The government of Krajina hadde facto control over central parts of the territory while control of the outskirts changed with the successes and failures of its military activities. The territory was legally protected by theUnited Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). Its main portion wasoverrun by Croatian forces in 1995 and the Republic of Serbian Krajina was ultimately disbanded as a result. Arump remained in eastern Slavonia underUNTAES administration until its peaceful reintegration into Croatia in 1998 under theErdut Agreement.
The nameKrajina (meaning "frontier") stemmed from theMilitary Frontier which theHabsburg monarchy carved out of parts of thecrown lands ofCroatia andSlavonia between 1553 and 1578 with a view to defending itself against the expansion of theOttoman Empire.[8] The population was mainlyCroats,Serbs andVlachs[9][10][11] who immigrated from nearby parts of the Ottoman Empire (Ottoman Bosnia andSerbia) into the region and helped bolster and replenish the population as well as the garrisoned troops in the fight against the Ottomans. The Austrians controlled the Frontier from military headquarters inVienna and did not make it a crown land, though it had some special rights in order to encourage settlement in an otherwise deserted, war-ravaged territory. The abolition of the military rule took place between 1869 and 1871. In order to attract Serbs to become part of Croatia, on 11 May 1867, theSabor solemnly declared that "theTriune Kingdom recognizes the Serbs living in it as a nation identical and equal with the Croatian nation". Subsequently, the Military Frontier was incorporated intoHabsburg Croatia on 1 August 1881[8] when theBan of CroatiaLadislav Pejačević took over from the Zagreb General Command.[12]
Following the end ofWorld War I in 1918, the regions formerly forming part of the Military Frontier came under the control of theKingdom of Yugoslavia, where they formed part of theSava Banovina, along with most of the old Croatia-Slavonia.Between the two World Wars, the Serbs of theCroatian andSlavonian Krajina, as well as those of theBosnian Krajina and of other regions west ofSerbia, organized a notable political party, theIndependent Democratic Party underSvetozar Pribićević. In the new state there existed much tension between the Croats and Serbs over differing political visions, with the campaign for Croatian autonomy culminating in the assassination of a Croatianleader,Stjepan Radić, in the parliament, and repression by the Serb-dominated security structures.
Between 1939 and 1941, in an attempt to resolve the Croat-Serb political and social antagonism in first Yugoslavia, the Kingdom established an autonomousBanovina of Croatia incorporating (amongst other territories) much of the former Military Frontier as well as parts ofBosnia andHerzegovina. In 1941, theAxis powersinvaded Yugoslavia and in the aftermath theIndependent State of Croatia (which included the whole of today's Bosnia and Herzegovina and parts of Serbia (EasternSyrmia) as well) was declared. The Germans installed theUstaše (who had allegedly plotted the assassination of the Serbian KingAlexander I of Yugoslavia in 1934) as rulers of the new country; the Ustaše authorities promptly pursued a genocidal policy ofpersecution of Serbs,Jews and Croats (from opposition groups), leading to the deaths of over 300,000.[13][14] During this period, individual Croats coalesced around the ruling authorities or around the communist anti-fascistPartisans. Serbs from around theKnin area tended to join theChetniks, whilst Serbs from theBanovina andSlavonia regions tended to join the Partisans. Various Chetnik groups also committedatrocities against Croats across many areas ofLika and parts ofnorthern Dalmatia.[15]
At the end of World War II in 1945, the communist-dominated Partisans prevailed and the Krajina region became part of the People's Republic of Croatia until 7 April 1963, when the federal republic changed its name to theSocialist Republic of Croatia.Josip Broz Tito suppressed the autonomous political organizations of the region (along with other movements such as theCroatian Spring); however, theYugoslav constitutions of 1965 and 1974 did give substantial rights to national minorities - including to the Serbs in SR Croatia.
The Serbian "Krajina" entity to emerge upon Croatia's declaration of independence in 1991 would include three kinds of territories:
a large section of the historical Military Frontier, in areas with a majority Serbian population;
areas such as parts of northernDalmatia, that never formed part of the Frontier but had a majority or a plurality of Serbian population, including the self-proclaimed entity's capital,Knin;
areas that bordered with Serbia and where Serbs formed a significant minority (Baranya,Vukovar).
