| Presidency of James Monroe March 4, 1817 – March 4, 1825 | |
Vice President | |
|---|---|
| Cabinet | See list |
| Party | Democratic-Republican |
| Election | |
| Seat | White House |
James Monroe's tenure as the fifthpresident of the United States began on March 4, 1817, and ended on March 4, 1825. Monroe, a member of theDemocratic-Republican Party, took office after winning the1816 presidential election by in a landslide againstFederalistRufus King. This election was the last in which the Federalists fielded a presidential candidate, and Monroe was unopposed in the1820 presidential election. Monroe was succeeded by his Secretary of StateJohn Quincy Adams.
Monroe sought to eliminate political parties, and theFederalist Party faded as a national institution during his presidency. The Democratic-Republicans also stopped functioning as a unified political party, and the period during which Monroe served as president is often referred to as the "Era of Good Feelings" due to the lack of partisan conflict. Domestically, Monroe faced thePanic of 1819, the first major recession in American history. He supported many federally-fundedinfrastructure projects, but vetoed other projects due to constitutional concerns. Monroe signed theMissouri Compromise, which admittedMissouri as aslave state but excluded slavery in the remainingterritories north of theparallel 36°30′ north.
In foreign policy, Monroe and Secretary of State Adams acquiredEast Florida fromSpain with theAdams–Onís Treaty, realizing a long-term goal of Monroe and his predecessors. Reached after theFirst Seminole War, the Adams–Onís Treaty also solidified U.S. control overWest Florida, established the western border of the United States, and included the cession of Spain's claims onOregon Country. The Monroe administration also reached two treaties withBritain, marking a rapprochement between the two countries after theWar of 1812. TheRush–Bagot Treaty demilitarized the U.S. border withBritish North America, while theTreaty of 1818 settled some boundary disputes and provided for the joint settlement of Oregon Country. Monroe was deeply sympathetic to the revolutionary movements inLatin America and opposed European influence in the region. In 1823, Monroe promulgated theMonroe Doctrine, which declared that the U.S. would remain neutral in European affairs, but would not accept new colonization of Latin America by European powers.
In the1824 presidential election, four members of the Democratic-Republican Party sought to succeed Monroe, who remained neutral among the candidates. Adams emerged as the victor over GeneralAndrew Jackson and Secretary of the TreasuryWilliam H. Crawford.Polls of historians and political scientists have generally ranked Monroe as an above-average president.

Monroe's war-time leadership in the Madison administration had established him as theDemocratic-Republican heir apparent, but not all party leaders supported Monroe's candidacy in the lead-up to the1816 presidential election. Secretary of the TreasuryWilliam H. Crawford had the support of numerous Southern and Western Congressmen, many of whom were wary of Madison and Monroe's support for the establishment of theSecond Bank of the United States. New York Democratic-Republicans resisted the possibility of anotherVirginian winning the presidency, and they backed the candidacy of GovernorDaniel D. Tompkins. Though Crawford desired the nomination, he did not strongly oppose Monroe's candidacy, as he hoped to position himself to succeed Monroe in 1820 or 1824. In thecongressional nominating caucus held in March 1816, Monroe defeated Crawford in a 65-to-54 vote, becoming his party's presidential nominee. Tompkins won the party's vice presidential nomination.[1]
The moribundFederalist Party nominatedRufus King as their presidential nominee, but the Federalists offered little opposition following the conclusion of theWar of 1812, which they had opposed. Some opponents of Monroe tried to recruitDeWitt Clinton, Madison's opponent in the1812 election, but Clinton declined to enter the race.[2] Monroe received 183 of the 217electoral votes, winning every state but Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Delaware.[3] In the concurrent congressional elections, Democratic-Republicans picked up several seats in the House of Representatives, leaving them with control of over three quarters of the chamber.[4] Monroe was the last president called aFounding Father of the United States, and also the last president of the "Virginia dynasty", a term sometimes used to describe the fact that four of the nation's first five presidents were from Virginia.[5]
| Monroe cabinet | ||
|---|---|---|
| Office | Name | Term |
| President | James Monroe | 1817–1825 |
| Vice President | Daniel D. Tompkins | 1817–1825 |
| Secretary of State | Richard Rush(acting) | 1817 |
