TheAfrican Union (AU) is acontinental union of 55 member states[7][8] located on the continent ofAfrica. The AU was announced in theSirte Declaration inSirte,Libya, on 9 September 1999, calling for the establishment of the African Union. The bloc was launched on 9 July 2002 inDurban, South Africa.[9] The intention of the AU was to replace theOrganisation of African Unity (OAU), established on 25 May 1963 inAddis Ababa by 32 signatory governments; the OAU was disbanded on 9 July 2002.[10] The most important decisions of the AU are made by theAssembly of the African Union, a semi-annual meeting of the heads of state andgovernment of its member states.
To promote co-operation in all fields of human activity to raise theliving standards of African people.
To coordinate and harmonise the policies between the existing and futureRegional Economic Communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union.
To advance the development of the continent by promoting research in all fields, in particular in science and technology.
To work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent.
The African Union is made up of both political and administrative bodies. The highest decision-making organ is theAssembly of the African Union, made up of all the heads of state or government of member states of the AU. The Assembly is chaired byJoão Lourenço, President ofAngola. The AU also has a representative body, thePan-African Parliament, which consists of 265 members elected by the national legislatures of the AU member states. Its president isFortune Z. Charumbira.
The AU's first military intervention in a member state was the May 2003 deployment of a peacekeeping force of soldiers from South Africa,Ethiopia, andMozambique to oversee the implementation of the various agreements inBurundi. AU troops were also deployed inSudan for peacekeeping during theDarfur Conflict, before the mission was handed over to theUnited Nations on 1 January 2008 viaUNAMID. The AU has a peacekeeping mission inSomalia, consisting of troops fromUganda and Burundi.[16]
The AU has adopted a number of important new documents establishing norms at the continental level, to supplement those already in force when it was created. These include theAfrican Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (2003), the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (2007), theNew Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and its associated Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance.[17]
African leaders who founded theOAU the predecessor of the African Union, EmperorHaile Selassie I (center), PresidentKenyatta (right) and other African leaders including PresidentObote (behind, left side)
The historical foundations of the African Union originated in theFirst Congress of Independent African States, held inAccra,Ghana from 15 to 22 April 1958. The conference was aimed at establishingAfrica Day to annually mark the liberation movement concerning the willingness of the African people to free themselves from colonial rule, as well as subsequent attempts to unite Africa, including theOrganisation of African Unity (OAU), which was established on 25 May 1963, and theAfrican Economic Community in 1991.[18] Critics argued that the OAU in particular did little to protect the rights and liberties of African citizens from their own political leaders, often dubbing it the "Dictators' Club".[19]
The idea of creating the AU was revived in the mid-1990s under the leadership of Libyan head of stateMuammar al-Gaddafi;[20] the heads of state and governments of the OAU issued theSirte Declaration (named after Sirte, Libya) on 9 September 1999, calling for the establishment of an African Union.[21] The Declaration was followed by summits atLomé in 2000, when theConstitutive Act of the African Union was adopted, and atLusaka in 2001, when the plan for the implementation of the African Union was adopted. During the same period, the initiative for the establishment of theNew Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) was also established.[22][23]
The African Union was launched inDurban on 9 July 2002 by its first chairperson, former South African head of stateThabo Mbeki, at the first session of the Assembly of the African Union.[24] The second session of the Assembly was held inMaputo in 2003 and the third session inAddis Ababa was held on 6 July 2004.
Barack Obama was the first-ever sitting United States president to speak in front of the African Union in Addis Ababa on 29 July 2015. During his speech, he encouraged the world to increase economic ties via investments and trade with thecontinent and lauded the signs of progress made ineducation, infrastructure andeconomy. However, he also criticized a lack of democracy and leaders who refuse to step down, discrimination against minorities (includingLGBT people, religious groups and ethnicities) and corruption. He suggested an intensifieddemocratization and free trade to significantly increase living quality for Africans.[29][30]
To become the highest legislative body of the African Union. The seat of the PAP is atMidrand,Johannesburg, South Africa. The Parliament is composed of 265 elected representatives from all 55 AU states, and intended to provide popular and civil-society participation in the processes of democratic governance. Its president isRoger Nkodo Dang, ofCameroon.
