIran, founded byShahIsmail I (r. 1501–1524) adhered to theTurco-Mongol tradition, whereby all male members of the dynasty were eligible for succession.[9] The Safavids further legitimised their rule by claiming descent fromMuhammad assayyids, a status that endowed them with sacred and inviolable authority in the eyes of theQizilbash, theTurkoman tribes forming the backbone of the Safavid military.[9][c]
Under the second Safavidshah,Tahmasp I (r. 1524–1576) the Safavid appanage system assigned governorships to princely brothers, who were rotated across the empire and supervised by a Qizilbashlala (tutor) to prevent the establishment of hereditary power bases.[13] However, this system carried risks, as evidenced by the rebellions ofSam Mirza andAlqas Mirza, supported by their lalas. Royal fratricide was generally avoided due to cultural disapproval and Tahmasp's brothers retained their potential threat until the end of their lives despite being imprisoned.[14]
Bahram Mirza, grandfather of Rustam Mirza and a full brother of Tahmasp I, remained consistently loyal to theshah, earning preferential treatment for his descendants.[15] Unlike other princely offspring, Bahram's sons were granted governorships during adolescence, bypassing the need for alala to mitigate Qizilbash influence, and were allowed prolonged tenure in their domains, contrary to Tahmasp's policy of rotation. In 1558,Badi-al Zaman Mirza was appointed governor ofSistan, whileSoltan Hosayn Mirza, Rustam's father, seizedQandahar from theMughal Empire; both retained their positions for life.[15][16]
Tahmasp's son and successor,Ismail II (r. 1576–1577) diverged from Turco-Mongol tradition by executing all his brothers exceptMohammad Khodabanda.[14][d] The three sons of Bahram Mirza—Ibrahim, Badi-al Zaman and Soltan Hosayn—sought to establish independent domains, wary of Ismail II's intentions.[21] Their failed attempts and subsequent deaths in 1577 prompted Ismail to target the Bahrami lineage for elimination.[21] He killed Soltan Hosayn's eldest son, who was present in his court in Qazvin and then, according to the contemporary historianIskandar Beg Munshi, sent the orders for the murder of Soltan Hosayn's four remaining sons kept in Qandahar.[21][22] However, Ismail's death and his succession by his brother,Mohammad Khodabanda (r. 1578–1587), halted these plans.[23]
In 1578, Rustam Mirza Safavi, born circa 1565, was appointed governor ofZamindawar andGarmsir at the age of 12, a decision stemming from Mohammad Khodabanda's reinstatement of the Turco-Mongol tradition of tolerating cadet branches within the Safavid dynasty. Mohammad Khodabanda divided the Qandahar region among the sons of Soltan Hosayn Mirza, assigning Qandahar to the elderMozaffar-Hosayn Mirza (aged 15) and granting Zamindawar and Garmsir to Rustam.[24][e] Abu Sa'id and Sanjar, Rustam's younger brothers, were entrusted to his care.[24] Kur Hamza Beg, a Dhu'l-Qadr tribe member and former advisor to Soltan Hosayn, was appointed as the jointvakil (regent).[25] With this act, Mohammad Khodabanda formalised Qandahar as a princely appanage inherited by the sons of Soltan Hosayn.[24]
Despite Zamindawar's agricultural productivity, Rustam found the revenues from his territories insufficient compared to Qandahar, a hub of international trade, sparking a rivalry with Mozaffar-Hosayn over their inheritance.[23][26] Hamza Beg sided with Rustam due to Mozaffar's strained relationship with hisvakil.[27] In 1581, Rustam and Hamza briefly occupied Qandahar, capturing Mozaffar but sparing his life in adherence to Safavid ideological principles.[27] From 1585, as the brothers reached adulthood, they faced increasing external and internal pressures.[26]