Large sections of the historical Military Frontier lay outside of the Republic of Serbian Krajina and contained a largely Croat population - these including much ofLika, the area centered around the city ofBjelovar, central and south-eastern Slavonia.
Serb-populated areas in Croatia (according to the 1981 census)Map of Serbian Krajina.Geographical regions, including main cities and towns, of Serbian Krajina.
The Serb-populated regions in Croatia were of central concern to the Serbian nationalist movement of the late 1980s, led bySlobodan Milošević. In September 1986 theSerbian Academy's memorandum on the status of Serbia and Serbs was partially leaked by a Serbian newspaper. It listed a series of grievances against the Yugoslav federation, claiming that the situation in Kosovo was genocide, and complained about alleged discrimination of Serbs at the hands of the Croatian authorities. Among the claims that it makes is that 'except for the time under theIndependent State of Croatia, the Serbs in Croatia have never been as jeopardized as they are today'.[16] Tension was further fueled by the overthrow of Vojvodina and Montenegro's government by Milošević's loyalists, and the abrogation of Kosovo's and Vojvodina's autonomy in 1989, which gave Milošević 4 out of 8 votes on the Yugoslav Federal Presidency, thus gaining the power to block every decision made by the Presidency. Furthermore, a series of Serb nationalist rallies were held in Croatia during 1989, under pressure from Serbia. On 8 July 1989, a large nationalist rally was held in Knin, during which banners threatening JNA intervention in Croatia, as well asChetnik iconography was displayed.[17] The Croatian pro-independence party victory in 1990 made matters more tense, especially since the country's Serb minority was supported by Milošević. At the time, Serbs comprised about 12.2% (581,663 people) of Croatia's population (1991 census).[18] In 1990 a group of senior Serb officers of theYugoslav People's Army (JNA) and experts from the JNA's Psychological Operations Department developed theRAM Plan.[19] Its purpose was organizing Serbs outside Serbia, consolidating control of theSerbian Democratic Parties (SDS), and preparing arms and ammunition in an effort of establishing a country where "all Serbs with their territories would live together in the same state."[20]
Serbs became increasingly opposed to the policies of Franjo Tuđman, elected president of Croatia in April 1990, due to his overt desire for the creation of an independent Croatia. On 30 May 1990, theSerb Democratic Party (SDS) of Jovan Rašković broke all ties to the Croatian parliament. The following June in Knin, the SDS-led Serbs proclaimed the creation of the Association of Municipalities of Northern Dalmatia and Lika. In August 1990, the Serbs began what became known as theLog Revolution, where barricades of logs were placed across roads throughout the South as an expression of their secession from Croatia. This effectively cut Croatia in two, separating the coastal region ofDalmatia from the rest of the country. TheConstitution of Croatia was passed in December 1990, which reduced the status of Serbs from "constituent" to a "national minority" in the same category as other groups such as Italians and Hungarians. Some would later justify their claim to an independent Serb state by arguing that the new constitution contradicted the1974 Yugoslav Constitution, because, in their view, Croatia was still legally governed by theSocialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, although this ignores the fact that Serbia's constitution, promulgated three months before Croatia's, also contained several provisions violating the 1974 Federal Constitution.[21]
Serbs in Croatia had established a Serbian National Council in July 1990 to coordinate opposition to Croatian independence. Their position was that if Croatia could secede from Yugoslavia, then the Serbs could secede from Croatia.Milan Babić, a dentist by profession from the southern town ofKnin, was elected president. At hisICTY trial in 2004, he claimed that "during the events [of 1990–1992], and in particular at the beginning of his political career, he was strongly influenced and misled by Serbian propaganda, which repeatedly referred to the imminent threat of a Croatian genocide perpetrated on the Serbs in Croatia, thus creating an atmosphere of hatred and fear of Croats."[22] The rebel Croatian Serbs established a number ofparamilitary militia units under the leadership ofMilan Martić, the police chief in Knin.
In August 1990, a referendum was held in Krajina on the question of Serb "sovereignty and autonomy" in Croatia. The resolution was confined exclusively to Serbs so it passed by an improbable majority of 99.7%. As expected, it was declared illegal and invalid by the Croatian government, who stated that Serbs had no constitutional right to break away from Croatian legal territory - as well as no right to limit the franchise to one ethnic group.
