One of the great reforming popes, he initiated theGregorian Reform, and is perhaps best known for the part he played in theInvestiture Controversy, his dispute withEmperor Henry IV to establish the primacy of papal authority and the new canon law governing the election of the pope by theCollege of Cardinals. He was also at the forefront of developments in the relationship between the emperor and the papacy during the years before he became pope. He was the first pope to introduce a policy of obligatorycelibacy for the clergy, which had until then commonly married,[2][3][4][5] and also attacked the practice ofsimony.
During the power struggles between the papacy and theEmpire, Gregoryexcommunicated Henry IV three times, and Henry appointedAntipope Clement III to oppose him. Though Gregory was hailed as one of the greatest of the Roman pontiffs after his reforms proved successful, during his own reign he was denounced by some for his autocratic use of papal powers.[6]
In later times, Gregory VII became an exemplar ofpapal supremacy to both supporters and opponents of the papacy.Beno of Santi Martino e Silvestro, who opposed Gregory VII in the Investiture Controversy, accused him of necromancy, cruelty, tyranny, and blasphemy. This was eagerly repeated by later opponents of the Catholic Church, such as the English ProtestantJohn Foxe.[7] In contrast, the modern historian and Anglican priestH. E. J. Cowdrey writes, "[Gregory VII] was surprisingly flexible, feeling his way and therefore perplexing both rigorous collaborators ... and cautious and steady-minded ones ... His zeal, moral force, and religious conviction, however, ensured that he should retain to a remarkable degree the loyalty and service of a wide variety of men and women."[8]
Gregory was bornHildebrand (Italian:Ildebrando) in the town ofSovana, in the County ofGrosseto, now southernTuscany, the son of ablacksmith.[9] As a youth he was sent to study in Rome at the monastery ofSt. Mary on the Aventine, where his uncle was reportedly abbot of a monastery on theAventine Hill.[10][11] Among his masters were the erudite Lawrence,archbishop of Amalfi, and Johannes Gratianus, the futurePope Gregory VI.[12] When the latter was deposed at the Council of Sutri in December of 1046, with approval of the Holy Roman EmperorHenry III and exiled toGermany, Hildebrand followed him toCologne.[citation needed] According to some chroniclers, Hildebrand moved toCluny after Gregory VI's death in 1048; though his declaration to have become a monk at Cluny is disputed.[11]
He then accompanied Cluny'sAbbotBruno of Toul to Rome; there, Bruno was elected pope, choosing the nameLeo IX, and named Hildebrand asdeacon and papal administrator. In 1054 Leo sent Hildebrand as hislegate toTours inFrance in the wake of the controversy created byBerengar of Tours.[13] At Leo's death, the new pope,Victor II, confirmed him as legate, while Victor's successorStephen IX sent him andAnselm of Lucca to Germany to obtain recognition fromEmpress Agnes.[citation needed] Hildebrand succeeded in his plea to Agnes, but Stephen died before being able to return to Rome, and Hildebrand was soon embroiled the crisis caused by the Roman aristocracy's election of an antipope,Benedict X.[14] With Agnes's continued support, Benedict was formally replaced byNicholas II,[15] and with the help of 300 Norman knights sent byRichard of Aversa, Hildebrand personally led the conquest of the castle of Galeria Antica where Benedict had taken refuge.[16] Between 1058 and 1059, he was madearchdeacon of the Roman church, becoming the most important figure in the papal administration.[17]
He was again the most powerful figure behind the election of Anselm of Lucca the Elder asPope Alexander II in thepapal election of October 1061.[11] The new pope put forward the reform program devised by Hildebrand and his followers.[18] In his years as papal advisor, Hildebrand had an important role in the reconciliation with theNorman kingdom of southern Italy, in the anti-German alliance with thePataria movement in northern Italy, and above all, in the new ecclesiastic law giving the cardinals exclusive rights to elect a new pope.[19]
Pope Gregory VII was one of the few popeselected by acclamation. As funeral obsequies were being performed for Alexander II on 21 April 1073 in theLateran Basilica, there arose an outcry from the clergy and people: "Let Hildebrand be pope!", "Blessed Peter has chosen Hildebrand the Archdeacon!" Hildebrand immediately fled and hid himself to make it clear that he refused this uncanonical election.[20] He was finally found at the Church ofSan Pietro in Vincoli, to which a famous monastery was attached, andelected pope by the assembled cardinals, with the due consent of the Roman clergy, amid the repeated acclamations of the people.[21][22]
