ThePrimeiro Comando da Capital (PCC;lit. 'Capital's First Command',Brazilian Portuguese pronunciation:[pɾiˈmejɾukoˈmɐ̃dudakapiˈtaw]), also referred to as15.3.3 (abbreviated15 orQuinze (lit. 'Fifteen')) or simply asPartido (lit. 'Party'), is a Brazilianorganized crime syndicate. According to a 2023The Economist report, the PCC isLatin America's biggest drug gang, with a membership of 40,000 lifetime members plus 60,000 "contractors".[6] Its name refers to the São Paulo state capital, the city ofSão Paulo.
The group is based in the state ofSão Paulo and is active throughoutBrazil,South America,West Africa andEurope. An international expansion fueled by thecocaine trade made the PCC establish a profitable partnership with the Italian'Ndrangheta and, as of 2023, run over 50% of Brazil's drug exports to Europe. Through the cocainetrade routes to Europe, the PCC also established itself as a central player in theWest African cocaine trade, with its members being able to exert control over neighbourhoods in cities such asLagos andAbuja.[6][24] According to a leakedPortuguese intelligence report, the group also has around 1,000 associates inLisbon.[6]
Historically, the PCC has been responsible for several criminal activities such asmurders,prison riots,drug trafficking,bank andhighway robberies,protection rackets,pimping,kidnappings-for-ransom,money laundering,bribery,loan sharking, andobstruction of justice, with an expansion focused on drug trafficking since the 2010s. As of 2023, the PCC is currently transitioning into a globalmafia, being able to influence politics and penetrate the legal economy.[6] According to São Paulo state authorities, the group has had a yearly revenue of at leastR$4.9 billion (US$909.09 million) since 2020.[25] In August 2025, theBrazilian Federal Revenue revealed that the organization controlled at leastR$30 billion (US$5.57 billion) in property investments.[26]
The PCC is often mentioned to have a different doctrine to other Brazilian cartels, with a business model that favors the quiet expansion of markets over violent and expensive turf wars[3] and confrontations with the state that would draw unwanted attention.[27] TheGlobal Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime noted that the PCC's ability to negotiate with rivals rather than expelling them has permitted the group to make use of preestablished criminal networks and preexisting logisticsknow-how along the cocainevalue chain, encouraging peaceful cooperation between different groups and producing greater economic efficiency by reducingoperating costs.[3][27] However, the group has been responsible for waves of extreme violence, including targetedpolitical violence andterrorism, upon having their interests threatened.[28]
The PCC was founded on August 31, 1993, by eight prisoners atTaubaté Penitentiary, called "Piranhão" ("BigPiranha"), in the state ofSão Paulo. At the time, this was considered the safest jail in the state.[29]
The group initially got together during afootball game. The prisoners had been transferred from the city ofSão Paulo to the Piranhão as punishment for bad behavior, and they decided to name their team the Capital Command—a name which would stick, as the game was followed by the brutal killing and decapitation of both the deputy director and a prisoner with special privileges, with the head of the latter being put on a stake.[30]
The initial members were Misael "Misa" Aparecido da Silva, Wander Eduardo "Cara Gorda" Ferreira, Antônio Carlos Roberto da Paixão, Isaías "Esquisito" Moreira do Nascimento, Ademar "Dafé" dos Santos, Antônio "Bicho Feio" Carlos dos Santos, César "Césinha" Augusto Roris da Silva and José "Geleião" Márcio Felício.
PCC, which was also formerly referred to as the "Party of Crime", and as "15.3.3" (following the order of the letters "P" and "C" in the formerPortuguese alphabet), was founded with a clear agenda, to "fight the oppression inside the São Paulo penitentiary system" and to "avenge the death of 111 prisoners": the victims of the previous year'sCarandiru massacre, when theSão Paulo State Military Police stormed the now-defunctCarandiru Penitentiary and massacred prisoners in the 9th cell block.