Composed of heads of state and heads of government of AU states, the Assembly is currently the supreme governing body of the African Union. It is gradually devolving some of its decision-making powers to the Pan-African Parliament. It meets once a year and makes its decisions by consensus or by a two-thirds majority. The currentchair of the AU is PresidentMacky Sall, President ofSenegal.
The secretariat of the African Union, composed of ten commissioners and supporting staff and headquartered inAddis Ababa, Ethiopia. In a similar fashion to itsEuropean counterpart, theEuropean Commission, it is responsible for the administration and coordination of the AU's activities and meetings.
The Constitutive Act provides for a Court of Justice to rule on disputes over interpretation of AU treaties. A protocol to set up this Court of Justice was adopted in 2003 and entered into force in 2009. It was, however, superseded by a protocol creating anAfrican Court of Justice and Human Rights, which will incorporate the already establishedAfrican Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (see below) and have two chambers: one for general legal matters and one for rulings on the human rights treaties.
Composed of ministers designated by the governments of member states. It decides on matters such as foreign trade, social security, food, agriculture and communications, is accountable to the Assembly, and prepares material for the Assembly to discuss and approve. It is chaired by Shawn Makuyana ofZimbabwe (2015– ).
Consisting of nominated permanent representatives of member states, the Committee prepares the work for the Executive Council, similar to the role of theCommittee of Permanent Representatives in theEuropean Union.
Proposed at theLusaka Summit in 2001 and established in 2004 under a protocol to the Constitutive Act adopted by the AU Assembly in July 2002. The protocol defines the PSC as a collective security and early-warning arrangement to facilitate timely and effective response to conflict and crisis situations in Africa. Other responsibilities conferred to the PSC by the protocol include prevention, management and resolution of conflicts, post-conflict peace building and developing common defence policies. The PSC has fifteen members elected on a regional basis by the Assembly. Similar in intent and operation to theUnited Nations Security Council.
An advisory organ composed of professional and civic representatives, similar to the EuropeanEconomic and Social Committee. The chair of ECOSOCC, elected in 2008, is Cameroonian lawyerAkere Muna of the Pan-African Lawyers Union (PALU).
Both the Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act provide for Specialised Technical Committees to be established made up of African ministers to advise the Assembly. In practice, they have never been set up. The ten proposed themes are: Rural Economy and Agricultural Matters; Monetary and Financial Affairs; Trade, Customs, and Immigration; Industry, Science and Technology; Energy, Natural Resources, and Environment; Transport, Communications, and Tourism; Health; Labour, and Social Affairs; Education, Culture, and Human Resources.
These institutions have not yet been established; however, the Steering Committees working on their founding have been constituted. Eventually, the AU aims to have a single currency (theAfro).
TheAfrican Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, in existence since 1986, is established under theAfrican Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Charter) rather than the Constitutive Act of the African Union. It is the premier African human rights body, with responsibility for monitoring and promoting compliance with the African Charter. TheAfrican Court on Human and Peoples' Rights was established in 2006 to supplement the work of the commission, following the entry into force of a protocol to the African Charter providing for its creation. It is planned that the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights will be merged with the Court of Justice of the African Union (see above).
Space
TheAfrican Space Agency was officially formed in 2023. It is headquartered in Cairo.