It was debated, at the time and since, whether this extraordinary outburst in favour of Hildebrand by clergy and people was wholly spontaneous or premeditated.[22] According to Benizo, Bishop of Sutri, a supporter of Hildebrand, the outcry was begun by Cardinal Ugo Candidus, Cardinal Priest of S. Clemente, who rushed into a pulpit and began to declaim to the people.[23] Certainly, the mode of his election was highly criticized by his opponents. Many of the accusations against his election may have been expressions of personal dislike, as they were not raised until several years later. But it is clear from Gregory's own account of the circumstances[24] in his Epistles 1 and 2 that it was conducted contrary to the Constitution of the Pope of 607, which forbade a papal election until the third day after a pope's burial.[25] Cardinal Ugo's intervention was contrary to the Constitution of Nicholas II, which allowed only Cardinal Bishops to nominate candidates; and finally, it ignored the Constitution's requirement that theHoly Roman Emperor be consulted.[26] However, Gregory was then confirmed by a second election at S. Pietro in Vincoli.
Gregory VII's earliest pontifical letters clearly acknowledged these events, and thus helped defuse doubts about his election and popularity. On 22 May 1073, theFeast of Pentecost, he receivedordination as a priest, and he was consecrated abishop and enthroned as pope on 29 June, the Feast of St. Peter's Chair.[27]
In the decree of election, his electors proclaimed Gregory VII:
"a devout man, a man mighty in human and divine knowledge, a distinguished lover of equity and justice, a man firm in adversity and temperate in prosperity, a man, according to the saying of the Apostle, of good behavior, blameless, modest, sober, chaste, given to hospitality, and one that ruleth well his own house; a man from his childhood generously brought up in the bosom of this Mother Church, and for the merit of his life already raised to the archidiaconal dignity. [...] We choose then our Archdeacon Hildebrand to be pope and successor to the Apostle, and to bear henceforward and forever the name of Gregory" (22 April 1073).[22]
Gregory VII's first attempts in foreign policy were towards a reconciliation with the Normans ofRobert Guiscard; in the end the two parties did not meet. After a failed call for acrusade to the princes of northern Europe,[28] and after obtaining the support of other Norman princes such asLandulf VI of Benevento andRichard I of Capua, Gregory VII was able to excommunicate Robert in 1074.
In the same year Gregory VII summoned a council in the Lateran palace, which condemnedsimony and confirmedcelibacy for the Church's clergy. These decrees were further stressed, under threat of excommunication, the next year (24–28 February).[28] In particular, Gregory decreed that only the Pope could appoint or depose bishops or move them fromsee to see, an act which was later to cause theInvestiture Controversy.[citation needed]
Gregory VII's main political project was his relationship with the Holy Roman Empire. After the death of Holy Roman Emperor Henry III, his untried sonHenry IV had to contend with turbulent internal opposition to the German monarchy, presenting an opportunity for Gregory to strengthen the Church.[27]
In the two years following Gregory's election, theSaxon rebellion fully occupied Henry and forced him to appease the pope at any cost. In May 1074 Henry did penance atNuremberg—in the presence of the papal legates—to atone for his continued friendship with his councillors who had been banned by Gregory; he took an oath of obedience, and promised the pope his support in reforming the Church.[29] However, as soon as Henry defeated theSaxons at theFirst Battle of Langensalza on 9 June 1075 (Battle of Homburg orHohenburg), the young emperor tried to reassert his sovereign rights in northern Italy. Henry sent Count Eberhard toLombardy to combat thePatarenes; nominated the clericTedald to thearchbishopric of Milan, settling a prolonged and contentious question; and made overtures to the Norman dukeRobert Guiscard.[27]
Gregory VII replied with a harsh letter of 8 December 1075, accusing Henry of breaching his word and of continuing to support excommunicated councillors. The pope also sent a verbal message threatening to excommunicate and even depose the emperor. At the same time, Gregory was menaced byCencio I Frangipane, who on Christmas night surprised him in church and kidnapped him, though he was released the following day.[27]
