For the surname, seeQizilbash (name). For the related Sufi order that led to the Safavid dynasty, seeSafavid order. For the related Sufi order in Turkey, seeAlevism. For the suburb of Nicosia, Cyprus, seeKizilbash (suburb).
By the 18th-century, anyone involved with the Safavid state—militarily, diplomatically, or administratively—came to be broadly referred to as "Qizilbash". It was eventually applied to some inhabitants of Iran.[6] In the early 19th-century, Shia Muslims from Iran could be referred as "Qizilbash", thus highlighting the influence of the distinctive traits of the Safavids, despite the Iranianshah (king)Fath-Ali Shah Qajar (r. 1797–1834) simultaneously creating aQajar dynastic identity grounded in the pre-Islamic past.[7]
Taj-i Haydari, with and without turban.Dastan-i Jamal u Jalal, 1502-1505,Tabriz (Uppsala University Library, O Nova 2)
The word Qizilbash derives from TurkishQızılbaş, meaning "red head". The expression is derived from their distinctive twelve-gored crimson headwear (tāj ortark in Persian; sometimes specifically titled "Haydar's Crown"تاج حیدر /Tāj-e Ḥaydar),[Note 2] indicating their adherence to theTwelve Imams and toShaykh Haydar, the spiritual leader (sheikh) of theSafavid order in accordance with theImamate in Twelver doctrine.[8] The name was originally a pejorative label given to them by theirSunni Ottoman foes, but soon it was adopted as a mark of pride.[9][10]
The origin of the Qizilbash can be dated from the 15th century onward, when the spiritual grandmaster of the movement, Shaykh Haydar (the head of the Safaviyya Sufi order), organized his followers into militant troops. The Qizilbash were originally composed of sevenAzerbaijani-speakingTurkic tribes:Rumlu,Shamlu,Ustajlu,Afshar,Qajar,Tekelu, andZulkadar (Dulkadirs/Dhu’l-Qadar).[11][12][13]
The Qizilbash were a Shia community that emerged under the leadership of the Safavids in the early 15th century.[14] While initially largely composed ofOghuz-Turkic tribes,Persians,Talysh, and other Iranian groups, particularly those living in Azerbaijan and Northern Iran, also actively participated in the Qizilbash movement.[15][16]TheseIranian elements bolstered the Qizilbash's power both militarily and socially, playing a critical role in the Safavid dominance of the region.[17][18]
The Iranian Qizilbash generally served to organize the local population, defend the region, and meet the logistical needs of theSafavid army.[19][20] Thus, while initially primarily of Turkic origin, the Qizilbash community acquired a multi-ethnic structure. This facilitated the Safavids' rapid and effective establishment of control over bothAzerbaijani andIranian territories.[21][22]
Connections between the Qizilbash and other religious groups andsecret societies, such as theMazdaki movement in theSasanian Empire, or its more radical offspring, theKhurramites, andTurkic shamanism, have been suggested.[23][24][25] Of these, the Khurramites were, like the Qizilbash, an earlyghulat group[4] and dressed in red, for which they were termed "the red ones" (Persian:سرخ جامگان,romanized: sarkh jāmegān, Arabic:محمرة,romanized: muḥammirah) by medieval sources.[26] In this context, Turkish scholarAbdülbaki Gölpınarlı sees the Qizilbash as "spiritual descendants of the Khurramites".[4]
The Qizilbash were a coalition of many different tribes of predominantly (but not exclusively)Turkic-speaking background united in their adherence to theSafavid order. Apart fromTurkomans, the Qizilbash also includedKurds,[27]Lurs,Persians, andTalysh after Shah Abbas's military reform in the beginning of the 17th century.
Asmurids (sworn students) of the Safavipirs (spiritual guides), the Qizilbash owed implicit obedience to their leader in his capacity as theirmurshid-e kāmil "supreme spiritual director" and, after the establishment of the kingdom, as theirpadishah (great king). The kingdom's establishment thus changed the purely religiouspir–murid relationship into a political one. As a consequence, any act of disobedience of the Qizilbash Sufis against the order of the spiritual grandmaster (Persian:nāsufigari "conduct unbecoming of a Sufi") became "an act of treason against the king and a crime against the state", as was the case in 1614 when Abbas the Great put some followers to death.[28]
The Qizilbash adhered toheterodox Shi’i doctrines encouraged by the early Safavi sheikhs Haydar and his sonIsmail I. They regarded their rulers as divine figures, and so were classified asghulat "extremists" by orthodoxTwelvers.[29]
WhenTabriz was taken, there was not a single book on Twelverism among the Qizilbash leaders. The book of the well known Iraqi scholaral-Hilli (1250–1325) was procured in the town library to provide religious guidance to the state.[30] The Qizilbash battle cry was "qurban oldiğim, sadaqa oldiğim, pirüm mürşidim" (قربان اولدیغم، صدقه اولدیغم، پیروم مرشدم), meaning "may I be sacrificed for you, my spiritual guide" inAzerbaijani, and referring to Shah Ismail.[31][32][33][34]
The imported Shi'iulama did not participate in the formation of Safavid religious policies during the early formation of the state. However,ghulat doctrines were later forsaken and Arab Twelverulama fromLebanon,Iraq, andBahrain were imported in increasing numbers to bolster orthodox Twelver practice and belief.