The group had the slogan "Peace, Justice and Freedom"[2] and made use of the Chinesetaijitu ("yin and yang symbol") as their emblem, claiming it represented a "way to balance good and evil with wisdom".[1] In February 2001, Idemir "Sombra" Carlos Ambrósio became the most prominent leader of the organization when he coordinated, by cell phone, simultaneous rebellions in 29 São Paulo state prisons, in which 16 prisoners were killed. "Sombra", also referred to as "father", was beaten to death in the Piranhão five months later by five PCC members in an internal struggle for the general command of the group. The PCC was led by "Geleião" and "Cesinha", who were responsible for an alliance with another criminal organization,Rio de Janeiro'sRed Command (CV). At the time, the gang adopted the CV's far-left beliefs and began advocating for revolution and the destruction of Brazil's capitalist system.[31]
Geleião and Cesinha, from theBangu Penitentiary where they were held, went on to coordinate violent attacks against public buildings. Considered radicals by another moderate current of the PCC, they used terrorism to intimidate authorities of the prison system and were withdrawn from leadership in November 2002, when the leadership was taken over by the current leader of the organization,Marcos "Marcola" Willians Herbas Camacho. Marcola would eventually order the deaths of Geleião and Cesinha for having testified to the police and for creating the Terceiro Comando da Capital (Third Capital Command, TCC).
The PCC first appeared as an entity capable of maintaining order in the lawless Brazilian prison system, providing protection to prisoners, imposing rules and punishing crimes such as rapes, murders and extortions, as well as seeking a peaceful resolution to conflicts between inmates. In return, members would be charged a monthly fee to pay for lawyers, provide aid to families in need and to pay for items for arrested members.[2]
In the late 1990s, the São Paulo State Government sought to separate the PCC leadership in order to dismantle the organization, sending leaders to different penitentiaries across the countries. The action backfired however, as the leaders' "trade union discourse" resonated with inmates across the country, expanding the group in the process.[2] In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the PCC became notorious for high-profile bank robberies and prison rebellions, including the largest bank robbery in the country's history, where armed gunmen carried out a heist on the centralBanco Banespa branch in São Paulo, escaping with R$32.5 million.[2]
Under the leadership of Marcola, also known as "Playboy", currently serving a 232 year sentence, the PCC took part in the March 2003 murder of Judge Antônio José Machado Dias, who ran the Penitentiary Readaptation Center (CRP) fromPresidente Bernardes, São Paulo, then Brazil's most strictsupermax-style prison. The PCC also announced its objective to use prison uprisings as a way to demoralize the government and to destroy the CRP.
In May 2006, the PCC carried out itsbiggest attacks, in retaliation against an attempt to transfer the PCC leadership to high-security prisons. The attacks lasted for 4 days and caused 564 deaths.[32] According to the São Paulo State prosecutor Márcio Christino, PCC founders Cesinha and Geleião were more extreme in their methods, intending to usecar bombs to blow up theSão Paulo Stock Exchange building. Marcola disagreed, believing the PCC had more to gain by keeping a low profile. Such belief was strengthened after Marcola was imprisoned in the same facility as the Chilean guerilla fighterMauricio Hernández Norambuena in 2006, who taught Marcola not to carry out pointless attacks to the detriment of the civilian population, as those would only facilitate state repression.[32]
From the early 2000's, the PCC started consolidating its power outside of the prison system, expanding its influence as providers of order and conflict solvers into low-income neighbourhoods throughoutSão Paulo, known asfavelas. During its early expansion phase, the PCC sold drugs at cost price to lesser drug dealers, helping expand their reach, and eventually taking over their drug dens when collecting debts (using a strategy akin todebt-trap diplomacy). This allowed the gang to form a cartel that dominated the city of São Paulo. Eventually, every drug den in SP came to be under the PCC's control, being either owned or "licensed" by the PCC, in aconsignment model where an independent dealer exclusively buys drugs supplied by the group.[32]
One of the main differences between the PCC and other Brazilian criminal groups is that territorial control is enforced without the open brandishing of firearms ("ostentação", or ostentation) that characterizes groups such as the CV inRio de Janeiro. Individuals that fail to comply with the group's "discipline" are judged by the "crime courts", with sentences that can range from beatings to summary executions.[32] Rather than expanding by territorial conquest alone, the PCC is able to develop its illicit activities more efficiently by focusing on the regulation and control of markets combined with a monopoly on violence and discipline.[33]The PCC's expansion and dominion over thestate of São Paulo is seen by researchers as one of the reasons behind the sharp decrease in thestate's homicide rate since the 2000s. The criminal group's reasoning is that murders attract police attention and, consequently, cause problems in drug sales.[32]