AllUN member states based in Africa and on African islands are members of the AU, as is thepartially recognized state of theSahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR).Morocco withdrew from the Organisation of African Unity in 1984 due to the admission as a member state of the SADR, whose territory ofWestern Sahara it claims sovereignty over. It was readmitted by the AU as a member state on 30 January 2017.[35]Somaliland, which is claimed bySomalia, applied to join the AU in 2005.[36]
Mali was suspended from the African Union on 19 August 2020 following amilitary coup.[37] On 9 October of the same year, thePeace and Security Council of the African Union lifted the suspension imposed on Mali, citing progress made to return to democracy.[38] The country was again suspended on 1 June 2021, following itssecond military coup within nine months.[39]
Guinea's membership was also suspended by the African Union on 10 September 2021, after amilitary coup deposed the country's PresidentAlpha Condé.[40]
Sudan's membership was suspended by the African Union on 27 October 2021, after amilitary coup deposed the civilian government led by Prime MinisterAbdalla Hamdok.[41]
Burkina Faso's membership was suspended by the African Union in the aftermath of amilitary coup on 31 January 2022.[42]
Gabon's membership was suspended by the African Union on 31 August 2023 following amilitary coup that deposed presidentAli Bongo Ondimba.[44] In April 2025, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union rejoined the African Union and decided to lift sanctions against Gabon.[45]
The principal topic for debate at the July 2007 AU summit held inAccra, Ghana, was the creation of a Union Government,[58] with the aim of moving towards aUnited States of Africa. A study on theUnion Government was adopted in late 2006,[59] and proposes various options for "completing" the African Union project. There are divisions among African states on the proposals, with some (notablyLibya) following a maximalist view leading to a common government with an AU army; and others (especially the southern African states) supporting rather a strengthening of the existing structures, with some reforms to deal with administrative and political challenges in making the AU Commission and other bodies truly effective.[60]
Following a heated debate in Accra, theAssembly of Heads of State and Government agreed in the form of a declaration to review the state of affairs of the AU with a view to determining its readiness towards a Union Government.[61] In particular, the Assembly agreed to:
Accelerate the economic and political integration of the African continent, including the formation of aUnion Government of Africa;
Conduct an audit of the institutions and organs of the AU; review the relationship between the AU and the RECs; find ways to strengthen the AU and elaborate a timeframe to establish a Union Government of Africa.
The declaration lastly noted the "importance of involving the African peoples, includingAfricans in the Diaspora, in the processes leading to the formation of the Union Government".
Following this decision, a panel of eminent persons was set up to conduct the "audit review". The review team began its work on 1 September 2007. The review was presented to the Assembly of Heads of State and Government at the January 2008 summit in Addis Ababa. No final decision was taken on the recommendations, however, and a committee of ten heads of state was appointed to consider the review and report back to the July 2008 summit to be held in Egypt.[62] At the July 2008 summit, a decision was once again deferred, for a "final" debate at the January 2009 summit to be held in Addis Ababa.
One of the key debates in relation to the achievement of greater continental integration is the relative priority that should be given to integration of the continent as a unit in itself or to integration of the sub-regions. The 1980Lagos Plan of Action for the Development of Africa and the 1991 treaty to establish the African Economic Community (also referred to as the Abuja Treaty), proposed the creation ofRegional Economic Communities (RECs) as the basis for African integration, with a timetable for regional and then continental integration to follow.[63]
Currently, there are eight RECs recognised by the AU, each established under a separate regional treaty. They are:
The membership of many of the communities overlaps, and their rationalisation has been under discussion for several years—and formed the theme of the 2006 Banjul summit. At the July 2007 Accra summit the Assembly finally decided to adopt a Protocol on Relations between the African Union and the Regional Economic Communities.[64] This protocol is intended to facilitate the harmonisation of policies and ensure compliance with the Abuja Treaty and Lagos Plan of Action time frames.