In Turkey, orthodox Twelvers followingJa'fari jurisprudence are called Ja'faris. Although the Qizilbash are also Twelvers, their practices do not adhere to Ja'fari jurisprudence.
The Qizilbash have a unique and complex conviction tracing back to theKaysanites andKhurramites, who are consideredghulat (extremist) Shia. According to Turkish scholarAbdülbaki Gölpinarli, the Qizilbash of the 16th century – a religious and political movement inIranian Azerbaijan that helped to establish the Safavid dynasty – were "spiritual descendants of the Khurramites".[35]
The Qizilbashaqidah, or creed, is based upon a syncreticfiqh (jurisprudence tradition) calledbatiniyya,[36] referring to an inner or hidden meaning in holy texts. It incorporates someQarmatian thoughts, originally introduced by Abu’l-Khāttāb Muhammad ibn Abu Zaynab al-Asadī,[37][38] and later developed by Maymun al-Qāddāh and his son ʿAbd Allāh ibn Maymun,[39] andMuʿtazila with a strong belief inThe Twelve Imams.
Not all of the members believe that the fasting inRamadan is obligatory although some Alevi Turks perform their fasting duties partially in Ramadan.
Some beliefs ofshamanism still are common among the Qizilbash in villages.
Mannequin of a Safavid Qizilbash soldier, exhibited in theSa'dabad Complex, IranThe Qizilbash are not a part of Ja'fari jurisprudence, even though they can be considered as members of different tariqa of Shia Islam all looks like sub-classes ofTwelver. Their conviction includesBatiniyya-Hurufism and "Sevener-Qarmatians-Isma'ilism" sentiments.[36][40]
They all may be considered as special groups not following theJa'fari jurisprudence, likeAlawites who are in the class of ghulat Twelver Shia Islam, but a specialBatiniyya belief somewhat similar toIsma'ilism in their conviction.
Among the Qizilbash,Turcoman tribes from Eastern Anatolia andIranian Azerbaijan who had helpedIsmail I defeat theAq Qoyunlu tribe were by far the most important in both number and influence and the nameQizilbash is usually applied exclusively to them.[41] Some of these greater Turcoman tribes were subdivided into as many as eight or nine clans, including:
Ustādjlu (Its origins reach back to theBegdili)[42]
Rūmlu (Its name means the one who originates from the Roman land i.e. Anatolia.)
Shāmlu (The most powerful clan during the reign of Shah Ismail I. Its name means the one who originates fromSham i.e. the Levant.)
Takkalu (Persian rendition of Täkälü or Tekelü which means the one who originates from theTeke Peninsula of Anatolia. The region was named after theBeylik of Teke which might have a connection with theTeke tribe of Turkmenistan.)
Other tribes – such as the Turkman,Bahārlu, Qaramānlu, Warsāk, andBayāt – were occasionally listed among these "seven great uymaqs". Today, the remnants of the Qizilbash confederacy are found among theAfshar, theQashqai,Turkmen,Shahsevan, and others.[43]
Some of these names consist of a place-name with the addition of the Turkish suffix-lu, such as Shāmlu or Bahārlu. Other names are those of oldOghuz tribes such as the Afshār, Dulghadir, or Bayāt, as mentioned by the medievalKarakhanid historianMahmud al-Kashgari.