Babić's administration announced the creation of aSerbian Autonomous Oblast of Krajina (orSAO Krajina) on 21 December 1990. On 16 March 1991, another referendum was held which asked: "Are you in favor of the SAO Krajina joining the Republic of Serbia and staying in Yugoslavia with Serbia, Montenegro and others who wish to preserve Yugoslavia?". With 99.8% voting in favor, the referendum was approved and the Krajina assembly declared that "the territory of the SAO Krajina is a constitutive part of the unified state territory of the Republic of Serbia".[23][24][25] On 1 April 1991, it declared that it would secede from Croatia.[26] Other Serb-dominated communities in eastern Croatia announced that they would also join SAO Krajina and ceased paying taxes to theZagreb government, and began implementing its own currency system, army regiments, and postal service.
Croatia held areferendum on independence on 19 May 1991, in which the electorate—minus many Serbs, who chose to boycott it—voted overwhelmingly for independence with the option of confederate union with other Yugoslav states - with 83 percent turnout, voters approved the referendum by 93 percent. On 25 June 1991, Croatia and Slovenia both declared their independence from Yugoslavia. As the JNA attempted unsuccessfully to suppress Slovenia's independence in the shortSlovenian War, clashes between revolting Croatian Serbs and Croatian security forces broke out almost immediately, leaving dozens dead on both sides. Serbs were supported by remnants of the JNA (whose members were now only from Serbia and Montenegro), which provided them weapons. Many Croatians fled their homes in fear or were forced out by the rebel Serbs. TheEuropean Union andUnited Nations unsuccessfully attempted to broker ceasefires and peace settlements.
Change in the ethnic composition of Krajina from April 1991 to July 1992. Serbs increased from 52.3% to 88% of the total population
Around August 1991, the leaders of Serbian Krajina and Serbia allegedly agreed to embark on a campaign which the ICTY prosecutors described as a "joint criminal enterprise" whose purpose "was the forcible removal of the majority of the Croat and other non-Serb population from approximately one-third of the territory of the Republic of Croatia, an area he planned to become part of a new Serb-dominated state."[27] According to testimony given by Milan Babić in his subsequent war crimes trial, during the summer of 1991, the Serbian secret police (under Milošević's command) set up "a parallel structure of state security and the police of Krajina and units commanded by the state security of Serbia".[28] Paramilitary groups such as theWolves of Vučjak andWhite Eagles, funded by the Serbian secret police, were also a key component of this structure.[29]
A wider-scale war was launched in August 1991. Over the following months, a large area of territory, amounting to a third of Croatia, was controlled by the rebel Serbs. The Croatian population suffered heavily, fleeing or evicted with numerous killings, leading toethnic cleansing.[30] The bulk of the fighting occurred between August and December 1991 when approximately 80,000 Croats were expelled (and some were killed).[31] Many more died and/or were displaced in fighting in easternSlavonia (this territory along the Croatian/Serbian border was not part of the Krajina, and it was the JNA that was the principal actor in that part of the conflict). The total number of exiled Croats and other non-Serbs range from 170,000 (ICTY)[32] up to a quarter of a million people (Human Rights Watch).[33]
In the latter half of 1991, Croatia was beginning to form an army and their main defenders, the local police, were overpowered by the JNA military who supported rebelled Croatian Serbs. The RSK was located entirely inland, but they soon started advancing deeper into Croatian territory.[30] Among other places, they shelled the Croatian coastal town ofZadar killing over 80 people in nearby areas and damaging theMaslenica Bridge that connected northern and southern Croatia, in theOperation Coast-91. They also tried to overtakeŠibenik, but the defenders successfully repelled the attack by JNA, in theBattle of Šibenik. The main city theatre was also bombed by JNA forces.[34] The city ofVukovar, however, was completely devastated by JNA attacks.[35] The city of Vukovar that warded off JNA attacks for months eventually fell, ending theBattle of Vukovar. 2,000 defenders of Vukovar and civilians were killed, 800 went missing and 22,000 were forced into exile.[36][37] The wounded were taken from Vukovar Hospital toOvčara near Vukovar where they were executed.[38]
On 19 December 1991, the SAO Krajina and SAO Western Slavonia proclaimed themselves together as the Republic of Serbian Krajina. The Constitution of Serbian Krajina came into effect the same day.[39] On 26 February 1992, the SAO Slavonia, Baranja and Western Syrmia was added to the RSK, which initially had only encompassed the territories within the SAO Krajina. TheArmy of the Republic of Serb Krajina (Srpska Vojska Krajine, SVK) was officially formed on 19 March 1992. The RSK occupied an area of some 17,028 km2 at its greatest extent.