The high-handed demands and threats of the pope infuriated Henry and his court, and their answer was the hastily convened nationalsynod of Worms on 24 January 1076. Gregory had many enemies among the German prelates, and the Roman cardinalHugo Candidus, once on intimate terms with Gregory but now his opponent, hurried to Germany for the occasion. Candidus declaimed a list of accusations against the pope before the assembly, which resolved that Gregory had forfeited the papacy. In one document full of accusations, the bishops renounced their allegiance to Gregory. In another, Henry pronounced him deposed, and required the Romans to choose a new pope.[27][30]
The council sent two bishops to Italy, who then procured a similar act of deposition from the Lombard bishops at the synod ofPiacenza.Roland of Parma faced the pope with these decisions before the synod which had just assembled in theLateran Basilica. Rejecting the threat, there soon arose such a storm of indignation that only the calming words of Gregory saved the envoy's life.[27]
On the following day, 22 February 1076, Gregory solemnly pronounced a sentence of excommunication against Henry IV, divested him of his royal dignity, and absolved his subjects of their sworn allegiance. The effectiveness of this sentence depended entirely on Henry's subjects, above all on the German princes. Contemporary evidence suggests that theexcommunication of Henry made a profound impression both in Germany and Italy.[27]
Thirty years before,Henry III had deposed three unworthy claimants to the papacy, a service acknowledged by the Church and public opinion. When Henry IV again attempted this procedure he lacked support. In Germany there was a rapid and general feeling in favor of Gregory, strengthening the princes against their feudal lord Henry. When atWhitsun the emperor summoned a council of nobles to oppose the pope, only a few responded. Meanwhile, the Saxons seized the opportunity for a new rebellion, and the anti-royalist party grew in strength from month to month.[27]
Henry now faced ruin. As a result of the agitation, which was zealously fostered by the papal legate BishopAltmann of Passau, the princes met in October atTrebur to elect a new German emperor. Henry, who was stationed atOppenheim on the left bank of theRhine, was only saved from the loss of his throne by the failure of the assembled princes to agree on his successor.[27] Nevertheless, they declared that Henry must make reparation and obeisance to Gregory, and if he were still under the ban on the anniversary of his excommunication, his throne should be considered vacant. At the same time they invited Gregory toAugsburg to decide the conflict.[27]
Unable to oppose his princes and the pope together, Henry saw that he must secure absolution from Gregory. At first he attempted this through an embassy, but when Gregory rejected his overtures he went to Italy in person.[27] The pope had already left Rome and had informed the German princes that he would expect their escort on 8 January 1077 toMantua. This escort had not appeared when he received the news of Henry's arrival atCanossa, where Gregory had taken refuge under the protection of his close ally,Matilda of Tuscany. Henry travelled throughBurgundy ordering his troops to maintain civility, and was greeted with enthusiasm by the Lombards. In an astonishing turn, the emperor mortified his pride and knelt barefoot in the snow to beg the pope's forgiveness. This penance immediately reversed the moral situation, forcing Gregory to grant Henry absolution. TheWalk to Canossa soon became legendary.[27]
The reconciliation was only effected after prolonged negotiations and definite pledges on the part of Henry, and it was with reluctance that Gregory VII at length gave way, considering the political implications.[31] If the pope granted absolution, thediet of princes in Augsburg, which had called on him as arbitrator, would be rendered impotent. It was impossible, however, to deny the penitent re-entrance into the Church, and Gregory VII's Christian duty overrode his political interests.[27]
The removal of the ban did not imply a genuine settlement, as there was no mention of the main question between pope and emperor: that ofinvestiture. A new conflict was inevitable.[27]
The rebellion of the German nobles did not end with the emperor's absolution from excommunication. To the contrary, atForchheim in March 1077 they elected a rival ruler in the person ofDuke Rudolf of Swabia, with the papal legates declaring their neutrality. Pope Gregory sought to maintain this neutrality during the following years, balancing the two parties of fairly equal strength, each trying to gain the upper hand by getting the pope on their side. His non-commitment exasperated both parties, but after Rudolf's victory at theBattle of Flarchheim on 27 January 1080, Gregory abandoned his waiting policy and again pronounced the excommunication and deposition of Henry on 7 March 1080.[27][32] However, the pope, under pressure from the Saxons, was misinformed as to the significance of this battle.
