Inpolitical science, the termsradical right,reactionary right,populist right, andhard right have been used to refer to the range ofnationalist,right-wing andfar-right political parties that have grown in support inEurope since the late 1970s. Populist right groups have shared a number of causes, which typically includeopposition to globalisation andimmigration,criticism of multiculturalism, andopposition to theEuropean Union,[1] with some opposingliberal democracy or rejecting democracy altogether in favor of "Illiberal democracy" or outright authoritarian dictatorship.[2][3][4][5][6][7]
The ideological spectrum of the radical right extends from staunchly right-wingnational conservatism andright-wing populism to far-rightThird Positionism and otherneo-fascist ideologies.[8][9][10]
TheFriedrich Ebert Foundation, in a 2011 book, defines the terms "right-wing extremist" and "right-wing populist" differently.[11]
In 1996, the Dutch political scientistCas Mudde noted that in most European countries, the terms "radical right" and "extreme right" were used interchangeably.[12] He cited Germany as an exception, noting that among political scientists in that nation, the term "radical right" (Rechsradikalismus) was used in reference to those right-wing groups which were outside the political mainstream but which did not threaten "the free democratic order"; the term was thus used in contrast to the "extreme right" (Rechsextremen), which referred to groups which did threaten the constitutionality of the state and could therefore be banned under German law.[13] According to the German scientistKlaus Wahl [de] "the radical right can be scaled by using different degrees of militancy and aggressiveness from right-wing populism toracism,terrorism, and totalitarianism".[14]
The term "radical right" originated in U.S. political discourse, where it was applied to variousanti-communist groups which were active in the 1950s era ofMcCarthyism.[15] The term and accompanying concept then entered Western Europe through thesocial sciences.[15] Conversely, the term "right-wing extremism" developed among European scholars, particularly those in Germany, to describe right-wing groups that developed in the decades following theSecond World War, such as the West GermanNational Democratic Party and the FrenchPoujadists.[16] This term then came to be adopted by some scholars in the U.S.[17]
"The rise of new parties on the right in the 1980s led to a great deal of controversy over how these parties are defined. Some authors argue that these parties share essential characteristics, while others point to the unique national features and circumstances of each party. Some see them as throwbacks to the fascist era, while others see them as mixing right-wing, liberal, and populist platforms to broaden their electoral appeal. The party ideologues themselves have argued thatthey cannot be placed on the left-to-right spectrum."
In his study of the movement in Europe, David Art defined the term "radical right" as referring to "a specific type of far right party that began to emerge in the late 1970s"; as Art used it, "far right" was "an umbrella term for any political party, voluntary association, or extra-parliamentary movement that differentiates itself from the mainstream right".[19] Most commentators have agreed that these varied radical right parties have a number of common characteristics.[20]Givens stated that the two characteristics shared by these radical rights groups were:
In 2000, Minkenberg characterised the "radical right" as "a political ideology, the core element of which is a myth of a homogeneous nation, aromantic and populistultranationalism which is directed against the concept of liberal and pluralistic democracy and its underlying principles of individualism and universalism. The contemporary radical right does not want to return to pre-democratic regimes such as monarchy or feudalism. It wants government by the people, but in terms of ethnocracy instead of democracy."[21] In 2020, Wahl summarized that "ideologies of the radical right emphasize social and economic threats in the modern and postmodern world (e.g., globalization, immigration). The radical right also promises protection against such threats by an emphatic ethnic construction of 'we', the people, as a familiar, homogeneous in-group, anti-modern, or reactionary structures of family, society, an authoritarian state, nationalism, the discrimination, or exclusion of immigrants and other minorities ... While favoring traditional social and cultural structures (traditional family and gender roles, religion, etc.) the radical right uses modern technologies and does not ascribe to a specific economic policy; some parties tend toward a liberal, free-market policy, and others more to a welfare state policy."[14]