In 2006, the AU decided to create a Committee "to consider the implementation of a rotation system between the regions" in relation to the presidency. Controversy arose at the 2006 summit when Sudan announced its candidacy for the AU's chairmanship, as a representative of the East African region. Several member states refused to support Sudan because of tensions overDarfur (see also below). Sudan ultimately withdrew its candidacy and PresidentDenis Sassou-Nguesso of theRepublic of the Congo was elected to a one-year term. At the January 2007 summit, Sassou-Nguesso was replaced by PresidentJohn Agyekum Kufuor of Ghana, despite another attempt by Sudan to gain the chair. The year 2007 was the 50th anniversary of Ghana's independence, a symbolic moment for the country to hold the chair of the AU—and to host the mid-year summit at which the proposed Union Government was also discussed. In January 2008, PresidentJakaya Kikwete of Tanzania took over as chair, representing the East African region and thus apparently ending Sudan's attempt to become chair—at least till the rotation returned to East Africa.[65] The current chair isJoão Lourenço, President ofAngola, whose term began on February 15, 2025.[66]
The main administrative capital of the African Union is inAddis Ababa,Ethiopia, where the African Union Commission is headquartered. A new headquarters complex, theAU Conference Center and Office Complex (AUCC), was inaugurated on 28 January 2012, during the 18th AU summit.[72] The complex was built byChina State Construction Engineering Corporation as a gift from theChinese government, and accommodates, among other facilities, a 2,500-seat plenary hall and a 20-story office tower. The tower is 99.9 meters high to signify the date 9 September 1999, when theOrganisation of African Unity voted to become the African Union.[73] The building cost US$200 million to construct.[74]
On 26 January 2018, five years after the completion of the building of the AU Headquarters, the French newspaperLe Monde[75] published an article stating that the Chinese government had heavily bugged the building, installing listening devices in the walls and furniture and setting up the computer system to copy data to servers in Shanghai daily.[74] The Chinese government denied that they bugged the building, stating that the accusations were "utterly groundless and ridiculous".[74] Ethiopian Prime MinisterHailemariam Desalegn rejected the French media report.[76]Moussa Faki Mahamat, head of the African Union Commission, said the allegations in theLe Monde's report were false. "These are totally false allegations and I believe that we are completely disregarding them."[77] The African Union replaced its Chinese-supplied servers and started encrypting its communications following the event.[78]
This was in regards to the ICC's non-adherence to AU calls to drop certain charges against sitting leaders and claims that it was disproportionally targeting Africans.[103]
The individual member states of the African Union coordinate foreign policy through this agency, in addition to conducting their owninternational relations on a state-by-state basis. The AU represents the interests of African peoples at large inintergovernmental organisations (IGOs); for instance, it is apermanent observer at theUnited Nations General Assembly. Both the African Union and the United Nations work in tandem to address issues of common concerns in various areas. The African Union Mission to the United Nations aspires to serve as a bridge between the two organisations.
Membership of the AU overlaps with other IGOs, and occasionally, these third-party organisations and the AU will coordinate on matters of public policy. The African Union maintains special diplomatic representation with theUnited States and theEuropean Union.
One of the leading economic partners of the continent has been thePeople's Republic of China (PRC). TheForum on China–Africa Cooperation is the main multi-lateral coordination mechanism between the African countries and China.[141] Since joining FOCAC in 2012, the African Union has increasingly played a coordinating role, although each African country in FOCAC continues to represent itself individually.[142]
For the European Commission, the European Union's relationship with Africa is a key priority. The future Africa-EU partnership vision of the European Commission and the European External Action Service is outlined in the Joint Communication "Towards a Comprehensive Strategy with Africa". It proposes partnering on:[143][144]
On 2 December 2020, five Africa-Europe Foundation Strategy Groups were established in the areas of Health, Digital, Agriculture and Sustainable Food Systems, Sustainable energy and Transport and Connectivity. It was done together with a consortium comprising Friends of Europe, Mo Ibrahim Foundation and IPEMED.[148]
In regards to strengthening resilience, peace, security and governance, the African Union and the European Union recognize that resilience, peace, security and governance are all closely linked. Peace and security are important elements for sustainable development, prosperity and resilience of societies.[146] For ensuring peace and security, it had worked out the African Peace Facility.[149] This has been itself replaced in 2021 by the European Peace Facility.[150][151] The AU and EU are also partnering on promoting sustainable resources management,environmental resilience, andclimate change mitigation[146] TheAfrica Adaptation Initiative is also being supported by theEuropean Union.[152]