The non-Turkic Iranian tribes among the Qizilbash were calledTājīks by the Turcomans and included:[41][44]
The main followers of the Safavids were the Qizilbash from Azerbaijan and Anatolia.[47] In 1501, 7,000 Qizilbash defeated the 30,000-strong army of Sultan Alvand Ak-Koyunlu, and after the coronation in Tabriz, the young Sheikh Ismail became the first Shahanshah of Azerbaijan from the Safavid dynasty.[48][49] Ismail received the main support for his accession to the throne from the Qizilbash,[50] but did not enjoy the same support in Iran and even faced resentment and hatred from the majority of Sunni Iranians.[51] He had to ensure the speedy arrival of the Qizilbash from Asia Minor, since in the eyes of the Persians of Iran he and his supporters were strangers whom they hated.[52] Ismail's success was greatly influenced by his detachment of seven close Qizilbash advisers.,[53]
The rise of the Ottomans put a great strain on the Turkmen tribes living in the area, which eventually led them to join the Safavids, who transformed them into a militant organisation, called the Qizilbash (meaning "red heads" inTurkish), initially a pejorative label given to them by the Ottomans, but later adopted as a mark of pride.[9][10] The religion of the Qizilbash resembled much more the heterodox beliefs of northwestern Iran and eastern Anatolia, rather than the traditionalTwelver Shia Islam. The beliefs of the Qizilbash consisted of non-Islamic aspects, varying from crypto-Zoroastrian beliefs toshamanistic practises, the latter which had been practised by theirCentral Asian ancestors.[10]
However, a common aspect that all these heterodox beliefs shared was a form ofmessianism, devoid of the restrictions of the Islam practiced inurban areas. Concepts ofdivine inspiration andreincarnation were common, with the Qizilbash viewing their Safavid leader (whom they calledmorshed-e kamel, "the Perfect Guide") as the reincarnation ofAli and a manifestation of thedivine in human form.[54] There were a total of seven major Qizilbash "tribes", each named after an area they identified themselves with; the Rumlu presumably came fromRum (Anatolia); theShamlu from Sham (Syria); the Takkalu from the Takkeh in southeastern Anatolia; the Ostajlu from Ostaj in the southernCaucasus. It is uncertain if theAfshar andQajar were named after an area in Azerbaijan, or after their ancestors. All these tribes shared a common lifestyle, language, faith, and animosity towards the Ottomans.[55]
In the 15th century,Ardabil was the center of an organization designed to keep the Safavi leadership in close touch with its murids in Azerbaijan, Iraq, Eastern Anatolia, and elsewhere. The organization was controlled through the office ofkhalīfāt al-khulafā'ī who appointed representatives (khalīfa) in regions where Safavi propaganda was active. Thekhalīfa, in turn, had subordinates termedpira. The Safavi presence in eastern Anatolia posed a serious threat to theOttoman Empire because they encouraged the Shi'i population of Asia Minor to revolt against the sultan.
In 1499, Ismail, the young leader of the Safavi order, left Lahijan for Ardabil to make a bid for power. By the summer of 1500, about 7,000 supporters from the local Turcoman tribes ofAsia Minor (Anatolia),Syria, and theCaucasus – collectively called "Qizilbash" by their enemies – rallied to his support inErzincan.[56] Leading his troops on a punitive campaign against the Shīrvanshāh (ruler ofShirvan), he sought revenge for the death of his father and his grandfather in Shīrvan. After defeating the ShīrvanshāhFarrukh Yassar and incorporating his kingdom, he moved south into Azarbaijan, where his 7,000 Qizilbash warriors defeated a force of 30,000Aq Qoyunlu under Alwand Mirzā[57] and conqueredTabriz. This was the beginning of the Safavid state.
The rivalry between the Turkic clans and the Persian nobles was a major problem in the Safavid kingdom. AsV. Minorsky put it, friction between these two groups was inevitable, because the Turcomans"were no party to the national Persian tradition". Shah Ismail tried to solve the problem by appointing Persianwakils as commanders of Qizilbash tribes. The Turcomans considered this an insult and brought about the death of 3 of the 5 Persians appointed to this office – an act that later inspired the deprivation of the Turcomans by Shah Abbas I.[61]
In 1510 Shah Ismail sent a large force of the Qizilbash toTransoxiania to fight theUzbeks. The Qizilbash defeated the Uzbeks and securedSamarkand at theBattle of Marv. However, in 1512, an entire Qizilbash army was annihilated by the Uzbeks after Turcoman Qizilbash had mutinied against their Persianwakil and commanderNajm-e Thani at theBattle of Ghazdewan.[62] This defeat put an end to Safavid expansion and influence in Transoxania and left the northeastern frontiers of the kingdom vulnerable to nomad invasions, until some decades later.
Meanwhile, the Safaviddawah continued in Ottoman areas – with great success. Even more alarming for the Ottomans was the successful conversion of Turcoman tribes in Eastern Anatolia, and the recruitment of these well-experienced and feared fighters into the growing Safavid army. To stop Safavid propaganda,Sultan Bayezid II deported large numbers of the Shi'i population ofAsia Minor toMorea. However, in 1507, Shah Ismail and the Qizilbash overran large areas ofKurdistan, defeating regional Ottoman forces. Two years later, the Qizilbash defeated theUzbeks atMerv in Central Asia, killing their leaderMuhammad Shaybani and destroying his dynasty. His head was sent to the Ottoman sultan as a warning.
A Safavid Qizilbash cavalryman.