Journalist Nick Robins-Early characterised the European radical right as focusing on "sometimes vitriolic anti-Euro, anti-immigrant sentiment, as well as renewed security fears" within European nations.[22] According to political scientist Andrej Zaslove, populist radical right parties "employ an anti‐state, anti‐bureaucratic, anti‐elite, anti‐European Union political message."[23]
TheEuropean migrant crisis has caused a significant increase in the populist support for right-wing parties.[24][25] A 2016 article inThe New York Times argued that the "once-unthinkable"British vote to leave the EU is the result of "Populist anger against the established political order".[26]
The 2005 paper in theEuropean Journal of Political Research argues that the two groups most likely to vote for populist right parties are "blue-collar workers – who support extensive state intervention in the economy – and owners of small businesses – who are against such state intervention".[27]
A 2014 article by theFriedrich Ebert Foundation argued thateconomic inequality is growing the gap "between the winners ofglobalisation and its losers. The first group live in urban areas, have relatively stable jobs and access to modern communications and transport, but fears nevertheless that it will soon share the fate of the second group. The second group, meanwhile, are threatened by unemployment or stuck in poorly paid and precarious jobs. They belong to the working class or consider themselves part of the lower middle class and fear – for themselves or their children – (further) social decline. Such people live in de-industrialised areas, or rural or semi-urban areas, on the periphery of globalised metropolises to which they have no access."[1]
Scholars have argued thatneoliberalism has led to European "social and economic insecurity" in the working and middle classes, leading to the growth of right wing populism.[28]
Minkenberg termed the supporters of the radical right "modernization losers", in that they are from the sectors of society whose "social and cultural capital is shrinking and they are intent on defending it against encroachments on their traditional entitlements."[29] He described this base as those who exhibit "unease, rigid thinking, authoritarian attitudes and traditional values – all of which reinforce each other."[30]
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Political scientistMichael Minkenberg [de] stressed that the radical right was "a modern phenomenon", stating that it is only "vaguely connected" to previous right-wing movements because it has "undergone a phase of renewal, as a result of social and cultural modernisation shifts in post-war Europe."[31] As such he opined that describing it using terms such as "fascism" or "neo-fascism", which were closely linked the right-wing movements of the early 20th century, was an "increasingly obsolete" approach.[32]
Minkenberg argued that the radical right groups in Eastern Europe, including in Eastern Germany, were distinct from their counterparts in Western Europe.[33] He added that "the East European radical right is more reverse-oriented than its Western counterpart, i.e. more antidemocratic and more militant" and that because of the relatively new establishment of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, violence still could be used as a political tool by the Eastern radical right.[34]
Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg's 1998 bookThe Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right says that populist right wing movements are supported by extra-parliamentary groups with electorally unpalatable views, such asChristian Identity movements,anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, the promotion ofscientific racism andHolocaust denial, and neo-Nazi economic theories likeStrasserism.[35]
"[There is a] growing similarity of economic and social conditions in Western Europe and the United States. The effect of this concurrence, the appearance of amulticultural andmultiracial Western Europe and its consequent resemblance to the United States in particular, has promoted racial resentments. Some whites, defined asAryans,Teutons, and so on, have become so alienated from their respective national societies they have become sympathetic to the formation of a racial folk community that is Euro-American in scope and indeed reaches out to include 'kinsmen' in South Africa, Australia and New Zealand as well."