The African Union periodically invites thePresident of the State of Palestine to make an opening speech during its annual Summit in Addis Ababa. According to Article 10 of the Rules of Procedure of the Union, during the opening of the meeting sessions, the President of the State of Palestine in person is entitled to make an opening speech. After theHamas attack on Israel in October 2023, African Union Commission ChairpersonMoussa Faki expressed his "utmost concern" at the situation and called for an immediate cessation of hostilities; additionally, he recalled that denial of the fundamental rights of thePalestinian people, particularly that of an independent and sovereignState of Palestine, was the "main cause of the permanentIsraeli-Palestinian tension".[155]
Russia hosted the firstAfrica-Russia heads-of-state summit on October 23–24, 2019, Representatives from all 54 African states, including 43 heads-of-state or government, attended the summit.[156]
Turkey–Africa relations have gained substantial momentum since the declaration of Turkey as a strategic partner of the continent by the African Union in January 2008. Since 2008, various major summits and meetings have been taking place between Turkey and AU. The first summit was The Turkey–Africa Cooperation summit, Istanbul in August 2008.[160]
As of 2020, Turkey has embassies in 42 countries and commercial counselors in 26 countries on the Africa continent. Turkey's national flag carrierTurkish Airlines also flies to 35 destinations on the continent.
In 2017,Donald Trump,President of the United States, issued an executive order to ban citizens from seven countries with suspected links to terrorism from entering the United States. Three of these are African countries, and members of the AU. During the 28th African Union Summit in Ethiopia, African leaders criticised the ban as they expressed their growing concerns for the future of the African economy under President Trump's leadership and subsequent policies.[161]
The African Union has the power to militarily intervene on behalf of its member states as laid out in Article 4(h) of theConstitutive Act of the African Union, "in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity".[162]
In response to the death ofGnassingbé Eyadéma, President ofTogo, on 5 February 2005, AU leaders described the appointment of his son,Faure Gnassingbé, to the presidency to have been amilitary coup.[163] Togo's constitution calls for the speaker of parliament to succeed the president in the event of his death. By law, the parliament speaker must call national elections to choose a new president within sixty days. The AU's protest forced Gnassingbé to hold elections. Under heavy allegations of election fraud, he was officially elected president on 4 May 2005.
On 3 August 2005, a coup inMauritania led the African Union to suspend the country from all organisational activities. The military ouncil that took control of Mauritania promised to hold elections within two years.[citation needed][164] These were held in early 2007, the first time that the country had held elections that were generally agreed to be of an acceptable standard. Following the elections, Mauritania's membership of the AU was restored. However, on 6 August 2008, a fresh coup overthrew the government elected in 2007. The AU once again suspended Mauritania from the continental body.[165] The suspension was once again lifted in 2009 after the military junta agreed with the opposition to organise elections.[166]
In March 2012, a military coup was staged in Mali, when an alliance of Touareg and Islamist forces conquered the north, resulting in a coming to power of the Islamists. This resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Malian soldiers and the loss of control over their camps and positions.[167] After a military intervention with help from French troops, the region was in control of the Malian army. To reinstall local authorities, the AU helped to form a caretaker government, supporting it and holding presidential elections in Mali in July 2013.[168]
In 2013, a summit for the African Union was held and it was decided that the African Union was going to enlarge their military presence in Mali. The AU decided to do this because of increasing tensions between al-Qaeda forces and the Mali army. There have been several rebel groups that are vying for control of parts of Mali. These rebel groups include theNational Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), the National Front for the Liberation of Azawad (FLNA), Ganda Koy, Ganda Izo,Ansar ad-Din, andAl-Qaeda in theIslamic Maghreb (AQIM). AU forces have been tasked with counterinsurgency missions in Mali as well as governing presidential elections to ensure as smooth a transition of power as possible.[169]