Under theVance plan, signed in November 1991, Presidents Tuđman and Milošević agreed to a United Nations peace plan put forward byCyrus Vance.A final ceasefire agreement, theSarajevo Agreement, was signed by representatives of the two sides in January 1992, paving the way for the implementation of the Vance plan. Four United Nations Protected Areas (UNPAs) were established in Croatian territory which was claimed by RSK, and the plan called for the withdrawal of the JNA from Croatia and for the return of refugees to their homes in the UNPAs.
The JNA officially withdrew from Croatia in May 1992 but much of its weaponry and many of its personnel remained in the Serb-held areas and were turned over to the RSK's security forces. Refugees were not allowed to return to their homes and many of the remaining Croats and other nationalities left in the RSK were expelled or killed in the following months.[35][40] On 21 February 1992, the creation of theUnited Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) was authorised by theUN Security Council for an initial period of a year, to provide security to the UNPAs.
The agreement effectively froze the front lines for the next three years. Croatia and the RSK had effectively fought each other to a standstill. The Republic of Serbian Krajina was not recognizedde jure by any other country or international organization.
UNPROFOR was deployed throughout the region to maintain the ceasefire, although in practice its light armament and restricted rules of engagement meant that it was little more than an observer force. It proved wholly unable to ensure that refugees returned to the RSK. Indeed, the rebel Croatian Serb authorities continued to make efforts to ensure that they couldnever return, destroying villages and cultural and religious monuments to erase the previous existence of the Croatian inhabitants of the Krajina.[35] Milan Babić later testified that this policy was driven from Belgrade through the Serbian secret police—and ultimately Milošević—who he claimed was in control of all the administrative institutions and armed forces in the Krajina.[41] Milošević denied this, claiming that Babić had made it up "out of fear".
Two proposed autonomous districts of Croatia are shown in dark green.
With the creation of newCroatian counties on 30 December 1992, the Croatian government also set aside two autonomous regions (kotar) for ethnic Serbs in the areas of Krajina:
Autonomous District of Glina (Croatian:Autonomni kotar Glina,Serbian Cyrillic:Аутономни котар Глина)
Autonomous District of Knin (Croatian:Autonomni kotar Knin,Serbian Cyrillic:Аутономни котар Книн)
However, Serbs considered this too late, as it was not the amount of autonomy they wanted, and by now they had declaredde facto independence.
The districts never actually functioned since they were located within the self-proclaimed Republic of Serbian Krajina. The existence of the Autonomous District of Glina was also provided in the draft of theZ-4 plan, that was rejected.AfterOperation Storm, the application of the law which allowed autonomy would be temporarily suspended.[44] In 2000 this part of the law was formally repealed.[45]
The partial implementation of the Vance Plan drove a wedge between the governments of the RSK and Serbia, the RSK's principal backer and supplier of fuel, arms, and money. Milan Babić strongly opposed the Vance Plan but was overruled by the RSK's assembly.[35]
On 26 February 1992, Babić was deposed and replaced as President of the RSK byGoran Hadžić, a Milošević loyalist. Babić remained involved in RSK politics but as a considerably weaker figure.
The position of the RSK eroded steadily over the following three years. On the surface, the RSK had all the trappings of a state: army, parliament, president, government and ministries, currency and stamps. However, its economy was wholly dependent on support from the rump Yugoslavia, which had the effect of importing that country'shyperinflation.