The papal censure now got a very different reception from the one four years before. It was widely felt to be unjustly pronounced on frivolous grounds, and its authority came in question. The emperor, now more experienced, vigorously denounced the ban as illegal.[27] He summoned acouncil at Brixen, and on 25 June 1080 thirty bishops present pronounced Gregory deposed, electing archbishop Guibert (Wibert) of Ravenna as his successor.[33] Gregory countered on 15 October, ordering the clergy and laity to elect a new archbishop in place of the "mad" and "tyrannical" schismatic Wibert.[34] In 1081, Henry opened the conflict against Gregory in Italy.[27] The emperor was now in the stronger position,[35] as thirteen cardinals had deserted the pope, and the rival emperor Rudolf of Swabia died on 16 October. A new imperial claimant,Hermann of Luxembourg, was put forward in August 1081, but he was unable to rally the papal party in Germany, and the power of Henry IV rose to its peak.[27]
The pope's chief military supporter,Matilda of Tuscany,[36] blocked Henry's armies from the western passages over theApennines, so he had to approach Rome fromRavenna. Rome surrendered to the German king in 1084, and Gregory thereupon retired into the exile of theCastel Sant'Angelo.[37] Gregory refused to entertain Henry's overtures, although the latter promised to hand over the anti-pope Guibert as a prisoner, if the sovereign pontiff would consent to crown Henry emperor. Gregory, however, insisted that Henry appear before a council and do penance. The emperor, while pretending to submit to these terms, tried hard to prevent the meeting of the council. A small number of bishops assembled nonetheless, and Gregory again excommunicated Henry.[22]
Henry, upon receipt of this news, again entered Rome on 21 March to see that his supporter, Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna, was enthroned as PopeClement III on 24 March 1084, who in turn crowned Henry as emperor. In the meantime Gregory had formed an alliance withRobert Guiscard, who marched on the city[22] and compelled Henry to flee towardsCivita Castellana.
The pope was liberated, but after the Roman people became incensed by the excesses of his Norman allies, he again withdrew toMonte Cassino,[38] and later to the castle ofSalerno by the sea, where he died on 25 May 1085,[39] probably as a prisoner of the Normans. Three days before his death, he withdrew all the censures of excommunication that he had pronounced, except those against the two chief offenders—Henry and Guibert.[22]
In 1076, Gregory appointed Dol Euen, a monk of Saint-Melaine of Rennes, as bishop ofDol, rejecting both the incumbent, Iuthael, who had the support ofWilliam the Conqueror, who had recently been conducting military operations in north-easternBrittany, and Gilduin, the candidate of the nobles in Dol opposing William. Gregory rejected Iuthael because he was notorious for simony and Guilden as too young.[40] Gregory also bestowed on Dol Euen the pallium of a metropolitan archbishop, on the condition that he would submit to the judgment of the Holy See when the long-standing case of the right of Dol to be a metropolitan and use the pallium was finally decided.[41]
King William felt himself so safe that he interfered autocratically with the management of the church, forbade the bishops to visit Rome, made appointments tobishoprics andabbeys, and showed little anxiety when the pope lectured him on the different principles which he had as to the relationship of spiritual and temporal powers, or when he prohibited him from commerce or commanded him to acknowledge himself a vassal of the apostolic chair.[27] William was particularly annoyed at Gregory's insistence on dividing ecclesiastical England into two provinces, in opposition to William's need to emphasize the unity of his newly acquired kingdom. Gregory's increasing insistence on church independence from secular authority in the matter of clerical appointments became a more and more contentious issue.[42] He sought as well to compel the episcopacy to look to Rome for validation and direction, demanding the regular attendance of prelates in Rome.[43] Gregory had no power to compel the English king to an alteration in his ecclesiastical policy, so he was compelled to ignore what he could not approve, and even considered it advisable to assure King William of his particular affection.[27] On the whole, William's policy was of great benefit to the Church.[44][45]