The brothers also vied for control of Sistan, previously governed by their uncle Badi-al Zaman Mirza and, after his death, by Najm al-Din Mahmud of the localMihrabanid dynasty, whose rule was confirmed by Mohammad Khodabanda.[26][28] Disputing this, Rustam and Mozaffar invaded Sistan (on a date before 1590) but failed to secure it.[29] A peace agreement followed, stipulating that Mozaffar marry Najm al-Din's daughter, Najm al-Din's son wed Hamza Beg's daughter, and Najm al-Din acknowledge Mozaffar and his descendants with deference.[29] Rustam, perceiving a threat from Mozaffar's alliance with Sistan, continued their conflict, but Mozaffar, bolstered by Sistan's support, prevailed in subsequent battles.[29] In 1589, Mozaffar executed Hamza Beg and his immediate successor, consolidating sole authority over Qandahar.[26] In 1590, Rustam launched a final campaign in Sistan, killing Najm al-Din but was expelled by Najm al-Din's son, Jalal al-Din.[30][31] Thereafter, Rustam redirected his efforts toward Khorasan, marking the end of his campaigns in Sistan and Qandahar.[30]
In 1587,Abdullah Khan II,Uzbek ruler ofBukhara, launched an invasion into theKhorasan province of Safavid empire and captured many of the core settlements of the province, such asHerat,Mashhad andNishapur.[32] The newshah of Iran and Khodabanda's son and successor,Abbas I (r. 1587–1629) mounted two unsuccessful campaigns against the Uzbeks in 1588 and 1589. The failure of the 1589 campaign led Suleiman Khalifa, the governor of Mashhad, to seek assistance from Rustam Mirza to counter the Uzbek occupation, a call supported by the Qizilbashamirs ofFarah andHazarajat.[33][30][34] Disaffected factions, particularly former allies of Murshid Quli KhanUstajlu, rallied to Rustam and proclaimed him theirshah.[35][f] Consequently, in the early 1590s, Rustam emerged as a rival claimant to Abbas I among the Qizilbash, challenging Safavid central authority.[30]
Rustam Mirza's venture into Khorasan began with his victory over an Uzbek raiding expedition fromSamarkand who had murdered the merchants of acaravan. By avenging their death, Rustam increased his popularity in the region.[30] He established his court in Farah and began appointing governors to all cities of the province, although his authority was limited to the southern parts of Khorasan.[30] He also promoted Suleiman Khalifa's position, possibly appointing him as hisvakil.[30] He sent envoys toKerman,Fars and Sistan, inciting them to join his newly-founded polity—which the modern historian Liesbeth Geevers dubbed the "Bahramid Empire"—headed either by Rustam himself or by his elder brother, perhaps nominally, to display a united front.[37] Najm al-Din Mahmud refused the offer, which initiated Rustam's 1590 invasion into Sistan and furthermore thwarted his plan.[37]
This failure instead revitalised Rustam's Khorasan policy and strengthened the morale of his Qizilbashamirs.[30] He sent Suleiman Khalifa to relieveFerdows andTorshiz from Uzbek occupation. The latter's Uzbek governor escaped toKhaf, where Din Mohammad Khan, the senior commander of the Uzbek army, resided.[38] The two armies met inAzghand in 1593 and during the ensuing battle, Suleiman Khalifa was killed and Rustam's forces were defeated.[30] According to the contemporary historian Mirza Beg Jonabadi, in the midst of the battle the Qizilbash received news thatShah Abbas had appointed Suleiman Khalifa as the new Governor of Khorasan. Their anger caused mayhem in the Qizilbash ranks and eventually most of theamirs deserted the army.[39]
Following the decline of Rustam's authority, he lost control of the regions of Zamindawar and Garmsir. The identity of the conqueror of Zamindawar is debated. According to Geevers (2015), Abdullah Khan II sent his nephews to seize Rustam's territories.[37] Conversely, Singh (2001) asserts that Rustam's brother launched a rapid invasion of Zamindawar, capitalising on Rustam's weakened prestige.[40] Rustam, accompanied by his remaining household, withdrew toQalat.[40] During a hunting expedition, the local Bayat tribe revolted against his rule in Qalat. Despite resistance led by Rustam's mother, the Bayats captured the city and killed her. Rustam swiftly returned, quelled the rebellion, and executed numerous tribesmen.[41] Facing increasing isolation, with no support from neighboring provinces or the central government under Abbas I, Rustam sought assistance from the Mughal Empire.[30][37]