A disputed election in December 2020 has led to intensification of theCentral African Republic Civil War, displacing 200,000 people. United Nations peacekeepers, including soldiers from Russia and Rwanda, have kept the rebels out ofBangui, but rebels control much of the rest of the country. The AU has not sent peacekeepers to the areas because of a lack of agreement on how to handle the situation:Chad and theRepublic of the Congo support the rebels whileRwanda andAngola support the government.[170]
TheTigray War in Ethiopia has left millions in need of humanitarian aid. Eritrean troops are said to be supporting the Ethiopian government, and there have been border conflicts with Sudan. The relationship between Sudan and Ethiopia is further complicated by theGrand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam project, which also directly affects Egypt.[170]
One of the objectives of the AU is to "promote peace, security, and stability on the continent".[171] Among its principles is "Peaceful resolution of conflicts among Member States of the Union through such appropriate means as may be decided upon by the Assembly".[172] The primary body charged with implementing these objectives and principles is the Peace and Security Council. The PSC has the power, among other things, to authorise peace support missions, to impose sanctions in case of unconstitutional change of government, and to "take initiatives and action it deems appropriate" in response to potential or actual conflicts. The PSC is a decision-making body in its own right, and its decisions are binding on member states.
Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act, repeated in Article 4 of the Protocol to the Constitutive Act on the PSC, also recognises the right of the Union to intervene in a member state in circumstances of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. Any decision to intervene in a member state under Article 4 of the Constitutive Act will be made by the Assembly on the recommendation of the PSC.
Since it first met in 2004, the PSC has been active in relation to the crises inDarfur,Comoros,Somalia,Democratic Republic of the Congo,Burundi,Ivory Coast and other countries. It has adopted resolutions creating the AU peacekeeping operations in Somalia and Darfur, and imposing sanctions against persons undermining peace and security (such as travel bans and asset freezes against the leaders of the rebellion in Comoros). The council is in the process of overseeing the establishment of a "standby force" to serve as a permanent African peacekeeping force.[citation needed][3]
The founding treaty of the AU also called for the establishment of theAfrican Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), including theAfrican Standby Force (ASF), which is to be deployed in emergencies. That means, in cases of genocide or other serious human-rights violations, an ASF mission can be launched even against the wishes of the government of the country concerned, as long as it is approved by the AU. In past AU peacekeeping missions, the concept was not yet applied and forces had to be mobilised from member states. Although the ASF was declared fully operational in 2016 and used from 2017 onwards in ECOWAS, ECCAS and SADC interventions to theGambia,Lesotho,Mozambique and theDemocratic Republic of the Congo, it has not been deployed in the same way as originally conceived. Instead of the PSC acting as the primary initiator of ASF action as previously planned, Regional Economic Communities have took charge of mobilizing ASF capabilities. In light of continued criticism, ASF reform remains a prominent topic of discussion at the AU.[168][173]
In response to the ongoingDarfur conflict in Sudan, the AU has deployed 7,000 peacekeepers, many from Rwanda and Nigeria, toDarfur. While a donor's conference in Addis Ababa in 2005 helped raise funds to sustain the peacekeepers through that year and into 2006, in July 2006 the AU said it would pull out at the end of September when its mandate expires.[174] Critics of the AU peacekeepers, includingEric Reeves, have said these forces are largely ineffective due to lack of funds, personnel, and expertise. Monitoring a large area has made it even more difficult to sustain an effective mission. In June 2006, theUnited States Congress appropriated US$173 million for the AU force. Some, such as theGenocide Intervention Network, have called for UN orNATO intervention to augment and/or replace the AU peacekeepers. The UN has considered deploying a force, though it would not likely enter the country until at least October 2007.[175] The under-funded and badly equipped AU mission was set to expire on 31 December 2006 but was extended to 30 June 2007 and merged with theUnited Nations African Union Mission in Darfur in October 2007. In July 2009 the African Union ceased cooperation with theInternational Criminal Court, refusing to recognise the international arrest warrant it had issued against Sudan's leader,Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted in 2008 forwar crimes.[176]
The AU struggled to have a strategic role in the independence talks and the reconciliation process ofSouth Sudan, due to overwhelming interests of African and non-African powers, its influence is still limited and not consistent.[177]