In 1511, a pro-Safavid revolt known as theŞahkulu rebellion broke out inTeke. An imperial army that was sent to suppress it was defeated. Ismail sought to turn the chaos within the Ottoman Empire to his advantage and moved the border westwards in Asia Minor. The Qizilbash defeated a large Ottoman army underKoca Sinan Pasha. Shocked by this heavy defeat,Sultan Selim I, the new ruler, decided to invade with a force of 200,000 Ottomans. In addition, he ordered the persecution ofAlevis[63][64] and massacred its adherents in the Ottoman Empire.[65]
On 20 August 1514 (1stRajab 920 A.H.), the two armies met at Chaldiran in northwestern Iran. The Ottomans, who were equipped with both firearms and cannon, were reported to outnumber the Qizilbash as much as three to one. The Qizilbash were badly defeated;[66] casualties included many high-ranking Qizilbashamirs as well as three influentialulamā.
This defeat destroyed Shah Ismail's belief in his own invincibility and divine status. It also fundamentally altered the relationship between themurshid-e kāmil and hismurids (followers).
Ismail I tried to reduce the power of theTurcomans by appointingIranians to the vakil office. However, the Turcomans did not like having an Iranian to the most powerful office of theSafavid Empire and kept murdering many Iranians who were appointed to that office.[67] After the death of Ismail, the Turkomans managed to seize power from the Iranians, they were however, defeated byTahmasp I, the son of Ismail who got rid of the Turcomans.[68]
For almost ten years after the Battle of Chaldiran, rival Qizilbash factions fought for control of the kingdom. In 1524, 10-year-old ShahTahmasp I, the governor ofHerat, succeeded his father Ismail. He was theward of the powerful Qizilbashamir Ali Beg Rūmlū (titled "Div Soltān") who was thede facto ruler of the Safavid kingdom.[69] However, Tahmasp managed to reassert his authority over the state and over the Qizilbash.
During the reign of Shah Tahmasp, the Qizilbash fought a series of wars on two fronts and – with the poor resources available to them – successfully defended their kingdom against theUzbeks in the east, and against the arch-rivals of the Safavids – theOttomans – in the west.[70] With thePeace of Amasya (1555), peace between Safavids and Ottomans remained for the rest of Tahmasp's reign.[71] During Tahmasp' reign, he carried out multiple invasions in theCaucasus which had been incorporated in theSafavid empire since Shah Ismail I and for many centuries afterward, and started with the trend of deporting and moving hundreds of thousands ofCircassians,Georgians, andArmenians to Iran's heartlands. Initially only solely put in the royal harems, royal guards, and several other specific posts of the Empire, Tahmasp believed he could eventually reduce the power of the Qizilbash, by creating and fully integrating a new layer in Iranian society with these Caucasian elements and who would question the power and hegemony of the tribal Qizilbash. This included the formation of a military slave system,[72] similar to that of the neighboringOttoman Empire – theJanissaries.[73] Tahmasp's successors, and most importantly ShahAbbas I (r. 1588–1629), would significantly expand this policy when during the reign of Abbas I alone some 200,000 Georgians, 300,000 Armenians and many tens of thousands of Circassians were relocated to Iran's heartlands.[74][75][76][77][78] By this creation of a so-called "third layer" or "third force" in Iranian society composed of ethnic Caucasians, and the complete systematic disorganisation of the Qizilbash by his personal orders, Abbas I eventually fully succeeded in replacing the power of the Qizilbash, with that of the Caucasian ghulams. These new Caucasian elements (the so-calledghilman / غِلْمَان /"servants"), almost always after conversion to Shi'ism depending on given function would be, unlike the Qizilbash, fully loyal only to the Shah. This system of mass usage of Caucasian subjects continued to exist until the fall of theQajar dynasty.
The inter-tribal rivalry of the Turcomans, the attempt of Persian nobles to end the Turcoman dominance, and constant succession conflicts went on for another 10 years after Tahmasp's death. This heavily weakened the Safavid state and made the kingdom vulnerable to external enemies: the Ottomansattacked in the west, whereas the Uzbeks attacked the east.
Persian miniature created byMo'en Mosavver, depicting Shah Ismail I at an audience receiving the Qizilbash after they defeated theShirvanshahFarrukh Yasar. Album leaf from a copy of Bijan’sTarikh-i Jahangusha-yi Khaqan Sahibqiran (A History of Shah Ismail I), produced inIsfahan, end of the 1680s
In 1588,Shah Abbas I came to power. He appointed the Governor ofHerat and his former guardian and tutor, Alī Quli Khān Shāmlū (also known asHājī Alī Qizilbāsh Mazandarānī) the chief of all the armed forces. Later on, events of the past, including the role of the Turcomans in the succession struggles after the death of his father, and the counterbalancing influence of traditionalIthnāʻashari ShiaSayeds, made him determined to end the dominance of the untrustworthy Turcoman chiefs in Persia which Tahmasp had already started decades before him. In order to weaken the Turcomans – the important militant elite of the Safavid kingdom – Shah Abbas further raised a standing army, personal guard, Queen-Mothers,Harems and full civil administration from the ranks of theseghilman who were usually ethnicCircassians,Georgians, andArmenians, both men and women, whom he and his predecessors had taken captive en masse during their wars in the Caucasus, and would systematically replace the Qizilbash from their functions with converted Circassians and Georgians. The new army and civil administration would be fully loyal to the king personally and not to the clan-chiefs anymore.[57]
The reorganisation of the army also ended the independent rule of Turcoman chiefs in the Safavid provinces, and instead centralized the administration of those provinces.