In 1591, Rustam Mirza initiated contact with the Mughal emperorAkbar (r. 1556–1605), who sought to extend his dominion over Qandahar.[43] By early 1593, with most of his territories overrun by hostile forces, Rustam, holding only the city of Qalat, sought an alliance with Akbar. He communicated through Sharif Khan Atga, whom Akbar had appointed governor ofGhazni and trusted as a mediator, expressing his willingness to enter Mughal service and offering Qalat as a token of loyalty.[43][41]
Rustam also engagedAbdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, a prominent Mughal aristocrat, to facilitate negotiations, including with the ruler ofThatta, fostering a lasting and beneficial alliance.[g] For Akbar and his ministerAbul Fazl, securing Rustam's allegiance was strategically vital, as it offered a low-cost opportunity to capture Qandahar, especially given the Mughal Empire's ongoing challenges inKabul andKashmir. The concurrent conflict between Abbas I and the Uzbeks in Khorasan further enabled Akbar to pursue this opportunity. Rustam's submission, as a Safavid prince and pretender, also enhanced the Mughal Empire's universalist ideological claims.[43]
In the late summer of 1593, Rustam Mirza surrendered the keys of Qalat to a Mughal representative, likely Sharif Khan Atga, in exchange for safe passage and provisions tojoin Akbar's court.[48] Accompanied by his younger brother Sanjar Mirza, his four sons (Murad, Shahrukh, Hasan, and Ibrahim), his staff, and approximately 400 Qizilbash retainers, Rustam faced repeated Uzbek attempts to intercept his caravan.[49]
On October 4, 1593, the entourage reached theChenab River nearLahore, where Akbar was encamped.[48] They were received by a subordinate of Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, possibly linked to Rustam's connections, and accommodated in tents by the river, with tents, carpets, and other items dispatched from the imperial stores via Qara Beg Turkman. Hakim-ul-Mulk, a Mughal diplomat, presented Rustam with a ceremonial belt and bejeweled dagger, and a delegation ofamirs, including Sharif Khan Atga,Asaf Khan, and Shah Beg Khan, escorted him to a point fourkos (approximately 18 kilometers) from Lahore.[41] There, Khan-i-Khanan andZain Khan Koka, one of Akbar'smilk brothers, took over the escort.[48]
On October 8, 1593, during theHindu festival ofDussehra, commemoratingRama's victory overRavana, Rustam and his retinue entered Lahore and proceeded to the palace, where he swore allegiance to Akbar.[48] Rustam was granted a high-rankingmansab (courtly rank) of 5,000/1,500,[h] symbolising his command over a substantial force and proximity to the emperor, along with a gift of onecrore ofmuraditankas, thesubahdary (governorship) ofMultan, which bordered Qandahar, and severalparganas (groups of villages) inBalochistan.[52][41] Later, he received a flag and drum, further signifying his status.[41] His brother, Mirza Abu Sa'id, who had remained in Qandahar, also joined Mughal service.[41] Rustam's significant receptions, accompanied by the elaborate protocol and laden with astrological considerations and religious symbolism, underscored his importance for the emperor.[48][i]
The strategic proximity of Multan to Qandahar, combined with Rustam Mirza's elevatedmansab rank of 5,000 and substantial subsidy of 100lakhs ofmuradi tankas (around 400,000rupees), indicates, according to Ibáñez, that Akbar explicitly recognised Rustam as a legitimate claimant to Qandahar and intended for him to pursue its conquest. The funds provided, equivalent to nearly fifty times the annual salary of ayuzbashi (a commander of 100), would enable Rustam to maintain a force of approximately 5,000 cavalrymen.[51] Conversely, the grandeur of Akbar's reception of Rustam may also have been intended to persuade Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza, then engaged in conflicts with the Uzbeks, to surrender Qandahar to the Mughals, presenting India as a secure refuge for him and his family.[49][54]