| John Quincy Adams | 1817–1825 | |
| Secretary of the Treasury | William H. Crawford | 1817–1825 |
| Secretary of War | George Graham(acting) | 1817 |
| John C. Calhoun | 1817–1825 | |
| Attorney General | Richard Rush | 1817 |
| William Wirt | 1817–1825 | |
| Secretary of the Navy | Benjamin Williams Crowninshield | 1817–1818 |
| Smith Thompson | 1819–1823 | |
| Samuel L. Southard | 1823–1825 | |

Monroe appointed a geographically balanced cabinet, through which he led the executive branch.[6] At Monroe's request, Crawford continued to serve as Treasury Secretary. Monroe also chose to retainBenjamin Crowninshield of Massachusetts as Secretary of the Navy andRichard Rush of Pennsylvania as Attorney General. Recognizing Northern discontent at the continuation of the Virginia dynasty, Monroe choseJohn Quincy Adams of Massachusetts to fill the prestigious post of Secretary of State, making Adams the early favorite to eventually succeed Monroe as president. An experienced diplomat, Adams had abandoned the Federalist Party in 1807 in support ofThomas Jefferson's foreign policy, and Monroe hoped that the appointment of Adams would encourage the defection of more Federalists. Monroe offered the position of Secretary of War toHenry Clay of Kentucky, but Clay was only willing to serve in the cabinet as Secretary of State. Monroe's decision to appoint Adams to the latter position alienated Clay, and Clay would oppose many of the administration's policies. After GeneralAndrew Jackson and GovernorIsaac Shelby declined appointment as Secretary of War, Monroe turned to South Carolina CongressmanJohn C. Calhoun, leaving the cabinet without a prominent Westerner. In late 1817, Rush was appointed as the ambassador to Britain, andWilliam Wirt succeeded him as Attorney General.[7] With the exception of Crowninshield, Monroe's cabinet appointees remained in place for the remainder of his presidency.[8]
In September 1823, Secretary of the NavySmith Thompson received arecess appointment from President Monroe to a seat on theSupreme Court that had been vacated byHenry Brockholst Livingston. Officially nominated for the same seat on December 5, 1823, he was confirmed by theUnited States Senate on December 9.[9] Thompson was on good personal terms with Monroe, had a long record of public service as a jurist and a public official, and, like Livingston, hailed from the state of New York. Monroe also considered SenatorMartin Van Buren and juristsAmbrose Spencer andJames Kent for the nomination.[10] Thompson was Monroe's lone appointment to the Supreme Court, though Monroe also appointed 21 judges toUnited States district courts during his presidency.
Like all four of his predecessors, Monroe believed that the existence of political parties was harmful to the United States, and he made the elimination of political parties a major goal of his presidency.[11] He sought to strengthen the Democratic-Republican Party by avoiding divisive policies and welcoming ex-Federalists into the fold, with the ultimate aim being the dissolution of the Federalists.[12] Monroe made two long national tours to build national trust. At Boston, his 1817 visit was hailed as the beginning of an "Era of Good Feelings." Frequent stops on these tours allowed innumerable ceremonies of welcome and expressions of goodwill.[13] Monroe was seen by more Americans than any previous president, and his travels were detailed in the local and national press.[14][page needed] The Federalists failed to develop a unified national program, and Federalist candidates frequently campaigned on local rather than national issues.[15] The Federalists maintained their organizational integrity in Delaware and a few localities, but lacked influence in national politics. Lacking serious opposition, the Democratic-Republican Party's congressional caucus stopped meeting, and for practical purposes the Democratic-Republican Party stopped operating.[13]
Two years into his presidency, Monroe faced an economic crisis known as thePanic of 1819, the first major depression in U.S. history.[16] The panic stemmed from declining imports and exports, and sagging agricultural prices[17] as global markets readjusted to peacetime production and commerce after the War of 1812 and theNapoleonic Wars.[18][19] The severity of the economic downturn in the U.S. was compounded by excessivespeculation in public lands,[20] fueled by the unrestrained issue of paper money from banks and business concerns.[21][22] The Second Bank of the United States (B.U.S.) failed to restrictinflation until late 1818, when the directors of the B.U.S. took overdue steps to curtailcredit. Branches were ordered to accept nobills but their own, to present allstate banknotes for payment immediately, and to renew no personal notes or mortgages.[23] These contractionary fiscal policies backfired, as they undermined public confidence in banks and contributed to the onset of the panic.[24]