Ghulams were appointed to high positions within the royal household, and by the end of Shah Abbas' reign, one-fifth of the high-rankingamirs were ghulams.[41] By 1598 already an ethnicGeorgian from Safavid-ruled Georgia, well known by his adopted Muslim name after conversion,Allahverdi Khan, had risen to the position of commander-in-chief of all Safavid armed forces.[79] and by that became one of the most powerful men in the empire. The offices ofwakil andamir al-umarā fell in disuse and were replaced by the office of aSipahsālār (Persian:سپهسالار,lit.'master of the army'), commander-in-chief of all armed forces – Turcoman and Non-Turcoman – and usually held by a Persian (Tādjik) noble.
The Turcoman Qizilbash nevertheless remained an important part of the Safavid executive apparatus, even though ethnic Caucasians came to largely replace them. For example, even in the 1690s, when ethnicGeorgians formed the mainstay of the Safavid military, the Qizilbash still played a significant role in the army.[80] TheAfshār andQājār rulers of Persia who succeeded the Safavids, stemmed from a Qizilbash background. Many other Qizilbash – Turcoman and Non-Turcoman – were settled in far eastern cities such asKabul andKandahar during the conquests ofNader Shah, and remained there as consultants to the newAfghan crown after the Shah's death. Others joined theMughal emperors of India and became one of the most influential groups of the Mughal court until theBritish conquest of India.[citation needed]
Qizilbash inAfghanistan primarily live in urban areas, such asKabul,Kandahar orHerat. Some of them are descendants of the troops left behind byNadir Shah.[81][82] Others however were brought to the country during theDurrani rule,[83]Zaman Shah Durrani had over 100,000 cavalry, consisting mostly of Qizilbash.[84] Afghanistan's Qizilbash held important posts in government offices in the past, and today engage in trade or are craftsmen. Since the creation ofAfghanistan, they constitute an important and politically influential element of society. Estimates of their population vary from 30,000 to 200,000.[85][86]
SirMountstuart Elphinstone described the Qizilbash of Kabul in the beginning of the 19th century as"a colony of Turks," who spoke"Persian, and among themselves Turkish."[87] Described as learned, affluent, and influential, they appear to have abandoned their native Turkish language in favour of Persian, and became"in fact Persianized Turks".[88] LadyFlorentia Sale (wife of SirRobert Henry Sale) andVincent Eyre – both companions of Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone – described the Qizilbash of Afghanistan also as"Persians, of Persian descent, or descendant of the Persians, wearing a red cap".[89][90]
The influence of the Qizilbash in the government created resentment among the rulingPashtun clans, especially after the Qizilbash openly allied themselves with the British during theFirst Anglo-Afghan War (1839–1842). DuringAbdur Rahman Khan's massacre of the Shi'i minorities in Afghanistan, the Qizilbash were declared "enemies of the state" and were persecuted and hunted by the government and by theSunni majority.[91]
Theformer national anthem (2006-2021) of Afghanistan mentioned Qizilbash as an ethnic group in the third line of third stanza.