In 1998, the political scientistsJeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg argued that the interaction of right-wingers and the transmission of ideas between right-wing groups in Western Europe and the United States was common, having been aided by the development of theinternet.[37] They believed that in the late 20th century, a discernible "Euro-American radical right" that would promote a trans-national form ofwhite identity politics, promoting populist grievance narratives around groups which feel besieged bynon-white peoples throughmulticulturalism.[38] This concept of a unified "white" race was not always explicitly racialist, in many cases, it was conceived of as a bond which was created by "cultural affinity and a sense of common historical experience and a shared ultimate destiny".[38]
Kaplan and Weinberg also identified differences in the radical right movements of Europe and North America. They noted that European radical right political parties had been able to achieve electoral successes in a way that their American counterparts had failed to do.[39] Instead, radical right activists in the U.S. had attempted to circumvent the restrictions of thetwo-party system by joining right-wing trends within theRepublican Party.[40] They also noted that legal restrictions on such groups differed in the two continents; in the U.S., theFirst Amendment protected thefree speech of radical right groups, while in most West European nations there were laws prohibitinghate speech and (in several countries)Holocaust denial, thus forcing European radical right groups to present a more moderate image.[41]
The election of PresidentDonald Trump in the United States has drawn praise from the European radical right,[42] and following his election, connections were expanded, with Trump'sNational Security AdvisorMichael Flynn meeting with the Freedom Party of Austria,[43] and former White House chief strategistSteve Bannon foundingThe Movement, a network intended to advance European radical right causes.[44] However, despite the European radical right's increasing cross-border cooperation in recent years, Bannon's pan-European networking project ultimately failed to materialize.[45] Trump also initially made supportive remarks towardsMarine Le Pen's candidacy in the2017 French presidential election.[46] In February 2025, U.S. Vice PresidentJD Vance gave aspeech at theMunich Security Conference condemning the annulment of the2024 Romanian presidential election after radical right candidateCălin Georgescu won a plurality of the votes, and criticising the GermanChristian Democratic Union for itscordon sanitaire against theAlternative for Germany party.[47] In April 2025, President Trump spoke out against a court decision banningMarine Le Pen from contesting the2027 French presidential election.[48] In May 2025, Vance andU.S. Secretary of StateMarco Rubio condemned the GermanFederal Intelligence Service's designation of the Alternative for Germany as extremist,[49] with Republican SenatorTom Cotton calling for limiting intelligence sharing with Germany.[50] Trump'sState Department offered public support to Le Pen in May 2025, but the offer was rebuffed by her National Rally party.[51] The State Department also considered a proposal to provide financial assistance to the National Rally.[52]
Some radical right parties, such as the FrenchNational Rally,[53] theAlternative for Germany,[54] the DutchForum for Democracy,[55] theFreedom Party of Austria,[56] the ItalianNorthern League,[57] the BulgarianAttack[58] and the HungarianJobbik[59] have cultivated relations with theRussian government. The Freedom Party of Austria[60] and Northern League[61] have signed cooperation agreements with the ruling party of Russia,United Russia. Russia has also been accused of providing assistance to several radical right parties in Europe.[62]
In 2019, several radical right parties participated in the only permitted international delegation inKashmir following therevocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, on the invitation ofIndia'sBharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government. The parties that participated included the National Rally, the Northern League, the Alternative for Germany, the SpanishVox, the BritishBrexit Party, the PolishLaw and Justice and the BelgianVlaams Belang.[63][64] This was described by Eviaine Leidig inForeign Policy as evidence of growing connections between the radical right in Europe and Right wing supporters in India.[65] TheFidesz government in Hungary has also expressed support for India on Kashmir and theCitizenship Amendment Act protests.[66] The BJP previously established a relationship with the Jobbik party in Hungary.[67] In February 2025, representatives of thePatriots for Europe group visited India to meet BJP officials,[68][69][70] which was followed by the Patriots for Europe hosting an address by BJP spokespersonShazia Ilmi in June 2025.[71][72]