Monroe had little control over economic policy; in the early 19th century, such power rested largely with the states and the B.U.S.[17] As the panic spread, Monroe declined to call a special session of Congress to address the economy. When Congress finally reconvened in December 1819, Monroe requested an increase in the tariff but declined to recommend specific rates.[25] Congress would not raise tariff rates until the passage of theTariff of 1824.[26] The panic resulted in high unemployment, an increase in bankruptcies and foreclosures,[17][27] and provoked popular resentment against banking and business enterprises.[28][29]
Popular resentment towards the national bank motivated the state of Maryland to implement a tax on the national bank's branch in that state.[30] Shortly afterwards, the Supreme Court handed down its decision inMcCulloch v. Maryland. In a major defeat forstates' rights advocates, the Supreme Court forbade states from taxing B.U.S. branches.[23] In his majority opinion, Chief JusticeJohn Marshall articulated a broad reading of theNecessary and Proper Clause, holding that the Constitution granted Congresspowers that were not expressly defined.[31] The decision fed the popular disdain for the B.U.S. and aroused fears about the growing reach of federal power.[23]
Beginning in 1818, Clay and territorial delegateJohn Scott sought the admission ofMissouri Territory as a state. The House failed to act on the bill before Congress adjourned in April, but took up the issue again after Congress reconvened in December 1818.[32] During these proceedings, CongressmanJames Tallmadge Jr. of New York "tossed a bombshell into the Era of Good Feelings"[33] by offering amendments (known collectively as theTallmadge Amendment) prohibiting the further introduction of slaves into Missouri, and requiring that all children subsequently born therein of slave parents should be free at the age of twenty-five years.[34] The amendments sparked the most significant nationalslavery debate since the ratification of the Constitution,[6] and instantly exposed thesectional polarization over the issue of slavery.[35][36]
Northern Democratic-Republicans formed a coalition across partisan lines with remnants of the Federalists in support of the exclusion of slavery from Missouri and all future states and territories, while Southern Democratic-Republicans were almost unanimously against such a restriction.[37] Northerners focused their arguments on the immorality of slavery, while Southerners focused their attacks on the purported unconstitutionality of banning slavery within a state.[38] A few southerners such as former President Jefferson, argued that the "diffusion" of slaves into the west would makegradual emancipation more feasible. Most southern whites, however, favored diffusion because it would help prevent slave rebellions. Both sides also recognized that the status of slavery in Missouri could have important consequences on the balance betweenslave states and free states in the United States Senate.[39]

The bill, with Tallmadge's amendments, passed the House in a mostly sectional vote, though ten free state congressmen joined with the slave state congressmen in opposing at least one of the provisions of the bill.[40] The measure then went to the Senate, where both amendments were rejected.[36] A House–Senateconference committee was unable to resolve the disagreements on the bill, and so the whole measure was lost.[41] Congress took up the issue again when it reconvened in December 1819.[42] Monroe, himself a slaveowner, threatened to veto any bill that restricted slavery in Missouri.[43] He also supported the efforts of SenatorJames Barbour and other Southern Congressmen to win the admission of Missouri as a slave state by threatening to withhold statehood fromMaine, which was at the time a part of Massachusetts.[44]
In February 1820, CongressmanJesse B. Thomas of Illinois proposed a compromise: Missouri would be admitted as a slave state, but slavery would be excluded in the remainingterritories north of theparallel 36°30′ north. Like many other Southern leaders, Monroe came to view Thomas's proposal as the least damaging outcome for southern slaveholders.[45] With assistance from national bank presidentNicholas Biddle, Monroe used his influence and power of patronage to line up support behind Thomas's proposal.[21] The Senate passed a bill that included Thomas's territorial restriction on slavery, and which also provided for the admittance of Maine and Missouri.[46] The House approved the Senate bill in a narrow vote, and after deliberating with his cabinet, Monroe signed the legislation into law in April 1820.[47]