TheVilayet of Diyarbekir — an administrative division of theOttoman Empire encompassing parts of modern-day Diyarbakır, Mardin, Elazığ, and sometimes Şanlıurfa — was historically home to numerous Turkmen tribes affiliated with the Qizilbash movement from the 15th century onward. These tribes, often stemming from theQara Qoyunlu andAq Qoyunlu confederations, were among the first to align with the religious and political ideals of the early Safavids in their conflict with the Ottomans. After the pivotalBattle of Chaldiran (1514), which marked the Safavids’ defeat at the hands of the Ottomans, many Qizilbash tribes were forcibly relocated, marginalized, or subjected to repression. Those who remained in the southeast — particularly in the mountainous areas of Diyarbakır, Mardin, Siverek, Tunceli, and Elazığ — developed a unique form of heterodoxShi’a Islam. This belief system blended elements of popular Safavid spirituality, Turkish Sufism (notably Bektashism), and various pre-Islamic or syncretic practices.[92]
Linguistically, these communities spoke an eastern Oghuz dialect heavily influenced by Azerbaijani Turkish — often referred to as an “Azeroid” orAgamic Turkish. This dialect was notably distinct from the standardized Ottoman Turkish spoken by the urban elite or used in state administration. It shared phonetic and lexical features with the Shi’aTurkmen dialects of Iraq and the northwestern regions ofIran.[93]Today, while assimilation and the dominance of standard Turkish have taken hold, certain Alevi villages in Diyarbakır, Mardin, Şanlıurfa, and Elazığ still retain a memory of this dialect. Transmitted orally, it carries a rich poetic and musical tradition linked to theseven great aşık orozan [ru] figures of Alevi-Qizilbash culture — among themPir Sultan Abdal,Şah Hatayi (Shah Ismail), andKul Himmet. Over the centuries, especially from the late Ottoman period into the Republican era, many of these Qizilbash-Alevi communities gradually experienced cultural and linguistic assimilation. Faced with political marginalization, religious discrimination, and economic pressure — particularly from dominant Sunni Kurdish and Turkish populations — severalAlevi villages either adopted the majority language or integrated into broader ethnic and national identities. This process intensified following migrations in the 19th and 20th centuries, as many families moved northward to join other Alevi communities in Erzincan, Erzurum, or Sivas, while others settled in urban centers. As a result, the distinct Azeroid-Turkmen dialects and customs ofsoutheastern Anatolia have declined in daily usage, though traces persist in oral literature, religious practice, and family memory.[94]
The rise of theDurrani Empire in the 18th century started a fierce cold war inAfghanistan, and subsequently a fight forracial supremacy began between the aboriginalPashtuns and theTurkic Qizilbash. This resulted in major migrations of the Qizilbash people out of Afghanistan to thesafe havens of India in order to avoid persecution on political, racial and religious grounds. They migrated in mass numbers and settled inold cities of the current Indian regions ofAwadh,Kashmir andPunjab.[95][96]
The Qizilbash in India areShias by denomination. The Qizilbash of Kashmir use the title,Agha and belong to theSyed caste. The Qizilbash in Awadh use the title,Nawab, which was awarded to them by representatives theBritish crown.[96][95]
FollowingShah Abbas's gradual replacement of the Qizilbash in the Safavid military and administrative ranks, and the persecution they faced at the hands of his andShah Safi's policies, the Qizilbash started to turn and rebel against the Safavids. This then led to the empire adopting more classical Twelver beliefs and cooperating with Shi'i scholars in combatting Qizilbash doctrines, eventually causing their decline in favour of a more orthodox interpretation of Twelver Shi'ism.[1][98]
A strip of land fromBabadag in Romania untilDimetoka in Greece is the land of Qizilbash nowadays. This strip includes a part of eastern Bulgaria.[99]Most of the Qizilbash settled inDobruja in large numbers, either voluntarily or by being deported there from Anatolia by the Ottoman authorities between the 15th and 17th centuries.[100] Qizilbash communities are also present inLudogorie (Deliorman).[101][102]
The Qizilbash conceal their real identity, outwardly professing to be orthodox Sunnis to their Turkish or Bulgarian neighbours, or alternatively claim to beBektashis, depending who is addressing them.[101] According to the 1992 census, there were 85,773 Shiites in Bulgaria.[100]
Between the late seventeenth century and 1822, the term "Qizilbash" was also used in Ottoman administrative documents to identify Twelver (Imami) Shiites in what is today Lebanon. The Ottomans were aware they had no link to the Anatolian or Iranian Qizilbash, employing the term only as a means to delegitimize them or justify punitive campaigns against them. In the early eighteenth century, a part of northern Lebanon is even described as the "Kızılbaş mukataa" tax district.[103]
In Turkey, there is a communityAlevis, which were formed out of Qizilbash groups in Anatolia in the 16th century.[104] Historically, however, it wouldn't be appropriate to use the termAlevi to describe these groups, seeing as it was originally used for descendants of Ali, the fourthRashidun Caliph.[105] In the 19th century, the term was also used in Turkey to refer to the Qizilbash, who were seen as heretics by the Sunni majority.[105] Alevism in Turkey is present among the Turkish, Kurdish, as well as theZaza population. Yet, despite speaking Kurdish and Zaza natively, many of the Alevi tribes still use Turkish as a liturgical language.[106] The Kurdish Alevis are known locally by the termKızılbaş, associating them with the Qizilbash in the Safavid dynasty, although their exact origins are unclear and subject to debate.[106] Among Bektashis,Kızılbaş is used to refer to groups that are not initiated into the Bektashi order but have similar beliefs. These groups are looked down upon by initiated members of the tariqa.[107]
In the second half of the 19th century, a Western interest in the origins and political orientations of the Qizilbash sparked,[108] resulting in them becoming the target of Western missionaries, who believed that they held Christian views about Jesus. The Qizilbash weren't hostile towards these missionaries and, according to missionary reports, some were willing to listen to their message.[109] In turn, the Ottoman authorities responded by making more efforts to classify the Qizilbash as Muslims, though the Qizilbash did not always accept these efforts, such that they would openly decline them at times. Despite such adversarial interactions, a clear picture of how these groups perceived their relations with the Ottoman government or the Western missionaries has not yet been established.[108] Hans-Lukas Kieser talks about an "Alevi renaissance" which, according to him, took place in theTanzimat period, as well as later, after theYoung Turk Revolution.[110] There are some doubts, though, whether this term is appropriate, due to the scarcity of sources and the diversity of the various Qizilbash-groups.[108]
It has been reported that, among the Ottoman Turks,kızılbaş has become something of a derogatory term and can be applied to groups that aren't necessarily associated with the Kazilbash of Central Asia. The Bektaşi in Turkey are often referred to asKızılbaşi.[111]
^abBabayan, Kathryn (1993).The Waning of the Qizilbash: The Spiritual and the Temporal in Seventeenth Century Iran. Princeton University. pp. 1–6,41–47. "TheQizilbash, composed mainly ofTurkman tribesmen, were the military force introduced by the conquering Safavis to the Iranian domains in the sixteenth century."