Kenyan soldiers and fighters of theRas Kamboni Brigades, a Somali government-allied militia, nearKismayo, Somalia, 2012
From the early 1990s up until 2000,Somalia was without a functioning central government. A peace agreement aimed at ending thecivil war that broke out following the collapse of theSiad Barre regime was signed in 2006 after many years of peace talks. However, the new government was almost immediately threatened by further violence. In February 2007, the African Union (AU) and European Union (EU) worked together to establish theAfrican Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). The purpose of AMISOM was to create a foundation that would hopefully provide aid to some of Somalia's most vulnerable and keep the peace in the region. They are tasked with everything from protecting federal institutions to facilitating humanitarian relief operations. Much of the AU's opposition comes from an Islamic extremist group namedal-Shabaab.[178] To temporarily shore up the government's military base, starting in March 2007, AU soldiers began arriving inMogadishu as part of a peacekeeping force that was intended by the AU to eventually be 8,000 strong.[19] Eritrea recalled its ambassadors to the African Union on 20 November 2009[179] after the African Union called on the United Nations Security Council to impose sanctions on them due to their alleged support of Somali Islamists attempting to topple theTransitional Federal Government of Somalia, the internationally recognised government of Somalia which holds Somalia's seat on the African Union.[180] On 22 December 2009, the United Nations Security Council passedUNSCR 1907, which imposed an arms embargo on Eritrea, travel bans on Eritrean leaders, and asset freezes on Eritrean officials. Eritrea strongly criticised the resolution. In January 2011, Eritrea reestablished their mission to the AU in Addis Ababa.[181]
In the fall of 2011, AMISOM forces, along with Kenyan and Ethiopian forces, launched a set of offensive attacks on theal-Shabaab. In these attacks,AMISOM forces were able to reclaim key cities including the Somali capital ofMogadishu. In September 2013, political scientist Ethan Bueno de Mesquita argued that with the help ofAMISOM forces, they had made it "nearly impossible foral-Shabaab to hold territory even in its former strongholds in southern Somalia". Although much progress has been made towards peace in the region, it should still be noted that African Union forces' still get attacked regularly. DespiteAMISOM being effective, it is vastly underfunded and many forces lack the resources required. Funding for humanitarian relief and the formation of armies tends to be vastly undercut.[178]
A successful 2008 invasion ofAnjouan by AU andComoros forces to stop self-declared presidentMohamed Bacar, whose 2007 re-election was declared illegal.[182] Prior to the invasion, France helped transport Tanzanian troops but their position in the disagreement was questioned when a French police helicopter was suspected of attempting to sneak Bacar into French exile.[183] The first wave of troops landed on Anjouan Bay on 25 March and soon took over the airfield inOuani, ultimately aiming to locate and remove Bacar from office.[182] On the same day, the airport, capital, and second city were overrun and the presidential palace was deserted.[184] Bacar escaped and sought asylum in France. The Comoros government demanded his return, in order to determine his fate.[185] Many of Bacar's main supporters were arrested by the end of March, includingCaabi El-Yachroutu Mohamed andIbrahim Halidi. Bacar's asylum request was rejected on 15 May, as France agreed to cooperate with the Comoran government's demand.[186] At the 29 June elections,Moussa Toybou won the presidency.[187]
The sovereignty of theChagos Archipelago in the Indian Ocean is disputed between the United Kingdom andMauritius.[188] In February 2019, theInternational Court of Justice inThe Hague issuedan advisory opinion stating that the UK must transfer the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius.[189] On 22 May 2019, theUnited Nations General Assembly debated and adopted a resolution that affirmed that the Chagos archipelago "forms an integral part of the territory of Mauritius".[190] The African Union urged the United Kingdom to comply with a UN resolution calling for it to withdraw from the Chagos Islands.[191] The UK does not recognise Mauritius' sovereignty claim over the Chagos Archipelago.[192] In October 2024, the British government announced that it would transfer the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius subject to treaty negotiations that would enable the UK to maintain its military base on the island of Diego Garcia under lease.[193]
The AU faces many challenges, including health issues such as combatingmalaria and theAIDS/HIV epidemic; political issues such as confronting undemocratic regimes and mediating in the many civil wars; economic issues such as improving thestandard of living of millions of impoverished, uneducated Africans; ecological issues such as dealing with recurring famines,desertification, and lack of ecologicalsustainability; as well as thelegalissues regarding Western Sahara.