The question of the final admission of Missouri came up again in November 1820. The Missouri constitution included a provision that barredfree blacks from entering the state, which many northerners deemed unconstitutional.[48] The dispute over Missouri affected the 1820 presidential election, and Congress reported electoral vote totals both with and without Missouri's votes.[49] Through the influence of Clay, an act of admission was finally passed, upon the condition that the exclusionary clause of the Missouri constitution should "never be construed to authorize the passage of any law" impairing theprivileges and immunities of any U.S. citizen. This deliberately ambiguous provision is sometimes known as the Second Missouri Compromise.[50] It was a bitter pill for many to swallow and the admission of new states as free or slave became a major issue until the abolition of slavery.[51]
Aside from settling the issue of Missouri's statehood, the Missouri Compromise had several important effects. It helped forestall a split in the Democratic-Republican Party along sectional lines at a time when the Federalists offered little effective opposition, and set a precedent whereby free states and slave states were admitted in pairs to avoid upsetting the balance of the Senate. The compromise also elevated the stature of both Henry Clay and the United States Senate. Perhaps most importantly, the Missouri Compromise indicated a shift away from gradual emancipation, a policy that had once held wide support among Southern leaders.[52] The planned slave revolt ofDenmark Vesey, who was captured and executed in 1822, further contributed to a hardening of pro-slavery attitudes in the South during Monroe's tenure as president.[53][54]
As the United States continued to grow, many Americans advocated the construction of a system ofinternal improvements to help the country develop. Federal assistance for such projects evolved slowly and haphazardly—the product of contentious congressional factions and an executive branch that was concerned about the constitutionality of federal involvement with such projects.[55] Monroe believed that the young nation needed to improve its infrastructure to grow and thrive economically, but also worried about the constitutionality of a federal role in the construction, maintenance, and operation of a national transportation system.[17] Monroe repeatedly urged Congress to pass an amendment allowing Congress the power to finance internal improvements, but Congress never acted on his proposal. Many congressmen believed that the Constitution already allowed the federal financing of internal improvements.[56]
The United States had begun construction on theNational Road in 1811. By the end of 1818, it linked theOhio River and thePotomac River.[57] In 1822, Congress passed a bill authorizing the collection of tolls to finance repairs on the road. Adhering to his stated position regarding internal improvements, Monroe vetoed the bill.[56] In an elaborate essay, Monroe set forth his constitutional views on the subject. Congress might appropriate money, he admitted, but it could not undertake the actual construction of national works nor assume jurisdiction over them.[58] In 1823, Monroe proposed that Congress work with the states to build a system of canals to connect the rivers leading to the Atlantic Ocean with the western territories of the United States, and he eventually signed a bill providing for investment in theChesapeake & Delaware Canal Company. Monroe's call for canals was inspired by the impending completion of theErie Canal, which would link New York City with theGreat Lakes.[59]
In 1824, the Supreme Court ruled inGibbons v. Ogden that the Constitution'sCommerce Clause gave the federal government broad authority over interstate commerce. Shortly thereafter, Congress passed two important laws that, together, marked the beginning of the federal government's continuous involvement in civil works. TheGeneral Survey Act authorized the president to have surveys made of routes for roads and canals "of national importance." The president assigned responsibility for the surveys to theArmy Corps of Engineers. The second act, passed a month later, appropriated $75,000 to improve navigation on the Ohio andMississippi Rivers by removing sandbars, snags, and other obstacles. Subsequently, the act was amended to include other rivers such as theMissouri.[55]