^Cornell, Vincent J. (2007).Voices of Islam (Praeger perspectives). Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 225 vol.1.ISBN978-0275987329.OCLC230345942.
^Savory, EI2, Vol. 5, p. 243: "Kizilbāsh (T. "Red-head"). [...] In general, it is used loosely to denote a wide variety of extremist Shi'i sects [see Ghulāt], which flourished in [V:243b] Anatolia and Kurdistān from the late 7th/13th century onwards, including such groups as theAlevis (see A. S. Tritton,Islam: belief and practices, London 1951, 83)."
^Grigoriev, Sergei (2000). "Об этнической принадлежности шиитов Афганистана" [On the ethnicity of the Shiites of Afghanistan].Восток: история и культура (in Russian). Saint Petersburg:32–46.Кызылбаши, первоначально состоявшие из представителей семи малоазиатских тюркоязычных племен румлу, шамлу, устаджлу, афшар, каджар, текелю и зулкадар, говоривших на азербайджанском языке, были с XV в. одной из главных военно-политических опор Сефевидского государства.
^David Blow: Shah Abbas: The Ruthless King Who Became an Iranian Legend. S. 165. The primary court language remained Turkish. But it was not the Turkish of Istambul. It was a Turkish dialect, the dialect of the Qizilbash Turkomans, which is still spoken today in the province of Azerbaijan, in north-western Iran.
^Savory, R. (1980). Iran under the Safavids, Cambridge University Press. S.1-10
^Newman, A. J. (2006). Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire, I.B. Tauris. S.45–50
^Matthee, R. (2012). Persia in Crisis: Safavid Decline and the Fall of Isfahan, I.B. Tauris. S.30-35
^Newman, A. J. (2006). Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire, I.B. Tauris. S.42–55
^Matthee, R. (2012). Persia in Crisis: Safavid Decline and the Fall of Isfahan, I.B. Tauris. S.36-40
^Savory, R. (1980). Iran under the Safavids, Cambridge University Press. S.12-15
^Matthee, R. (2012). Persia in Crisis: Safavid Decline and the Fall of Isfahan, I.B. Tauris. S.42-45
^Matthee, R. (2012). Persia in Crisis: Safavid Decline and the Fall of Isfahan, I.B. Tauris. S.36-40
^Newman, A. J. (2006). Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire, I.B. Tauris. S.55–57
^Martin van Bruinessen, ‘Between Dersim and Dâlahû: Reflections on Kurdish Alevism and the Ahl-i Haqq religion’ Published in: Shahrokh Raei (ed.), Islamic Alternatives: Non-Mainstream Religion in Persianate Societies [Göttinger Orientforschungen, III. Reihe: Iranica, N.F. 16]. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2017, pp. 65-93. (PDF)
^Moojan Momen, "An Introduction to Shi'i Islam", Yale Univ. Press, 1985,ISBN0-300-03499-7, p. 397
^Ṣarrāf, M. Ḥ. (1991), معركة چالداران, H:920/M:1514: أولى صفحات الصراع العثماني الفارسي: الأسباب و النتائج, pp. 99, مكتبة النهضة المصرية, University of Michigan
^دنبله جستجو در تصوف ایران، عبدالحسین زرینکوب, pp. 229, 1978
^A Literary History of Persia: Volume 4, Edward Granville Browne, 1924, pp. 14-15, The University Press
^Akademisyenlerle Alevîlik-Bektaşîlik Söyleşileri, Ayhan Aydın, 2006, pp. 238,ISBN9789759806583
^Necipogulu, Gulru; Roxburgh, David J. (July 2000).Muqarnas: An Annual on the Visual Culture of the Islamic World. BRILL. pp. 64 fig.20, 66.ISBN978-90-04-11669-6.