The economic situation soon became disastrous. By 1994, only 36,000 of the RSK's 430,000 citizens were employed. The war had severed the RSK's trade links with the rest of Croatia, leaving its few industries idle. With few natural resources of its own, it had to import most of the goods and fuel it required. Agriculture was devastated, and operated at little more than a subsistence level.[4] Professionals went to Serbia or elsewhere to escape the republic's economic hardships. To make matters worse, the RSK's government was grossly corrupt and the region became a haven for black marketeering and other criminal activity. It was clear by the mid-1990s that without a peace deal or support from Yugoslavia the RSK was not economically viable.[46] This was especially evident in Belgrade, where the RSK had become an unwanted economic and political burden for Milošević. Much to his frustration, the rebel Croatian Serbs rebuffed his government's demands to settle the conflict.[35] In July 1992 the RSK issued its own currency, theKrajina dinar (HRKR), in parallel with theYugoslav dinar. This was followed by the "October dinar" (HRKO), first issued on 1 October 1993 and equal to 1,000,000 Reformed Dinar, and the "1994 dinar", first issued on 1 January 1994, and equal to 1,000,000,000 October dinar.The RSK's weakness also adversely affected its armed forces, theVojska Srpske Krajine (VSK). Since the 1992 ceasefire agreement, Croatia had spent heavily on importing weapons and training its armed forces with assistance from American contractors. In contrast, the VSK had grown steadily weaker, with its soldiers poorly motivated, trained and equipped.[35][47] There were only about 55,000 of them to cover a front of some 600 km in Croatia plus 100 km along the border with theBihać pocket in Bosnia. With 16,000 stationed in eastern Slavonia, only about 39,000 were left to defend the main part of the RSK. Overall, only 30,000 were capable of full mobilization, yet they faced a far stronger Croatian army. Also, political divisions between Hadžić and Babić occasionally led to physical and sometimes even armed confrontations between their supporters; Babić himself was assaulted and beaten in an incident inBenkovac.[48][49]
In January 1993 the revitalized Croatian army attacked the Serbian positions aroundMaslenica in southern Croatia which curtailed their access to the sea viaNovigrad.
In mid-1993, the RSK authorities started a campaign to formally create a United Serbian Republic.
In a second offensive in mid-September 1993, the Croatian army overran theMedak pocket in southern Krajina in a push to regain Serb-held Croatian territory. The rebel Croatian Serbs brought reinforcements forward fairly quickly, but the strength of the Croatian forces proved superior. The Croatian offensive was halted by a combination of a battalion of Canadian peacekeepers from the second battalion ofPrincess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry (PPCLI) reinforced by a Company of French peacekeepers, combined with international diplomacy. Hadžić sent an urgent request to Belgrade for reinforcements, arms, and equipment. In response, around 4,000 paramilitaries under the command ofVojislav Šešelj (theWhite Eagles) and "Arkan" (theSerb Volunteer Guard) arrived to bolster the VSK.
General elections were held in the RSK on 12 December 1993, with a second round of the presidential election on 23 January 1994. Martić received 54,000 fewer votes than Babić in the first round, but went on to win the second round with 104,234 votes.[50][51][52][53][54]
The order to evacuate ethnic Serbs from RSK territory, issued by the Krajina Defence Council and signed byMilan Martić; 4 August 1995
Following the rejection by both sides of theZ-4 plan for reintegration, the RSK's end came in 1995, when Croatian forces gained control ofSAO Western Slavonia inOperation Flash (May) followed by the biggest part of occupied Croatia inOperation Storm (August). The Krajina Serb Supreme Defence Council met under presidentMilan Martić to discuss the situation. A decision was reached at 16:45 to "start evacuating the population unfit for military service from the municipalities ofKnin,Benkovac,Obrovac,Drniš andGračac." The RSK was disbanded and most of its Serb population (from 150,000 to 200,000 people) fled.[35][55] Only 5,000 to 6,000 people remained, mostly the elderly.[56] Croatian historianIvo Goldstein wrote, "The reasons for the Serb exodus are complex. Some had to leave because the Serb army had forced them to, while others feared the revenge of the Croatian army or of their former Croat neighbors, whom they had driven away and whose homes they had mostly looted (and it was later shown that this fear was far from groundless)".[56]Most of the refugees fled to today's Serbia, Bosnia, and eastern Slavonia. Some of those who refused to leave were murdered, tortured and forcibly expelled by the Croatian Army and police.[55]
In 1995, Milan Milanović, formerly a Republic of Serbian Krajina official, signed theErdut Agreement as a representative of the Serbian side. This agreement, co-signed by the representative of the Croatian Government, was sponsored by the United Nations, and it set up a transitional period during which theUnited Nations Transitional Authority for Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES) peacekeeping mission would oversee a peaceful reintegration of this territory into Croatia, starting on 15 January 1996. In 1998, the UNTAES mission was complete and the territory was formally returned to Croatia. Based on the Erdut Agreement, theJoint Council of Municipalities was established in the region in 1997.