In the years before Monroe took office, a movement supporting the colonization ofAfrica byfree blacks became increasingly popular. CongressmanCharles F. Mercer of Virginia and ReverendRobert Finley of New Jersey established theAmerican Colonization Society (ACS) to further the goal of African colonization. Most adherents of the society supported colonization to provide for the gradual emancipation of slaves and diversify the Southern economy, but the ACS also appealed to pro-slavery Southerners whose primarily goal was the removal of free blacks from the country. The ACS attracted several prominent supporters, including Madison, Associate JusticeBushrod Washington, and Henry Clay. In 1819, the Monroe administration agreed to provide some funding to the ACS, and, much like the national bank, the society operated as a public-private partnership. The U.S. Navy helped the ACS establish a colony inWest Africa, which would be adjacent toSierra Leone, another colony that had been established for free blacks. The new colony was namedLiberia, and Liberia's capital took the name ofMonrovia in honor of President Monroe. By the 1860s, over ten thousand African Americans had migrated to Liberia. Though initially intended to be a permanent U.S. colony, Liberiawould declare independence in 1847.[60]
Monroe took a close interest in the WesternAmerican frontier, which was overseen by Secretary of War Calhoun. Calhoun organized anexpedition to theYellowstone River to extend American influence in and knowledge of the northwest region of theLouisiana Purchase.[61] The expedition suffered several setbacks, but the efforts of scientists such asEdwin James advanced U.S. knowledge of the flora and fauna of the region.[62]
The federal government had taken control of theYazoo lands fromGeorgia in theCompact of 1802; as part of that agreement, President Jefferson promised toremove Native Americans from the region.[63] Georgians pressed Monroe to remove the remaining Native Americans to regions west of theMississippi River, but the Native Americans rejected the Monroe administration's offers to purchase their land. As Monroe was unwilling to forcibly evict the Native American tribes, he took no major actions regarding Indian removal.[64]
By 1818, very few revolutionary war generals were alive. One senator had estimated that only 1,614 Revolutionary War survivors remained alive in 1818. Despite this, over 20,000 of them applied for special benefits. In response to this, the Revolutionary War Pension Act was drafted which was successful in Congress and signed by President Monroe.[65]
Monroe presided over a peaceful era, with no wars or serious threat of war. However, there was a threat from Seminole Indians based in Florida, a colony owned by Spain, but which Spain could not control. Monroe and his Secretary of State John Quincy Adams worked well with Britain. With British support they came up with the famous 1823 Monroe Doctrine. It declared that the U.S. would remain neutral in European affairs, but would not accept new colonization of Latin America by European powers.
Near the beginning of Monroe's first term, the administration negotiated two important accords withGreat Britain that resolved border disputes held over from theWar of 1812.[66] TheRush-Bagot Treaty, signed in April 1817, regulated naval armaments on theGreat Lakes andLake Champlain, demilitarizing the border between the U.S. andBritish North America.[67] TheTreaty of 1818, signed in October 1818, fixed the presentCanada–United States border fromMinnesota to theRocky Mountains at the49th parallel.[66] Britain ceded all ofRupert's Land south of the 49th parallel and east of theContinental Divide, including all of theRed River Colony south of that latitude, while the U.S. ceded the northernmost edge of theMissouri Territory above the 49th parallel. The treaty also established a joint U.S.–British occupation ofOregon Country for the next ten years.[66] Together, the Rush-Bagot Treaty and the Treaty of 1818 marked an important turning point inAnglo–American andAmerican–Canadian relations, although they did not solve all outstanding issues.[68] The easing of tensions contributed to expanded trade, particularlycotton, and played a role in Britain's decision to refrain from becoming involved in the First Seminole War.[69]
Spain faced a troubling colonial situation after theNapoleonic Wars, as revolutionaries inCentral America andSouth America were beginning to demand independence.[70] The United States had taken control of part ofWest Florida in 1810, and, by the time Monroe took office, American settlers also encroached on Spanish territory inEast Florida andNew Spain. With a minor military presence in the Floridas, Spain was unable to restrain theSeminole Indians, who routinely conducted cross-border raids on American villages and farms and protected slave refugees from the United States. Acquisition of the Floridas was a long-held goal of Monroe, Adams, and other leading Democratic-Republicans, as authority over the region would consolidate U.S. control of its southeastern lands against British and Spanish influence.[71]