Nevertheless, Akbar's recognition of Rustam Mirza's status facilitated a strategic marital alliance, with Rustam arranging the marriage of his eldest son to the daughter of Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan before leaving Lahore in 1593. Emulating Khan-i-Khanan's approach, Rustam refrained from joining Akbar'sDin-i Ilahi, thesyncretic religious movement promoted by the emperor among his key courtiers.[51]
In 1594, Rustam Mirza assumed the governorship of Multan and began administering the region.[55] According to Abul Fazl'sAin-i-Akbari, Rustam's rule was marked by oppressive governance, with his subordinates engaging in excessive exploitation of the populace. Consequently, local complaints reached Akbar, who, by the end of the same year,[49] relocated Rustam to thesarkar ofChittor.[54][41] Ibáñez, citingMa'asir al-Umara bySamsam ud Daula Shah Nawaz Khan, places this transfer in 1597, following the Mughal acquisition of Qandahar in 1595. He further argues that Akbar's primary objective was securing Qandahar, and Rustam's heavy taxation in Multan—described as "desolating the population" inMuntakhab-ut-Tawarikh byʽAbd al-Qadir Badayuni—was part of the mirza's efforts to finance and lead a potential Mughal invasion of the city.[56] Singh expresses uncertainty about Rustam's whereabouts in 1595, noting that he was summoned to Akbar's court from thesarkar ofSirhind, in thesubah ofDelhi northwest of Multan, rather than Chittor inRajasthan, concluding that Rustam may have remained active in the greaterPunjab area.[41]
In 1595, Mozzafar-Hosayn Mirza, Rustam's brother, defected to the Mughal Empire and ceded sovereignty of Qandahar to the Mughals.[57] To secure the region, Akbar dispatched an army of 10,000 in March 1595, but by April, rebellions erupted in Zamindawar and Garmsir, led by forces loyal to Rustam's rule.[56] Acknowledging the potential instability of appointing Rustam, a local Safavid prince, as governor of Qandahar, Akbar opted to prevent the Bahrami-Safavid lineage from reclaiming regional influence by assigning its members prestigious but distant administrative roles.[58][j]
Thus in the same year, Mozzafar-Hosayn gained thejagir (land grant) ofSambhal[59] and Rustam'sfief was expanded to include the rebellious northernPathan hills, where he was dispatched with a Mughal army to subdue the leader of the mountain chieftains, Raja Basu Dev ofNurpur.[41][60] Despite tensions with his second-in-command, Asaf Khan, Rustam Mirza successfully led his Mughal forces through the Pathan hills and besieged the fort ofMankot, capturing Raja Basu within two months.[41][61] Rustam then escorted Raja Basu to Lahore, where, in the presence of Akbar, Basu agreed to cede the Pathan region to the Mughal Empire.[61] In 1597, Rustam was granted the governorship ofRaisen and its surrounding estates, where he resided for a period.[41]
Since 1600, Mughal forces underDaniyal Mirza, Akbar's son, were engaged in a protracted siege ofAhmednagar Fort during their campaign against theNizam Shahi dynasty ofAhmednagar. The prolonged operation resulted in severe resource shortages and frequent enemy raids, placing the Mughal troops in a precarious position. In response to Daniyal's call for reinforcements, Akbar sent Rustam Mirza fromBurhanpur with an army and a substantial grant of one lakhashrafis (gold coins), into theDeccan.[41] Rustam joined forces with Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, thesipah-salar (commander-in-chief) of the Mughal invasion, and fought in the final assault that led to the conquest of Ahmednagar.[49]
In 1604, Khan-i-Khanan tasked Rustam and his son Iraj with leading a contingent of seasoned soldiers to the northern bank of theBhima River to escort Sultan Begum, daughter ofIbrahim Adil Shah II ofBijapur and the bride-to-be of Daniyal Mirza, to Ahmednagar for their wedding.[62] In April 1604, Rustam's party reached Sultan Begum's camp, where he met Asad Beg Qazvini, an Iranian noble in Akbar's service who later documented the event in his memoirs.[63] Asad Beg records that Rustam, accompanied by hisRajput soldiers, formed the advance guard of the entourage, successfully escorting the princess to Ahmednagar before Daniyal Mirza's arrival, thereby completing the mission.[64]