The relationship of Gregory VII to other European states was strongly influenced by his German policy, since theHoly Roman Empire, by taking up most of his energies, often forced him to show to other rulers the very moderation which he withheld from the German king. The attitude of the Normans brought him a rude awakening. The great concessions made to them under Nicholas II were not only powerless to stem their advance into central Italy, but failed to secure even the expected protection for the papacy. When Gregory VII was hard pressed by Henry IV,Robert Guiscard left him to his fate, and only intervened when he himself was threatened with German arms. Then, on the capture of Rome, he abandoned the city to his troops, and the popular indignation evoked by his act brought about Gregory's exile.[27]
In the case of several countries, Gregory VII tried to establish a claim of sovereignty on the part of the Papacy, and to secure the recognition of its self-asserted rights of possession. On the ground of "immemorial usage",Corsica andSardinia were assumed to belong to the Roman Church.Spain,Hungary andCroatia were also claimed as her property, and an attempt was made to induce the king ofDenmark to hold his realm as a fief from the pope.[27]
In his treatment of ecclesiastical policy and ecclesiastical reform, Gregory did not stand alone, but found powerful support: in England ArchbishopLanfranc ofCanterbury stood closest to him; in France his champion was BishopHugh de Dié, who afterwards becameArchbishop of Lyon.[27][46]
Philip I of France, by his practice ofsimony and the violence of his proceedings against the Church, provoked a threat of summary measures. Excommunication, deposition and the interdict appeared to be imminent in 1074. Gregory, however, refrained from translating his threats into actions, although the attitude of the king showed no change, for he wished to avoid a dispersion of his strength in the conflict soon to break out in Germany.[27]
Gregory, in fact, established some sort of relations with every country in Christendom; though these relations did not invariably realize the ecclesiastico-political hopes connected with them. His correspondence extended toPoland,Kievan Rus' andBohemia. He unsuccessfully tried to bringArmenia into closer contact with Rome.[27][48]
Gregory was particularly concerned with the East. The schism between Rome and theByzantine Empire was a severe blow to him, and he worked hard to restore the former amicable relationship. Gregory successfully tried to get in touch with the emperorMichael VII. When the news of the Muslim attacks on the Christians in the East filtered through to Rome, and the political embarrassments of theByzantine emperor increased, he conceived the project of a great military expedition and exhorted the faithful to participate in recovering theChurch of the Holy Sepulchre[27]—foreshadowing theFirst Crusade.[39] In his efforts to recruit for the expedition, he emphasized the suffering of eastern Christians, arguing western Christians had a moral obligation to go to their aid.[49]
His lifework was based on his conviction that the Church was founded by God and entrusted with the task of embracing all mankind in a single society in which divine will is the basis of all law; that, in its capacity as a divine institution, it is supreme over all human structures, especially the secular state; and that the pope, in his role as head of the Church, is the vice-regent of God on earth, so that disobedience to him implies disobedience to God and a defection from Christianity. However, a political realization of this ideal would have required the abolition of all secular monarchs and authorities.[27]
Thus Gregory VII, as a practical politician, acknowledged the existence of the state as a dispensation ofprovidence, admitted the coexistence of church and state as a divine ordinance, and emphasized the necessity of union between thesacerdotium and theimperium. But he absolutely refused to put the two powers on an equal footing; the superiority of church to state admitted of no doubt or discussion.[27] He wished to see all important matters of dispute referred to Rome, ultimately to the pope himself, with a corresponding curtailment of the powers of bishops. Since these clung to their traditional episcopal independence, his papacy is full of struggles against the higher clergy.[27]
This battle for the foundation of papal supremacy is connected with his championship of compulsorycelibacy among the clergy and his attack onsimony. Gregory VII did not introduce the celibacy of the priesthood into the Church, but he took up the struggle with greater energy than his predecessors. In 1074, he published anencyclical, absolving the people from their obedience to bishops who allowed married priests. The next year he enjoined them to take action against married priests, and deprived these clerics of their revenues. Both the campaign against priestly marriage and that against simony provoked widespread resistance.[27]
Wax funeral effigy of Gregory VII under glass in the Salerno cathedral.