To stop the Seminole from raiding Georgia settlements and offering havens for runaway slaves, the U.S. Army led increasingly frequent incursions into Spanish territory. In early 1818, Monroe ordered General Andrew Jackson to the Georgia–Florida border to defend against Seminole attacks. Monroe authorized Jackson to attack Seminole encampments in Spanish Florida, but not Spanish settlements themselves.[72] In what became known as theFirst Seminole War, Jackson crossed over into Spanish territory and attacked the Spanish fort atSt. Marks.[73] He also executed two British subjects whom he accused of having incited the Seminoles to raid American settlements.[74] Jackson claimed that the attack on the fort was necessary as the Spanish were providing aid to the Seminoles. After taking the fort St. Marks, Jackson moved on the Spanish position atPensacola, capturing it in May 1818.[75]
In a letter to Jackson, Monroe reprimanded the general for exceeding his orders, but also acknowledged that Jackson may have been justified given the circumstances in the war against the Seminoles.[76] Though he had not authorized Jackson's attacks on Spanish posts, Monroe recognized that Jackson's campaign left the United States with a stronger hand in ongoing negotiations over the purchase of the Floridas, as it showed that Spain was unable to defend its territories.[77] The Monroe administration restored the Floridas to Spain, but requested that Spain increase efforts to prevent Seminole raids.[78] Some in Monroe's cabinet, including Secretary of War John Calhoun, wanted the aggressive generalcourt-martialed, or at least reprimanded. Secretary of State Adams alone took the ground that Jackson's acts were justified by the incompetence of Spanish authority to police its own territory,[74] arguing that Spain had allowed East Florida to become "a derelict open to the occupancy of every enemy, civilized or savage, of the United States, and serving no other earthly purpose than as a post of annoyance to them."[79] His arguments, along with the restoration of the Floridas, convinced the British and Spanish not to retaliate against the United States for Jackson's conduct.[80]
News of Jackson's exploits caused consternation in Washington and ignited a congressional investigation. Clay attacked Jackson's actions and proposed that his colleagues officially censure the general.[81] Even many members of Congress who tended to support Jackson worried about the consequences of allowing a general to make war without the consent of Congress.[82] In reference to popular generals who had taken power through military force, Speaker of the House Henry Clay urged his fellow congressmen to "remember thatGreece had herAlexander,Rome herJulius Caesar,England herCromwell,France herBonaparte."[83] Dominated by Democratic-Republicans, the15th Congress was generally expansionist and supportive of the popular Jackson. After much debate, the House of Representatives voted down all resolutions that condemned Jackson, thus implicitly endorsing the military intervention.[84] Jackson's actions in the First Seminole War would be the subject of ongoing controversy in subsequent years, as Jackson claimed that Monroe had secretly ordered him by the "Rhea letter" to attack the Spanish settlements, a claim that Monroe denied.[75]

Negotiations over the purchase of the Floridas began in early 1818.[85] DonLuis de Onís, the SpanishMinister at Washington, suspended negotiations after Jackson attacked Spanish settlements,[86] but he resumed his talks with Secretary of State Adams after the U.S. restored the territories.[87] On February 22, 1819, Spain and the United States signed theAdams–Onís Treaty, which cededthe Floridas in return for the assumption by the United States of claims of American citizens against Spain to an amount not exceeding $5,000,000. The treaty also contained a definition of the boundary between Spanish and American possessions on the North American continent. Beginning at the mouth of theSabine River, the line ran along that river to the32nd parallel, then due north to theRed River, which it followed to the100th meridian, due north to theArkansas River, and along that river to itssource, then north to the42nd parallel, which it followed to thePacific Ocean. The United States renounced all claims to the lands west and south of this boundary, while Spain surrendered its claim toOregon Country.[86] Spanish delay in relinquishing control of the Floridas led some congressmen to call for war, but Spain peacefully transferred control of the Floridas in February 1821.[88]

Monroe was deeply sympathetic to the Latin American revolutionary movements against Spain. He was determined that the United States should never repeat the policies of the Washington administration during the French Revolution, when the nation had failed to demonstrate its sympathy for the aspirations of peoples seeking to establish republican governments. He did not envisage military involvement but only the provision of moral support, as he believed that a direct American intervention would provoke other European powers into assisting Spain.[89] Despite his preferences, Monroe initially refused to recognize the Latin American governments due to ongoing negotiations with Spain over Florida.[90]