During the early years of EmperorJahangir's reign (r. 1605–1627), Rustam Mirza remained active in the Deccan, dedicating significant efforts to suppressingMalik Ambar, the leader of the Nizam Shahi resistance. Despite his endeavours, Rustam was unable to subdue the resilient opposition. and was thus recalled by Jahangir toAgra in 1612.[65][41] Since his arrival at the royal court coincided with the death ofMirza Ghazi Beg ofThatta, Jahangir elevated hismansab to 5000/5000, which was Ghazi Beg's own rank and appointed him thesubahdar of Thatta.[65][66]
According toMa'asir al-umara, the emperor provided Rustam with guidance on administering justice and instructed him to expel theArghuns andTarkhans, who had dominated the region since the early 16th century, along with their long-standingvakil, Khusrau Khan the Circassian, who had served their family for four generations, to prevent potential rebellions.[41] Mir Abdur Razzaq, a member of the distinguished Iranian Ma'muri family, was appointed as Rustam Mirza's treasurer in Thatta. His duties included overseeing revenuedisbursements, assessing thejama dami (revenue assessment), and allocatingjagirs to Rustam and his dependents.[67]
Although Rustam was able to completely eradicate any remaining Arghun-Tarkhan influence over theSindh,[68] his governance was marked by excessive harshness, leading to numerous complaints.[69] Consequently, in 1615, Jahangir recalled Rustam to court and briefly imprisoned him inGwalior under the supervision ofAnup Rai, the head jailer, where his oppressive tendencies were "cured".[69][70] Shortly thereafter, Rustam was released, welcomed back to court with favour, and saw his daughter married to Jahangir's son,Parviz Mirza. He was promoted to amansab rank of 6,000 and appointedsubahdar ofAllahabad.[69]
During the rebellion of Prince Khurram (futureShah Jahan) in 1622, Rustam was tasked with safeguarding the eastern territories of Allahabad against the rebel forces.[71] Following the capture ofJaunpur by Khurram's troops, Rustam provided refuge to the city's fugitive governor, Jahangir Quli Khan, and organised defenses to counter the advancing rebel army.[1] Khurram deployed Abdullah Khan to seize Allahabad, and the commander established a camp atJhusi, across theGanges River from the city. Rustam and his forces withdrew to theAllahabad fort in response. Abdullah Khan crossed the river using boats, launching a siege with artillery and muskets, and briefly entered the city. Despite assurances from Rumi Khan, head of Khurram's artillery, that the fort's capture was imminent, Abdullah Khan, displaying unexpected hesitation, withdrew back to Jhusi. Shortly thereafter, the approaching imperial forces relieved the siege.[69] Rustam was recalled from Allahabad after the end of the rebellion in 1626 and reassigned to governBihar.[71] He served as the finalsubahdar of Bihar under Jahangir. Rustam's tenure ended either in 1627,[72] shortly after Jahangir's death or in February 1628, when Shah Jahan (r. 1628–1658) replaced him with Mirza Bar Khurdar, also known as Khan-i-Alam.[73]
Due to advancing age andgout, Rustam Mirza withdrew from administrative duties and settled at the Mughal court inAgra, where Shah Jahan granted him an annual pension of one lakh and twenty thousand rupees.[69] In 1632, Shah Jahan's son,Shah Shuja, married Rustam's daughter, Belqis Banu Begum, an event commemorated by thechronogram:Mahd Belqis ba sar manzil Jamshed amad (The lady Bilqis—Queen of Sheba—came to the house ofJamshid).[69] According toAmal-i Salih byMuhammad Saleh Kamboh, the wedding adhered to traditional customs, including the application ofhenna, the distribution ofbrocaded robes, and trays adorned with flowers,betel leaves, sweets, and perfumes, all conducted with "utmost propriety".[74] Shah Nawaz Khan notes that another of Rustam's daughters marriedDara Shikoh.[74]