After the peaceful reintegration, two islands on the Danube, theIsland of Šarengrad and theIsland of Vukovar, remained under Serbian military control. In 2004, the Serbian military was withdrawn from the islands and replaced with Serbian police. The islands remain an open question as the Croatian side insists on applyingBadinter Arbitration Committee decisions.[57]
In 1995 a Croatian court sentenced former RSK presidentGoran Hadžićin absentia to 20 years in prison for rocket attacks onŠibenik andVodice. In 1999 he was sentenced to an additional 20 years for war crimes inTenja, nearOsijek,[58] and in 2002 Croatia's state attorney brought another indictment against him for the murder of almost 1,300 Croats in Vukovar, Osijek, Vinkovci,Županja and elsewhere.[58] On 4 June 2004, the ICTY indicted him on 14 counts of war crimes andcrimes against humanity.[59] In 2011 he was arrested and extradited to the Hague, where his initial trial hearing was held on 25 July the same year.[60] In 2014 he was diagnosed with terminalbrain cancer; he died two years later at the age of 57.[61] The ICTY trial was terminated upon his death.[62]
Former RSK presidentMilan Babić was indicted for war crimes by theInternational Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in 2004 and was the first ever indictee to plead guilty and enter a plea bargain with the prosecution, after which he was sentenced to 13 years in prison. He was charged with five counts ofcrimes against humanity and violations of thelaws and customs of war. After he was sentenced in 2004, Babić was found dead in his prison cell in The Hague in March 2006, in an apparent suicide.[63]
Former RSK presidentMilan Martić was indicted for war crimes by the ICTY in 2005 was convicted of war crimes on 12 June 2007 and sentenced to 35 years in prison[64] where he was transferred to in 2009. He is serving his sentence in Estonia.[65] According to the ICTY, in the amended indictment, he "helped organize anethnic cleansing campaign of Croats and other non-Serbs from Krajina and virtually the entire non-Serb population was forcibly removed, deported or killed".[66]
Between 2001 and 2012, the ICTY had prosecuted Croatian generalsAnte Gotovina,Mladen Markač andIvan Čermak in theTrial of Gotovina et al for their involvement in crimes committed during and in the aftermath of Operation Storm. The indictment and the subsequent trial on charges of crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs of war described several killings, widespread arson and looting committed by Croatian soldiers.[67] In April 2011, Gotovina and Markač were convicted and given prison sentences, while Čermak was acquitted.[67] Gotovina and Markač appealed the verdict and in November 2012 the Appeals Chamber of the ICTY overturned their convictions, acquitting them.[68][69] Both of them were accused of being part of the "criminal enterprise" but the Court concluded there was no such conspiracy.[70]
After the war, a number of towns and municipalities that had comprised the RSK were designatedAreas of Special State Concern.
According to the indictment of prosecutorCarla Del Ponte againstSlobodan Milošević at the ICTY, the Croat and non-Serb population from the 1991 census was approximately as follows:[71]
Thus Serbs comprised 52.3% and Croats 35.8% of the population of SAO Krajina respectively in 1991.
According to data set forth at the meeting of the Government of the RSK in July 1992, its ethnic composition was 88% Serbs, 7% Croats, 5% others.[48] As of November 1993, less than 400 ethnic Croats still resided in UNPA Sector South,[72] and between 1,500 and 2,000 remained in UNPA Sector North.[73]
During its existence, this entity did not achieve international recognition. On 29 November 1991, theBadinter commission concluded that Yugoslavia was "in dissolution" and that the republics – including Croatia – should be recognized as independent states when they asked so.[77][78] They also assigned these republics territorial integrity. For most of the world, this was a reason to recognize Croatia. However, Serbia did not accept the conclusions of the commission in that period and recognized Croatia only after Croatian military actions (Oluja and Bljesak) and the Dayton agreement.
^Prosecutor v. Milan Martić JudgementArchived 4 August 2012 at theWayback Machine. p. 46. International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Retrieved 13 September 2009. (On 16 March 1991 another referendum was held which asked "Are you in favour of the SAO Krajina joining the Republic of Serbia and staying in Yugoslavia with Serbia, Montenegro and others who wish to preserve Yugoslavia?". With 99.8% voting in favour, the referendum was approved and the Krajina assembly declared that "the territory of the SAO Krajina is a constitutive part of the unified state territory of the Republic of Serbia".)