In March 1822, Monroe officially recognized the countries ofArgentina,Peru,Colombia,Chile, andMexico.[66] Secretary of State Adams, under Monroe's supervision, wrote the instructions for the ambassadors to these new countries. They declared that the policy of the United States was to uphold republican institutions and to seek treaties of commerce on a most-favored-nation basis. The United States would support inter-American congresses dedicated to the development of economic and political institutions fundamentally different from those prevailing in Europe. Monroe took pride as the United States was the first nation to extend recognition and to set an example to the rest of the world for its support of the "cause of liberty and humanity".[89] In 1824, the U.S. andGran Colombia reached theAnderson–Gual Treaty, a general convention of peace, amity, navigation, and commerce that represented the first treaty the United States entered into with another country inthe Americas.[91][92] Between 1820 and 1830, the number of U.S. consuls assigned to foreign countries would double, with much of that growth coming in Latin America. These consuls would help merchants expand U.S. trade in the Western Hemisphere.[93]
The British had a strong interest in ensuring the demise of Spanish colonialism, as the Spanish followed amercantilist policy that imposed restrictions on trade between Spanish colonies and foreign powers. In October 1823, Ambassador Rush informed Secretary of State Adams that Foreign SecretaryGeorge Canning desired a joint declaration to deter any other power from intervening in Central and South America. Canning was motivated in part by the restoration of KingFerdinand VII of Spain by France. Britain feared that either France or the "Holy Alliance" ofAustria,Prussia, andRussia would help Spain regain control of its colonies, and sought American cooperation in opposing such an intervention. Monroe and Adams deliberated the British proposal extensively, and Monroe conferred with former presidents Jefferson and Madison.[94]
Monroe was at first inclined to accept Canning's proposal, and Madison and Jefferson both shared this preference.[94] Adams, however, vigorously opposed cooperation with Great Britain, contending that a statement of bilateral nature could limit U.S. expansion. Additionally, Adams and Monroe shared a reluctance to appear as a junior partner in any alliance.[95] Rather than responding to Canning's alliance offer, Monroe decided to issue a statement regarding Latin America in his 1823Annual Message to Congress. In a series of meetings with the cabinet, Monroe formulated his administration's official policy regarding European intervention in Latin America. Adams played a major role in these cabinet meetings, and the Secretary of State convinced Monroe to avoid antagonizing the members of the Holy Alliance with unduly belligerent language.[96]
Monroe's annual message was read by both houses of Congress on December 2, 1823. In it, he articulated what became known as theMonroe Doctrine.[97] The doctrine reiterated the traditionalU.S. policy of neutrality with regard to European wars and conflicts, but declared that the United States would not accept the recolonization of any country by its former European master. Monroe stated that European countries should no longer consider the Western Hemisphere open to new colonization, a jab aimed primarily at Russia, which was attempting to expand its colony on the northern Pacific Coast. At the same time, Monroe avowed non-interference with existing European colonies in the Americas.[66][89]
The Monroe Doctrine was well received in the United States and Britain, while Russian, French, and Austrian leaders privately denounced it.[98] The European powers knew that the U.S. had little ability to back up the Monroe Doctrine with force, but the United States was able to "free ride" on the strength of the British Royal Navy.[66] Nonetheless, the issuance of the Monroe Doctrine displayed a new level of assertiveness by the United States in international relations, as it represented the country's first claim to asphere of influence. It also marked the country's shift in psychological orientation away from Europe and towards the Americas. Debates over foreign policy would no longer center on relations with Britain and France, but would instead focus on western expansion and relations with Native Americans.[99]