His writings treat mainly of the principles and practice of Church government.[22] They may be found in Mansi's collection under the title "Gregorii VII registri sive epistolarum libri".[50] Most of his surviving letters are preserved in his Register, which is now stored in the Vatican Archives.
Gregory VII's reforms to curb lay control of the Catholic Church have been characterized as a key factor in the rise ofurban self-government in Europe.[51]
Gregory VII was critical in the birth of modernuniversities, as his 1079 decree ordered the regulated establishment of the cathedral schools which transformed into the first European universities.[citation needed]
I believe in my heart and openly profess that the bread and wine that are placed on the altar are, through the mystery of the sacred prayer and the words of the Redeemer, substantially changed into the true and proper and lifegiving flesh and blood of Jesus Christ our Lord, and that after the consecration they are the true body of Christ.[54]
This profession of faith began a "Eucharistic Renaissance" in the churches of Europe beginning in the 12th century.[53]
Pope Gregory VII died in exile inSalerno; the epitaph on his sarcophagus in thecity's Cathedral says: "I have loved justice and hated iniquity; therefore, I die in exile."[10][55]
^Beno, Cardinal Priest of Santi Martino e Silvestro.Gesta Romanae ecclesiae contra Hildebrandum. c. 1084. In K. Francke, MGHLibelli de Lite II (Hannover, 1892), pp. 369–373.
^Johann Georg Estor,Probe einer verbesserten Heraldic (Giessen 1728), "vorrede":Das Pabst Hildebrand ein Zimmermanns Sohn gewesen, we noch der Pater Daniel in der netten Historie von Franckreich geglaubet, rechnete der Pater Maimburg und Pater Pagi nicht unbillig zu eben dieser Ordnung. Francesco Pagi,Breviarium historico-chronologico criticum Tomus II (Antwerp 1717), p. 417, attributed to Cardinal Baronius the notion that the father was afaber, but that Papebroch considered him to be of noble stock.
^abPaolo O. Pirlo (1997). "St. Gregory VII".My First Book of Saints. Sons of Holy Mary Immaculate - Quality Catholic Publications. p. 105.ISBN978-971-91595-4-4.
^According to the sources, feeling he was nearing his end, Stephen had his cardinals swear that they would wait for Hildebrand's return to Rome before electing his successor.Paravicini Bagliani, Agostino (December 2008). "Una carriera dietro le quinte".Medioevo (143): 70.
^Arnold Harris Mathew D.D. (1910). "Early life of Hildebrand".the Life and Times of Hildebrand. London: Francis Griffiths. p. 20.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
^TheAnnales of Berthold, the follower of Hermannus Augiensis, inMonumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptorum Volume 5 (Hannover 1844), p. 276:Quo audito sese imparem tanto honori immo oneri reputans, inducias respondendi vix imploravit; et sic fuga elapsus aliquot dies ad Vincula sancti Petri occultatus latuit. Tandem vix inventus et ad apostolicam sedem vi perductus....
^Bonizo of Sutri, inMonumenta Germaniae Historica, 6,Libelli 1, Libelli de Lite I (Hannover, 1891), p. 601 (ed. E. Dummler). Carl Mirbt,Die Publizistik im Zeitalter Gregors VII (Leipzig 1894), pp. 42–43.