In 2014, theBrazilian Federal Police launched Operation Oversea, which first identified the PCC's cocaine shipments to Europe, before the group had consolidated drug trade routes or perfected money laundering schemes.[32]
A turning point for the PCC was set in 2014 when it pivoted away from domestic sales and turned towards the more lucrative export market. The group cemented its influence over thePort of Santos, the biggest port in South America, and evolved into a multinational organization with presence and influence across five continents through alliances with other groups such as the 'Ndrangheta as well as Mexican, Colombian, Russian and African criminal networks.GI-TOC fieldwork highlighted that the value chain often starts with stolen or second-hand vehicles in Brazil exchanged for drugs in countries such as Bolivia and Paraguay.[3]
From 2016, the group cemented its influence over the Paraguayan border, an important trade route for cocaine supplied from Bolivia,Peru andColombia and for arms trafficked from Paraguay and theUnited States. It involved the murder of Jorge Rafaat, a Brazilian drug lord of Lebanese ancestry. Rafaat's armoredHummer truck was ambushed inPedro Juan Caballero by more than 100 mercenaries, including aToyota SW4featuring a concealedBrowning .50 MG which fired more than 400 rounds into the drug lord's truck. The 10-minute shootout left Rafaat dead and 8 more injured.[34] About 40 of his associates were subsequently murdered.[35]This allowed for a major expansion in the following years, with the Brazilian Public Prosecutor's Office estimating that the PCC had reached over 30,000 'baptized' members in 2018, with at least 2 million more allied to the group.[3]
In 2016, the breakdown of a 20-year truce between the PCC and theRed Command (CV) led to a massive uptick in violence across Brazil, with the PCC embarking on an aggressive expansion campaign by absorbing less organized gangs and financing local groups to operate asproxies against the CV across the country, such as the B13 gang inAcre and the CV's rivals inRio de Janeiro.[36][37]
In early 2017, aseries of gruesome prison riots made headlines worldwide as the PCC fought for control of theNorth Region against theFamília do Norte (FDN), erstwhile allies with the Red Command. On January 1, dozens of PCC prisoners were massacred at the Anísio Jobim Penitentiary Complex inManaus after a prison riot, with the PCC retaliating in prison riots inBoa Vista and inNatal in the same week. Dismemberments, beheadings and prisoners being burned alive were commonplace during all three prison riots.[38][32]
In 2020, Ryan C. Berg of theCenter for Strategic International Studies reported on the importance of theSolimões River drug trade route, calling it a "Latin American Silk Road for drug trafficking" connectingPeru andColombia to theAtlantic Ocean. The region was violently contested by the PCC, CV and FDN, as well as their local proxies, in a three-way conflict. As a result of fierce domestic competition, the PCC's overseas operations became key to its expansion, turning control over the Solimões river into a strategic objective.[39]
In 2021, the "King of the Frontier" Fahd Jamil Georges, who ruled over drug trafficking and thejogo do bicho in thePonta Porã region for over five decades, turned himself in to authorities seeking protection, claiming that the PCC was after him.[35][40]
Over the next months, a wave of contract killings fueled fears that Paraguay might become anarcostate. In May 2022, the Paraguayan prosecutorMarcelo Pecci was shot dead while on honeymoon with his wife in Baru, a tourist island offCartagena, Colombia. Initial investigations raised the possibility of the PCC being behind the hit, until Paraguayan and Uruguayan cartels allied to the PCC were implicated in the murder.[41]A year earlier, the mayor of Pedro Juan Caballero, José Carlos Acevedo, had also been murdered when leaving the city hall.[42][35][43]
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On 15 December 2021, theU.S. Department of the Treasury announced new sanctions against organized crime actors worldwide such as the PCC, along with Mexican cartels and Chinese groups linked to thefentanyl trade.[44]
The PCC's deals with Western European criminal organizations, especially the'Ndrangheta, have facilitated exports into Europe, including through West Africa, from where the group has become a central player in supplyingAfrica's cocaine market. The 2020 arrest of a Brazilian drug trafficker linked to the 'Ndrangheta and to senior PCC members inMaputo has also contributed to evidence that the group had been active in southern and eastern Africa for years.[3]The PCC has been noted for its ability to createad hoc and structured business partnerships with other Brazilian groups (including private entities and the state) as well as with foreign criminal networks such as Nigerian, Cape Verdean, Mozambican, Lebanese, Russian, Italian and Eastern European mafias.[3]