^ab"Croatia".Archived from the original on 15 September 2012. Retrieved26 December 2014.
^"DOKUMENTI INSTITUCIJA POBUNJENIH SRBA U REPUBLICI HRVATSKOJ (siječanj – lipanj 1993.)", edicija "REPUBLIKA HRVATSKA I DOMOVINSKI RAT 1990.-1995. DOKUMENTI", Knjiga 7., str. 14-16, 21, 24, 35, 42, 52, 59, 103, 130, 155, 161, 180-182, 197, 351, 378, 414, 524, 605, 614, 632, 637
^Judah, Tim (2000).The Serbs: history, myth, and the destruction of Yugoslavia (2nd ed.). New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. p. 170.ISBN978-0-300-08507-5.
^Lukic, Renéo; Lynch, Allen (1999).Europe from the Balkans to the Urals: the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Solna, Sweden Oxford New York: SIPRI Oxford University Press. p. 203.ISBN978-0-19-829200-5.
^Ramet, Sabrina (2006).The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building And Legitimation, 1918-2005. Indiana University Press. pp. 383–384.ISBN0253346568.
^Prosecutor v. Milan Martić Judgement. p. 46. International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Accessed 13 September 2009. (On 16 March 1991 another referendum was held which asked "Are you in favour of the SAO Krajina joining the Republic of Serbia and staying in Yugoslavia with Serbia, Montenegro and others who wish to preserve Yugoslavia?". With 99.8% voting in favour, the referendum was approved and the Krajina assembly declared that "the territory of the SAO Krajina is a constitutive part of the unified state territory of the Republic of Serbia".)
Krestić, V. (1996). "Republika Srpska Krajina".Državno i istorijsko pravo Hrvatske: koreni zla i sukoba sa Srbima. Topusko: SKD Sava Mrkalj. pp. 95–102.
Kolstø, P.; Paukovic, D. (2014). "The Short and Brutish Life of Republika Srpska Krajina: Failure of a De Facto State".Ethnopolitics.13 (4):309–327.doi:10.1080/17449057.2013.864805.S2CID144097806.
Vego, Marko (October 1993). "The Army of Serbian Krajina".Jane's Intelligence Review.5 (10): 493–.
Cigar, N. (1993). "The Serbo-Croatian war, 1991: Political and military dimensions".The Journal of Strategic Studies.16 (3):297–338.doi:10.1080/01402399308437521.
Grandits, H.; Leutloff, C. (2003). "Discourses, Actors, Violence: The Organisation of War-escalation in the Krajina region of Croatia 1990—91".Potentials of Disorder: Explaining Conflict and Stability in the Caucasus and in the Former Yugoslavia:23–45.
Ashbrook, J.; Bakich, S. D. (2010). "Storming to Partition: Croatia, the United States, and Krajina in the Yugoslav War".Small Wars & Insurgencies.21 (4):537–560.doi:10.1080/09592318.2010.518852.S2CID143824950.
Documents
Jarčević, S., ed. (2005).Republika Srpska Krajina: državna dokumenta. Agencija "Miroslav"; Kosmos.
"Operation Storm – Attack on the Krajina",Jane's Intelligence Review, 1 November 1995
(in Serbian) Дакић М. Крајина кроз вијекове: из историjе политичких, националних и људских права српског народа у Хрватскоj. — Београд, 2002.
(in Serbian) Радуловиħ С. Судбина Краjине. — Београд: Дан Граф, 1996. — 189 с.
(in Serbian) Радослав И. Чубрило, Биљана Р. Ивковић, Душан Ђаковић, Јован Адамовић, Милан Ђ. Родић и др. Српска Крајина. — Београд: Матић, 2011. — 742 с.
(in Serbian) Република Српска Краjина: десет година послиjе / [уредник Вељко Ђурић Мишина]. — Београд: Добра Вольа, 2005. — 342 с. —ISBN86-83905-04-7
(in Serbian) Република Српска Краjина: десет година послиjе. Књ. 2 / [уредник Вељко Ђурић Мишина]. — Београд: Добра Вольа, 2005. — 250 с. —ISBN86-83905-05-5
(in Serbian) Штрбац, Саво Рат и ријеч. — Бања Лука: Графид, 2011. — 190 с. —ISBN9789993853749
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