^J. P. Migne (editor),Patrologia Latina Volume 148, columns 235–237.
^Liber Pontificalis, inMonumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores, Volume 5 (Hannover 1844), p. 164 (ed. Mommsen), p. 164:Hic fecit constitutum in ecclesia beati Petri, in quo sederunt episcopi LXXII, presbiteri Romani XXXIII, diaconi et clerus omnis, sub anathemate, ut nullus pontificem viventem aut episcopum civitatis suae praesumat loqui aut partes sibi facere nisi tertio die depositionis eius adunato clero et filiis ecclesiae, tunc electio fiat, et quis quem voluerit habebit licentiam eligendi sibi sacerdotem.
^TheAnnales of Lambertus of Hersfeld, inMonumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptorum 5 (1844), p. 194, states that Gregory did wait for a reply from the Emperor:cogi tamen nullo modo potuisse, ut ordinari se permitteret, donec in electionem suam tam regem quam principes Teutonici regni consensisse certa legatione cognosceret. Whether he got it, or whether the response was positive, is another matter.
^Philippus Jaffe,Regesta pontificum Romanorum I, editio altera (Leipzig 1885), p. 649. Guibert continued to maintain his pretensions as pope until his death in September 1100. Otto Köhncke,Wibert von Ravenna (Papst Clemens III) (Leipzig 1888).
^Philippus Jaffé (editor)Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum Tomus II: Monumenta Gregoriana (Berolini 1865), pp. 443–444 (Regestum, Book VIII, 13).
^He complained in a letter to King Alfonso of Leon and Castile in 1081 that he had a large number of detractors, whose complaints were widely spread, and whom he names as "liars": JaffeBibliotheca, pp. 470–473.
^Peters, Edward, ed. (1971).The First Crusade. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 33.ISBN978-0812210170.
^Ferdinand Gregorovius,History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages (tr. A. Hamilton) Volume IV (London 1896), pp. 245–255. Horace K. Mann,The Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages Volume VII (London 1910), pp. 162–165.
^Philippus Jaffe (editor)Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum Tomus II: Monumenta Gregoriana (Berolini 1865), pp. 247–249 (Registrum IV.4 and 5, 27 September 1076). B. Hauréau (editor),Gallia christiana XIV (Paris 1856), 1046–1047.
^Loyn, H. R. (1988). "William's Bishops: Some further thoughts".Anglo-Norman Studies. Vol. 10. pp. 222–235.ISBN0-85115-502-2.
^Philippus Jaffe (editor)Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum Tomus II: Monumenta Gregoriana (Berolini 1865), pp. 318–320; and Gregory's complaint to William, Archbishop of Rouen in 1080, who paid no attention to demands that he come to Rome: pp. 469–470. Likewise, inRegestum IV. 9, Gregory informed the Archbishop of Sens that he would excommunicate the Bishop of Orleans unless he turned up in Rome: pp. 253–254 (2 November 1076)
^Douglas, David C. (1964).William the Conqueror. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 317–345, especially 323,336–339.ISBN0-520-00350-0.{{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)
^Emerton, pp. 154–156 (24 April 1080). Migne,Patrologia Latina Vol. 148, pp. 565–567.
^Benedictines of S. Maur (editors),Gallia christiana IV (Paris 1728), pp. 97–109.
^Reilly, Bernard F. (1995).The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain 1031–1157. Blackwell. p. 69.ISBN0-631-19964-0.
^Ghazarian, Jacob G. (2000).The Armenian Kingdom in Cilicia During the Crusades: The Integration of Cilician Armenians with the Latins, 1080–1393. Curzon Press. pp. 81–82,188–193.ISBN0-7007-1418-9.
^De Montclos, J. (1971).Lanfranc et Bérenger. La controverse eucharistique du XIe siècle. Leuven.OCLC542116.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^abHardon, John A. (2003).The History of Eucharistic Adoration. CMJ Publishers and Distrib. pp. 4–10.ISBN0-9648448-9-3.