Rustam Mirza died in Agra in 1642 at the age of 72.[69] Following his death, when Agra'smustasaddis (tax collectors) attempted to seize his possessions, his widow armed the household'smaidservants with muskets, disguising them as men, and declared that her family would not be treated like ordinary officials.[69] Upon learning of her defiance, Shah Jahan, impressed by her resolve, allowed Rustam's family to retain all his belongings except his elephants.[75]
In 1581, at the age of sixteen, Rustam Mirza married a noblewoman from the prominent Shaykhavand tribe, with the support of his regent, Kur Hamza Beg. According toKholasat al-tavarikh byAhmad Monshi Ghomi, the wedding was a grand affair, attended by numerous prominent nobles and royal princes, with lavish celebrations extending over six months. Ghomi attests that following thewedding night, Rustam suffered a brief period of illness and temporary blindness, from which he subsequently recovered.[76]
According toTuhfah al-kiram by Mir Ali Shir Qani Tattawi, Rustam had six sons:Murad, Shahrukh, Hasan, Ibrahim,Badi-uz-Zaman, and Mirza Masti; along with four daughters. However, Shahnawaz Khan and Muhammad Saleh Kamboh state that upon entering Mughal service in 1593, Rustam had only four sons, excluding Badi-uz-Zaman and Mirza Masti. Jahangir's records identify Sohrab Mirza as one of Rustam's sons, noting his death by drowning in aKashmir river, which aligns with Tattawi's account of Mirza Masti's death, suggesting they were the same individual. Thus, Badi-uz-Zaman and Sohrab/Mirza Masti were likely born in India after 1593.[77]
Having outlived his brothers—Abu Sa'id (d. 1596), Sanjar (d. 1597), and Mozaffar-Hosayn (d. 1600)—Rustam emerged as the undisputed head of the Bahrami-Safavid family within the Mughal Empire.[56] In this role, he took on the care of his brothers' descendants, treating them as his own children. For instance, Jahangir's records note that Rustam welcomed Mozaffar-Hosayn's children into his household in Thatta, providing for them alongside his own offspring, despite the prior rivalry and tensions between the two brothers.[77]
TheMa'asir al-umara lauds Rustam Mirza as a sophisticated and worldly figure, while Abul Fazl'sAin-i-Akbari describes him as possessing greater intellect and ingenuity than his brother, Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza.[69] Asad Beg Qazvini, who spent time with Rustam during the celebrations marking Emperor Jahangir's accession in 1605, portrayed him as a refined individual with a deep appreciation for music, noting his expertise in various instruments and his engaging discussions with musicians, about their styles and characteristics; Rustam himself was a skilled player of theqanun.[79] Additionally, Rustam was a prominent patron of Persian poets, including Mahwi Ardabili and Monsef Samarqandi, who accompanied him to Burhanpur and, through his support, gained patronage from other notable figures.[80][81] Under thetakhallus (pen name)Fadai, Rustam also composed poetry, including a humorous poem about his brother Mozaffar upon the latter's arrival at the Mughal court.[69][l]
Asad Beg Qazvini further highlights Rustam Mirza's equitable treatment of his subordinates, noting that many held their ownjagirs.[83] A significant number of Rustam's original retinue, who accompanied him from the Safavid Empire to the Mughal court, secured prominent positions within the Mughal administration. These included relatives of Suleiman Khalifa, the former governor of Mashhad, Aliqoli Sultan Asayesh-Oghlu, a commander at the Battle of Azghand, and Muhammad Zaman Sultan Shamlu, previously the castellan ofBost.[55] On the contrary, in 1622, Khalil Beg Dhulkadir, another member of his original entourage who had risen in Mughal service, was denounced by Rustam and executed alongside Mohtaram Khan Khaje Sara and Qadai Khan Mir Tuzak as conspirators in Prince Khurram's rebellion, by the orders of Jahangir, who was very trusting of Rustam.[55][65] Jahangir's deep trust in Rustam is evidenced by the consistent elevation of hismansab, which indicates his near-constant presence within the imperial entourage and his favoured status at court.[65][51]