Many radical right parties, including Vlaams Belang, Attack, the Freedom Party of Austria, theAlliance for the Union of Romanians and theSweden Democrats, have sought improved ties withIsrael and its ruling party,Likud, in an effort to counter accusations ofanti-Semitism domestically.[73][74][75] Israeli Prime MinisterBenjamin Netanyahu has cultivated these relationships, particularly with the Northern League and Hungary under Fidesz, in order to build international support for Israeli policies.[76] Likud's foreign affairs director endorsed a vote for Vox in theApril 2019 Spanish general election on behalf of his party, before backtracking and claiming it was only a personal endorsement.[77] Netanyahu's son,Yair Netanyahu, later wished luck to Fidesz leaderViktor Orban, Brexit Party leaderNigel Farage, Northern League leaderMatteo Salvini and DutchParty for Freedom leaderGeert Wilders in the2019 European Parliament election.[78] In 2023, Likud participated in anIdentity and Democracy Party conference hosted by Salvini in Rome.[79] In 2024, Likud ministerAmichai Chikli addressed a Vox rally, where he met with National Rally leaderMarine Le Pen.[80][81] Chikli later expressed support for Le Pen becomingPresident of France, and suggested his view was shared by Netanyahu;[82] Chikli also noted his "excellent contact" with the National Rally.[83]
Arab states includingEgypt,[84]Syria,[85] theUnited Arab Emirates[86] andSaudi Arabia[87] have been described as courting ties with the European radical right in recent years, based on shared concerns towards the rise ofIslamism.[88] In the past, radical right parties had also developed relationships withBa'athist Iraq,[89] theLibyan Arab Jamahiriya[90] and the government ofMorocco.[91] In 2011, politicians from the Freedom Party of Austria were involved in arranging clandestine peace talks between Libya'sSaif al-Islam Gaddafi and Israel'sAyoob Kara.[92][93]
TheJustice and Development Party[94] andNationalist Movement Party,[95] which together form the ruling government coalition in Turkey, have developed ties with Jobbik, inviting leading Jobbik members to their events. However, most radical right parties in Europe, such as the Northern League, National Rally andGreek Solution, hold strongly anti-Turkish views.[96][97] The leader of the predecessor of the National Rally, theNational Front,Jean-Marie Le Pen, had a friendship withWelfare Party leaderNecmettin Erbakan, based on their shared right-wing nationalism and their belief that it was impossible to combine Islamic and Christian civilization.[98][99]
The former dictator of theCentral African Republic,Jean-Bédel Bokassa, received extensive support from the National Front, and let the party use his castle in France as a training facility.[100]
During thepresidency ofJair Bolsonaro inBrazil, the Brazilian government developed close ties with radical right parties in Hungary, Italy and Poland.[101] In addition, Bolsonaro has developed relations with Vox[102] and with the PortugueseChega.[103]
Alongside the radical right political parties, there are also extra-parliamentary groups which – having no need to express views that will be electorally palatable – are able to express a more heterogenous array of right-wing views.[104] These extra-parliamentary rightist groups are often religious in nature, affiliated either withChristian Identity or withOdinism,[35] reflecting a greater racial mysticism than was present in earlier right-wing movements.[105] Such groups often believe that Western governments are under the control of aZionist Occupation Government (ZOG), thus expressing explicitlyanti-Semitic views.[106] Such groups are also less enthusiastic about capitalism and free markets as the radical right political parties are, instead being influenced byStrasserism and favouring greater state control of the economy.[107]Such extra-parliamentary groups often exhibit ritual or ceremonial practices to commemorate perceived past achievements of the right-wing, for instance by marking Adolf Hitler's birthday or the death date ofRudolf Hess.[108] They are also associated withviolent activities, with such violence often being utilised not just for political aims but also as an expressive and enjoyable activity.[108]
There are also more intellectually-oriented radical right organisations which hold conferences and publish journals devoted to the promotion ofscientific racism andHolocaust denial.[109] Material promoting Holocaust denial is typically published in the United Kingdom or United States and then smuggled into continental Europe, where the publication of such material is widely illegal.[110]
A 2015 study on modern populism by Kirk A. Hawkins ofBrigham Young University used human coding to rate the level of perceived populist rhetoric in party manifestos and political speeches. Parties with high populism scores includedChega, theBritish National Party, theSwiss People's Party, theNational Democratic Party of Germany, theNational Rally, thePeople's Party,National Democracy,Sweden Democrats, theParty for Freedom,Forum for Democracy,Law and Justice,Vox andUnited Poland parties.[111]
The political scientistsRobert Ford andMatthew Goodwin characterised theUK Independence Party as being on the radical right.[112]
Since the 2010s, multiple radical right parties have formed part of governments in Europe. This has includedFidesz inHungary (Since 2010),Law and Justice inPoland (2015–2023), theFinns Party inFinland,Lega andBrothers of Italy inItaly, theParty for Freedom in theNetherlands, theSlovak National Party inSlovakia, theSlovenian Democratic Party inSlovenia, theHomeland Movement inCroatia, and theFreedom Party of Austria inAustria (2017–2019).[113][114]