^Latin epitaph:Dilexi iustitiam et odivi iniquitatem propterea morior in exilio. This is a reworking of the well-knownPs. 44.8Dilexísti justítiam, et odísti iniquitátem : proptérea unxit te Deus, Deus tuus, óleo lætítiæ præ consórtibus tuis. Together withPs 44. 2,Eructávit cor meum verbum bonum : dico ego ópers mea Regi, it forms theIntroit of the former of the two Masses of theCommon of a virgin not a martyr. The grammatical variation on 'Thou didst love justice and hate iniquity', the original of which was said in apostrophe to the canonised virgin not a martyr, whose feast is being celebrated. Gregory (or his eulogizers), therefore, was likely quoting from a familiar liturgical text. See also:Hübinger, Paul Egon (2013) [1973].Die letzten Worte Papst Gregors VII : 164. Sitzung am 20. Januar 1971 in Düsseldorf. Rheinish-Westfälisch Akademie der Wissenschaften, Geisteswissenschaften. Vorträge, G 185. Springer-Verlag.ISBN978-3-322-98884-3.
Watterich, Johann M., ed. (1862).Pontificum Romanorum Vitae ab aequalibus conscriptae Tomus I. Leipzig: Wilhelm Engelmann.
Bonizo of Sutri, "Liber ad amicum", in Philippus Jaffé (editor)Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum Tomus II: Monumenta Gregoriana (Berolini 1865), pp. 577–689.
Paul von Bernried, Canon of Regensburg, "S. Gregorii VII Vita," J. P. Migne (ed.),Patrologiae Cursus Completus Series Latina Tomus CXLVIII: Sancti Gregorii VII Epistolae et Diplomata Pontificia (Paris 1878), 39–104.
Kuttner, S. (1947). 'Liber Canonicus: a note on the Dictatus Papae',Studi Gregoriani 2 (1947), 387–401.
Capitani, O. "Esiste un' «età gregoriana» ? Considerazioni sulle tendenze di una storiografia medievistica,"Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa 1 (1965), pp. 454–481.
Capitani, O. (1966).Immunità vescovili ed ecclesiologia in età "pregregoriana" e "gregoriana". L'avvio alla "Restaurazione, Spoleto.
Gatto, L. (1968).Bonizo di Sutri ed il suo Liber ad Amicum Pescara.
Knox, Ronald (1972). "Finding the Law: Developments in Canon Law during the Gregorian Reform,"Studi Gregoriani 9 (1972) 419–466.
Gilchrist, J. T. (1972). "The Reception of Pope Gregory VII into the Canon Law (1073–1141)."Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung, 59 (1973), 35–82.
Robinson, Ian Stuart. (1978).Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest: the Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century. Manchester University Press.
Capitani, O. (1984).L'Italia medievale nei secoli di trapasso: la riforma della Chiesa (1012–1122). Bologna.
Fuhrmann, H. (1989). "Papst Gregor VII. und das Kirchenrecht. Zum Problem des Dictatus papae,"Studi Gregoriani XIII, pp. 123–149, 281–320.
Golinelli, Paolo (1991).Matilde e i Canossa nel cuore del Medioevo. Milano: Mursia.
Capitani, Ovidio (2000), "Gregorio VII, santo," in Enciclopedia dei Papi. Roma: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana.
Robinson, I. S. (2003).Henry IV of Germany 1056–1106 (revised ed.). Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-0521545907.
Förster, Thomas (2011).Bonizo von Sutri als gregorianischer Geschichtsschreiber. Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung..Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Studien und Texte, 53.
Mathew, Arnold Harris (2013) [1910].The Life and Times of Hildebrand, Pope Gregory VII. St. Gabriel Theological Press.
Capitani, Ovidio; (ed. Pio Berardo) (2015).Gregorio VII : il papa epitome della chiesa di Roma. Spoleto : Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo.
Villegas-Aristizábal, Lucas, "Pope Gregory VII and Count Eblous II of Roucy's Proto-Crusade in Iberia c. 1073", Medieval History Journal 21.1 (2018), 1–24.doi:10.1177/0971945817750508
.jpg)