By 2022, the PCC had become one of the world's most complex criminal organizations, able to operate across a spectrum of illicit supply chains including drugs, firearms,illegal gold mining[45] and vehicles.[3] Those operations are rooted in an extensive financial infrastructure that has penetrated the legal economy in businesses such as public transport, trash disposal and real estate investment[6] and that extends to legal and financial support to its members through different divisions, calledsintonias. This organizational flexibility, combined with a high degree of commercial autonomy for its members, has underpinned the PCC's expansion.[3][27]
By late 2024, several investigations pointed to an increased sophistication in the group's money laundering operations and involvement with sports, including making use ofonline gambling websites and investing intoPortuguese third divisionfootball clubs.[46][47] According to deceased PCC informant Antônio Gritzbach, Danilo Lima de Oliveira, asports agent who took part inEmerson Royal's transfer toBarcelona FC, had been previously involved with the criminal organization.[48]
In mid-2023 and early 2024, deaths ofROTA policemen in theBaixada Santista region, considered a PCC stronghold, led the São Paulo state government to crack down on organized crime in the area.[49][50][51]In November 2023, theBrazilian Navy also took up an anti-narcotics role in the Port of Santos, employing divers and dogs in an attempt to locate drugs hidden in hard to reach places such as inside the hull insea chests.[52] During the crackdown, theRFB also detected an increase in drug seizures on ships heading toAustralia,Hong Kong,Singapore,Indonesia andTaiwan, determining that docked vessels with those destinations should also undergo scans for illegal narcotics. Previously, scans were only required for vessels heading to Africa and Europe.[53]
In February 2024, Brazilian media reported on a split taking place among the PCC leadership, known as the "Sintonia geral final" ("general final syntony"). Two PCC leaders, Roberto "Tiriça" Soriano and Abel "Vida Loka" Andrade ordered Marcola's death for supposedly snitching after Marcola referred to Tiriça as a "psychopath" in a recorded conversation with federal officers, due to Tiriça having ordered the death of a female federal officer, Melissa Araújo, who worked as a psychologist in a federal penitentiary, in 2017. The recording was used by the prosecution during Tiriça's trial, in which he was sentenced to 31 years in prison.[13][54] By 27 March, it was reported that Marcola's allies had quelled the insurrection within the PCC, with Tiriça and Vida Loka having been expelled, having their deaths ordered and losing ownership over cars, mansions, drug sales points and stakes in money-laundering companies. As a result, preliminary information obtained by the São Paulo Civil Police pointed to Tiriça and Vida Loka seeking the creation of a new criminal faction in São Paulo, called the Primeiro Comando Puro ("Pure First Command"), as well as seeking alliances with the CV.[54][55]
The PCC is organized through several divisions, called "Sintonias" ("Syntonies"), each responsible for a specific subsection or region of the group's operation. At the top level, all syntonies must answer to the "Sintonia geral final" ("General final syntony"), a group of incarcerated PCC leaders to which Marcola belongs. The group's structure follows a modular design, with regionalsintonias each having their own substructure.
Berg notes that the PCC's decentralized structure has enabled rapid expansion opportunities through a franchise model in which "entrepreneurial inmates" who wish to establish a local PCC branch must be baptized, abide by the group's rules and pay "union dues" to the central organization, who maintains control over the most important elements of strategy through thesintonia geral final. An emphasis on equality and on the sharing of managerial decision-making power, as well as a general readiness to assume positions of leadership, allows the organization to establish a command even without clearly defined commanders. Outside prisons, the decentralized structure helps maximize profits by enabling the PCC to have its drug trafficking network follow aconsignment basis, driving down the cost as lesser gangs and individual dealers engage incompetitive bidding for the right to sell PCC goods.[56]
Though often inconsistent due to the group's clandestine nature and autonomy, sources converge on a general management structure consisting of six "syntonies":[57][58][59]
The "Final General Syntony" is the supreme PCC leadership. All of its members, includingMarcola, are incarcerated. This group maintains constant contact with several subordinatesintonias, who are in turn responsible for running the group's operations:
The "Syntony of the Ties" is responsible for hiring lawyers and maintaining the PCC's legal support network.