^M. Kunt, «Ottomans and Safavids. States, Statecraft and Societies, 1500-1800», p. 195
^Richard Trapper. Shahsevid in Sevefid Persia // Bulletin of the Schopol of Oriental and African studies. — University of London, 1974. — Вып. 37 (2). — P. 324
^Laurence Lockhart, «The Fall of the Safavi Dynasty and the Afghan Occupation of Persia», p. 19
^Aurélie Chabrier,«La monarchie safavide et la modernité européenne (XVIe-XVIIe siècles)», p. 210
^F. Zarinebaf, «Azerbaijan between Two Empires», p. 311
His aim was to consolidate his hold over Iran, Mesopotamia and eastern Anatolia. Faruk Sümer is right to emphasize that without the help of thousands of Qizilbash followers from Anatolia, Shah Ismaʿil would not have been able to defeat Aqquyunlu leaders and achieve these momentous victories. He did not enjoy that kind of support in Iran and even faced the resentment and hatred of the majority Sunni Iranians.
^Faruk Sümer, «Safevi devletinin kuruluşunda Anadolu Türklerinin rolu», s. 25
^Aurélie Chabrier,«La monarchie safavide et la modernité européenne (XVIe-XVIIe siècles)», p. 218
The Qizilbash, or "Red Heads," were Turkic warriors-turned-Persian who had arrived in Afghanistan in numbers after Nadir Shah's and other Persian debacles.
Some of Nadir's Qizilbash soldiers settled in Afghanistan where their descendants had successful careers in the army (until the end of Dost Muhammad's rule), government, the trades, and crafts.
^Noelle-Karimi, Christine (1995).The Interaction Between State and Tribe in Nineteenth-century Afghanistan: The Reign of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan (1826-1863). University of California, Berkeley.
^Noelle, Christine (25 June 2012).State and Tribe in Nineteenth-Century Afghanistan: The Reign of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan (1826-1863). Routledge.ISBN978-1-136-60317-4.According to Husaini, the "gholam Khana" furnished 15,000 out of Shah Zaman's total cavalry of 100,000 and consisted mostly of Qizilbash. Burnes reports that the Qizilbash retained a great degree of their autonomous organization and only pledged direct allegiance to their individual khans, who were in turn answerable to the king. This statement is borne out by the fact that the command of the entire bodyguard rested with the Qizilbash leader Mahmud Khan Bayat during 'Timur Shah's time. Up to Shah Zaman's reign the Khorasani contingents were listed according to tribal allegiance.
^Countries and Their Cultures: Qizilbash:..Obtaining accurate population figures for the Qizilbash in Afghanistan and Pakistan is virtually impossible because they claim to be Sunni, Tajik, Farsiwan, or Pashtun, or they identify themselves according to their place of origin in India. Population estimates for Afghanistan range from 30,000 to 200,000, but some suggest the figure is closer to one million. The story is similar in Pakistan. Few influential Qizilbash live in Iran, their original home...
In 1996, approximately 40 percent of Afghans were Pashtun, 11.4 of whom are of the Durrani tribal group and 13.8 percent of the Ghilzai group. Tajiks make up the second-largest ethnic group with 25.3 percent of the population, followed by Hazaras, 18 percent; Uzbeks, 6.3 percent; Turkmen, 2.5 percent; Qizilbash, 1.0; 6.9 percent other. The usual caveat regarding statistics is particularly appropriate here.
^Mountstuart Elphinstone, An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul, pp. 320–321
^Kieser, Hans-Lukas (2002).Altruism and Imperialism: Western Cultural and Religious Missions in the Middle East. New York: Middle East Institute, Columbia University. p. 136.ISBN097212313X.
^John Winter Crowfoot, "Survivals among the Kappadokian Kizilbash (Bektash)",Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 30., 1900, pp. 305–20
Yves Bomati and Houchang Nahavandi,Shah Abbas, Emperor of Persia,1587–1629, 2017, ed. Ketab Corporation, Los Angeles,ISBN978-1595845672, English translation by Azizeh Azodi.
Aslanian, Sebouh (2011).From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean: The Global Trade Networks of Armenian Merchants from New Julfa. California: University of California Press.ISBN978-0520947573.
Blow, David (2009).Shah Abbas: The Ruthless King Who Became an Iranian Legend. I.B.Tauris.ISBN978-0857716767.
Rothman, E. Nathalie (2015).Brokering Empire: Trans-Imperial Subjects between Venice and Istanbul. Cornell University Press.ISBN978-0801463129.
Savory, Roger M.; Karamustafa, Ahmet T. (1998)."Esmāʿīl Ṣafawī".Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition, Vol. III, Fasc. 5. New York. pp. 514–522.{{cite encyclopedia}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
Aldous, Gregory (2021). "The Qizilbāsh and their Shah: The Preservation of Royal Prerogative during the Early Reign of Shah Ṭahmāsp".Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.31 (4):743–758.doi:10.1017/S1356186321000250.S2CID236547130.