In the 18th century, Russia had establishedRussian America on the Pacific coast. In 1821, TsarAlexander I issuedan edict declaring Russia's sovereignty over the North American Pacific coast north of the 51st parallel north. The edict also forbade foreign ships to approach within 115 miles of the Russian claim. Adams strongly protested the edict, which potentially threatened both the commerce and expansionary ambitions of the United States. Seeking favorable relations with the U.S., Alexander agreed to theRusso-American Treaty of 1824. In the treaty, Russia limited its claims to lands north ofparallel 54°40′ north, and also agreed to open Russian ports to U.S. ships.[100]
Five new states wereadmitted to the Union while Monroe was in office:

During James Monroe's first term, the country had suffered an economic depression and slavery had emerged as a divisive issue. Despite these problems,[107] the collapse of the Federalists left Monroe with no organized opposition at the end of his first term, and he ran for reelection unopposed,[108] the only president other thanGeorge Washington to do so. A single elector from New Hampshire,William Plumer, cast a vote forJohn Quincy Adams, preventing a unanimous vote in the Electoral College.[108] Plumer also refused to vote for Daniel Tompkins for Vice President, whom he considered "grossly intemperate."[109] His dissent was joined by several Federalist electors who, although pledged to vote for Tompkins,voted for someone else for vice president.[110]

The Federalist Party had nearly collapsed by the end of Monroe's two terms, and all of the major presidential candidates in 1824 were members of the Democratic-Republican Party. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, Secretary of the Treasury William H. Crawford, and Speaker of the House Henry Clay each entered the race with strong followings.[111] Crawford favored state sovereignty and strict constructionism, while Calhoun, Clay, and Adams all embraced internal improvements, high tariffs, and the national bank.[112] As 1824 approached, General Andrew Jackson jumped into the race, motivated in large part by his anger over Clay and Crawford's denunciations of his actions in Florida.[111] Thecongressional nominating caucus had decided upon previous Democratic-Republican presidential nominees, but had become largely discredited by 1824. Candidates were instead nominated by state legislatures or nominating conventions.[113] With three cabinet members in the race, Monroe remained neutral.[114]
Seeing Jackson's strength, Calhoun dropped out of the presidential race and instead sought the vice presidency. The remaining candidates relied heavily on regional strength. Adams was popular in New England, Clay and Jackson were strong in the West, and Jackson and Crawford competed for the South, despite the latter's health problems.[115] In the 1824 presidential election, Jackson won a plurality in the Electoral College, taking 99 of the 261 electoral votes, while Adams won 84, Crawford won 41, and Clay took 37.
As no candidate won a majority of the electoral vote, the House was required to hold a contingent election under the terms of theTwelfth Amendment. The House would decide among the top three electoral vote winners, with each state's delegation having one vote; Clay was therefore eliminated.[115]
While Jackson's policy views were unclear, Clay had been outraged by Jackson's actions in Florida, and feared what Jackson would do in office. He also shared many policies with Adams; Adams and Clay met prior to the contingent election, and Clay agreed to support Adams.[116] On February 9, 1825, Adams became the second president elected by the House of Representatives (after Thomas Jefferson in1801), when he won the contingent election on the first ballot, taking 13 of the 24 state delegations.[117]
Historian Harry Ammon says that as president Monroe gave up his previous partisanship, and fostered an era free of party animosity. Ammon continues:
Ammon argues that politics undermined his second term:"Many of his most favored projects, such as his plans to construct stronger coastal defenses and the Anglo-American Treaty of 1823 to prohibit the international slave trade, fell victim of presidential political rivalries."[119]
Monroe turned the nation away from European affairs and towards domestic issues. His presidency oversaw the settlement of many longstanding boundary issues through an accommodation with Britain and the acquisition of Florida. Monroe also helped resolve sectional tensions through his support of the Missouri Compromise and by seeking support from all regions of the country.[120] Political scientist Fred Greenstein argues that Monroe was a more effective executive than some of his better-known predecessors, including Madison andJohn Adams.[14][page needed]
Polls of historians and political scientists tend torank Monroe as an above average president. A 2018 poll of theAmerican Political Science Association’s Presidents and Executive Politics section ranked Monroe as the eighteenth best president.[121] A 2017C-SPAN poll of historians ranked Monroe as the thirteenth best president.[122]