The "Restricted Syntony" is akin to anintelligence agency,sintonia restrita members are responsible for the surveillance and assassination of targets marked for death by thesintonia geral final, mapping their routes and day-to-day activities before eventually conducting assassination attempts. Furthermore, the group is responsible for producing intelligence relating to the laundering, moving and safekeeping of large sums of money, having members dedicated to preparing vehicles andsafehouses with that objective in mind.[60]
A technical report by the São Paulo Public Prosecutor's Office described howsintonia restrita members also employed a "sophisticated" communications network, described as a "compartmentalized closed network" where, periodically, several cellphones were acquired by the PCC and a specific person was responsible for their configuration prior to their distribution amongst sintonia restrita's members. During operations, individuals executing orders were only able to communicate with the contacts present on their phone, usingend-to-end encrypted applications such asWhatsApp andSurespot.[60]
The "Financial Syntony" runs the PCC's accounting, finances, and commands several subordinatesintonias responsible for all of the group's commercial operations ranging from drug sales points to marijuana and cocaine exports and lotteries, as well as the money laundering.
The "Registration Syntony" is responsible for organizationalrecords management. A PCC member who falls out of line, fails to communicate or pay his fees is considered "out of syntony", being expelled and added to the "Black Book". Out of syntony members are required to pay their dues until a specific deadline before being blacklisted. If blacklisted, a member is permanently expelled and marked for death by the registration syntony.[61]
The "Help Syntony" distributes aid such aspensions andstaple food.
The 'Ndrangheta has operated inBrazil since the 1970s, but an alliance between various 'ndrine clans and the Primeiro Comando da Capital since the mid-2010s has increased the mafia's presence in the country. A reliable stream of cocaine from Brazil is crucial to the 'Ndrangheta's grip on the European cocaine market, and the alliance has enabled a massive overseas expansion for the PCC through access to different markets across Africa, Europe and Asia.[3]A share of cocaine exported by the PCC and the 'Ndrangheta moves throughWest Africa, and international and regional law enforcement investigations have implicated 'Ndrangheta elements in cocaine trafficking in several countries across the region, includingSenegal,Niger,Ghana andCôte d'Ivoire. 'Ndrine clans operate in West Africa through the stable presence of individuals in certain countries, as well as through trusted brokers established through visits by 'Ndrangheta clan family members.[3][62][63]
Several important 'Ndrangheta bosses have been arrested in Brazil, such as Domenico Pelle, Nicola Assisi andRocco Morabito.[64][65]
According to investigations, Morabito is considered one of the main associates of André Macedo Oliveira (known as "André do Rap"), considered one of the current leaders of the PCC.[66]
According to theBrazilian Federal Police, the PCC maintains commercial relations with the Lebanese organization and militant groupHezbollah,[67] specifically inillegal cigarette contraband,arms trafficking andmoney laundering schemes. Cooperation between the two groups happens mostly in theTriple Frontier area between Brazil, Paraguay and Argentina.[68][69]
In June 2023, the São Paulo Civil Police arrested Garip Uç, a Turkishchemist associated with Hezbollah during an operation inPraia Grande. Investigations later pointed to Moroccanhashish being imported to Brazil by a criminal network that involved the PCC, 'Ndrangheta, the Balkan Mafia and Hezbollah, by way of Barakat clan entrepreneurs who operated in the Triple Frontier.[7]
The PCC received countrywide attention with a series of attacks that took place from May 12 to May 17 in 2006. The main targets were public establishments such as police stations, justice forums, buses, inter alia. The attacks took place as a response to a state government plan to transfer prisoners to a high-security prison inPresidente Venceslau and represented the bloodiest assault of its kind in the history of Brazil's richest state,São Paulo. The attacks were organized by gang members in prison viacell phone.[70]
By June 2012, another wave of attacks against the police began. In May 28, six PCC members were killed in a shootout withROTA members. However, investigations later showed that one suspect, 31-year old Anderson Minhano, was taken from the scene alive and placed in a ROTA cruiser, where it was discovered that he was wanted for the point-blank murder of a police officer two months earlier. The PCC member was then taken toAyrton Senna highway where he was tortured and executed on the side of the road, an action witnessed by a civilian passerby. As a result, the PCC leadership ordered retaliation against military police officers, allowing members with debts to the organization to clear their slates by murdering police officers.[71][27][72][73]