Rustam Mirza distinguished himself as a skilledwarlord, particularly adept in cavalry tactics.[55] He was also a pioneer in introducingwheellock firearms to the Indian subcontinent; a passage from aJahangirnama manuscript held by theRoyal Asiatic Society recounts Rustam's fascination with a technologically advancedtufang (firearm) which he sought to acquire due to its remarkable features: the ability to fire 100 shots without overheating, a self-ignition mechanism, exceptional accuracy, and the capacity to handle a five-mithqal shot. Rustam offered 12,000 rupees and ten horses for the weapon, but the owner declined. Ultimately, Jahangir obtained the firearm and presented it to Rustam as a gift.[84]
As a ruler, Rustam Mirza was frequently characterised in contemporary chronicles as tyrannical,[56] notably in Yousuf Mirak'sTarikh Mazhar-i-Shahjahani, which provides firsthand accounts of his oppressive rule and the pervasive corruption within the land grant system during his tenure assubahdar of Thatta in Sindh.[85] In contrast, Emperor Akbar commended Rustam's restraint in a letter, citing an incident during a hunt where, despite being wounded by a Rajput's sword, Rustam resolved the dispute diplomatically by sending the aggressor to the court for judgment.[69]
Today, in the year 1616-17, Rustam Mirza, his sons, and the sons of Mozzafar-Hosayn Mirza, with several of their children, both male and female, are still in India, but at this point their history ceases to be relevant to the history of Iran.[86]
The Safavid chroniclerIskandar Beg Munshi, writing underShah Abbas I, consistently downplayed Rustam Mirza Safavi's significance, depicting him as a marginal figure in Safavid-Mughal relations and irrelevant to Iranian politics following his defeats in the 1590s.[87] In contrast, Emperor Akbar leveraged Rustam's presence at the Mughal court to facilitate the acquisition of Qandahar in 1595. Akbar's strategy included fostering a pro-Rustam uprising or encouraging Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza's voluntary surrender by showcasing generosity toward Rustam. Mughal records, as noted by historian Marc Morató-Aragonés Ibáñez, framed the intervention as a defense of the Bahrami-Safavid governance in Qandahar while also citing punitive actions againstBaluchi raiders who allegedly attackedThatta and retreated eastward.[87] Facing a precarious position, Abbas I pursued diplomacy, sending gifts and envoys to the Mughal court to negotiate Qandahar's return. Akbar, while affirming amicable relations, justified retaining Qandahar by claiming to protect Rustam's regional authority, refusing to relinquish the city.[88]
Post-annexation, the grand vizier Abu'l Fazl defended the intervention, asserting that Safavid princes, including Rustam, sought refuge with Akbar due to Abbas' failure to support them against Uzbek incursions.[87] Years later, Emperor Jahangir referenced a purported letter from "the princes", in which Rustam allegedly expressed his inability to govern Qandahar and offered to cede it to a Mughal representative in exchange for the opportunity to pay homage, presenting the Bahrami-Safavids as the legitimate rulers who willingly transferred the region to Akbar.[87]
Rustam's lingering support in Khorasan and Qandahar positioned him as a potential claimant to the Safavid throne, a status the Mughals exploited as a deterrent against Safavid ambitions. Notably, during the1606 Safavid siege of Qandahar, Jahangir invoked Rustam's claim to dissuade Abbas's forces, who, in a subsequent letter, disavowed the siege as unauthorised.[89] Ibáñez suggests three occasions when the Mughals could have pursued an invasion of Iran to install Rustam: in 1595 during Qandahar's acquisition, in 1612–1615 during Rustam's governance of Thatta, and in 1622 amid theMughal-Safavid conflict over Qandahar, ultimately won by the Safavids.[87] However, prioritising regional stability, the Mughals refrained from advancing Rustam's claim, opting instead to maintain diplomatic equilibrium.[87]
The blind man, who is being trodden on along the road of envy,
I won't style him an impostor, for he is the donkey of impostors.
It is said, cold wind comes from Iran,
This wind at the time of reception is, however, asimoom.