Throughout the next few months, off-duty police were targeted while driving to and from work, grocery shopping or moonlighting, and buses were set on fire. Police retaliated, with the number of killings by police increasing dramatically, as well as reports of multiple homicides at drug sale points bypolice vigilante groups.[27]
By December, the wave of violence had subsided. By the end of 2012, 106 police officers[74] had been killed throughout the year, with 775[75] civilians being killed as a result of police intervention, 84 of those by ROTA.[76]
In April 2017 the companyProsegur located inCiudad del Este, in the Triple Frontier ofBrazil,Argentina andParaguay, was robbed by a group of at least 30 men carrying heavy firepower.[77] Early reports said 40 million dollars were stolen, although this was later revised to eight million.[78][79] The group used automatic rifles, infrared sights, anti-aircraft guns, explosives, bullet-proof getaway cars, speedboats and blocked avenues with torched cars and trucks. Locals described the heist as "movie-like".[80] Since theModus operandi was similar to that of past robberies inCampinas,Ribeirão Preto andSantos in 2015 and 2016, the PCC was the main suspect for the heist, but this was never confirmed.[81] It was the biggest robbery in the history of Paraguay.[82] A police officer was killed and four people were injured.[83][84]
On 22 March 2023, theFederal Police (PF) launched Operation Sequaz, which sought to apprehend 11 PCC members across four states who had planned to assassinate several Brazilian authorities, such as Senator and formerLava Jato judgeSergio Moro and São Paulo state prosecutor Lincoln Gakiya. As Minister of Justice in theBolsonaro administration, Moro had been responsible for the transfer of Marcola and 21 other senior PCC members from state to federal penitentiaries. Incumbent Minister of JusticeFlávio Dino commemorated the operation, "sending his regards to the Federal Police for their important work".[85] Brazilian PresidentLula da Silva questioned the operation, calling it "another one of Moro's setups".[86]
With intelligence collected during Operation Sequaz, the PF also learned that the PCC had sent a three-man team toBrasília to plan for "a mission in the Federal District". Among the cellphones of the suspects that were seized during the operation, the Federal Police found pictures of residences belonging toArthur Lira, President of theChamber of Deputies, andRodrigo Pacheco, President of theFederal Senate. The leader for Moro's planned assassination, Janerson Aparecido Mariano Gomes ("Nefo"), claimed that the PCC had created a division ("sintonia", or "syntony") responsible for high-secrecy and high-risk operations in 2014, called theSintonia Restrita ("restricted syntony"). Sintonia Restrita members would be trained by theParaguayan People's Army and operate under direct orders from the PCC leadership, known as theSintonia Geral Final ("general final syntony"), mainly in attacks against authorities including politicians and members of the Judiciary.[28] The planned terror attacks sought to retaliate for the 2017 prohibition of intimate visits in federal penitentiaries, as well as Law 13,964/2019, proposed by Moro. Dubbed the "anticrime package", Law 13,964 modified 14 laws and hardened the Brazilian prison system, making it harder for PCC leaderships to command gangs from inside prisons. On 19 July, the PF also found rock blasting explosives in a house belonging to PCC members inCuritiba, to be used in an attack against Moro.[28]
The Primeiro Comando da Capital has a statute with various rules for the criminal organization. Disobeying the rules, says the statute, carries a penalty of death.On May 16, 2006, a couple was arrested with a copy of the statute.[87]
Since February 2024, it has been widely reported in the media that the Primeiro Comando da Capital is currently in a bloodyinfighting between the current top leader of the PCC,Marcos Willians Herbas Camacho (aka "Marcola") and five high-ranking leaders,Roberto Soriano (aka "Tiriça" or "Beto Tiriça"),Abel Pacheco de Andrade (aka "Vida Loka") andWanderson Nilton de Paula Lima (aka "Andinho"),Daniel Vinicius Canônico (aka "Cego") andValdeci Alves dos Santos (aka "Colorido"), sinceVida Loka,Andinho,Cego andColorido are on Tiriça's side in the bloody feud against Marcola.[88]
The reasons that led to this bloody split within the First Command of the Capital are varied, but some of the most serious are:
As a consequence of the bloody internal conflict within the Primeiro Comando da Capital, two important allies of Marcola were murdered within weeks:
In the HBO seriesPico da Neblina and in the Netflix seriesSintonia, some characters have criminal activities based on PCC.
The Netflix seriesIrmandade is about a prison crime organization based on PCC.
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Map of the attack of May 2006 on São Paulo
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