Daniel Batidam, an anti-corruption advisory board member of the African Union, resigned after stating that the organisation had "multiple irregularities" and that "issues have come up over and over again" regarding corruption. The African Union quickly accepted his resignation, with Batidam saying that it was a sign that mismanagement towards corruption will "continue with business as usual".[194]
In a story published on 12 March 2020, AU staff alleged that Commission chairman Moussa Faki Mahamat was guilty of corruption and cronyism, as well as running of a "mafia-style cartel" that operates with impunity.[195] The allegations were contained in a memo leaked to the South AfricanMail & Guardian. This followedsexual harassment allegations raised in late 2018.
In 2011, when the conflict in Libya began, the African Union was initially criticised for doing little to prevent the conflict's escalation. Additionally, the AU hesitated to take a side. It was unclear whether the AU supported the Libyan regime or the rebels. This occurred as several human right violations were perpetrated against members of the Libyan regime. It was later realised that the AU's hesitation was due to its lack of capacity and its inability to engage in democratic reform.[196]
As a result of Gaddafi's defeat at theBattle of Tripoli (the war's deciding battle), in August 2011, theArab League voted to recognise the anti-GaddafiNational Transitional Council as the legitimate government of the country, pending elections.[203] The council has been recognised by several AU member states, including twoArab League members.[204][205] However, the AUPeace and Security Council voted on 26 August 2011 not to recognise it, insisting on a ceasefire and on the formation of a nationalunity government by both sides.[206] A number of AU member states led byEthiopia,Nigeria, andRwanda requested that the AU recognise theNTC as Libya's interim governing authority,[207][208] and several other AU member states have recognised theNTC regardless of the Peace and Security Council's decision.[209][210] However, AU member statesAlgeria[211] andZimbabwe[212] have indicated they will not recognise theNTC, andSouth Africa has expressed reservations as well.[213]
In post-Gaddafi Libya, the African Union believes it still has an important responsibility to the country despite its failure to contribute to the conflict when it originated. Although the African Union is there to keep peace, it is not a long-term solution. The goal, as stated by the AU, is to establish a Libyan government that is sustainable to ensuring peace in Libya. To achieve some level of peace in Libya, the AU has to moderate peace talks which are aimed at achieving compromises and power sharing accommodations as well.[196]
Regions of the African Union: Northern Region (Sahara) Southern Region (Kalahari) Eastern Region (Nile) Western Regions A and B (Niger and Volta Niger) Central Region (Congo)
The AU has an area of 29,922,059 square kilometres (11,552,972 sq mi), with 24,165 kilometres (15,015 mi) of coastline. The vast majority of this area is on continental Africa, while the only significant territories off the mainland are the island ofMadagascar (the world's largestmicrocontinent andfourth-largest island) and theSinai Peninsula (geographically a part of Asia), accounting for slightly less than 2% of the total area.
The following table shows various data for AU member states, including area, population, economic output and income inequality, as well as various indices, including human development, viability of the state, perception of corruption, economic freedom, state of peace, freedom of the press and democratic level.
a External data from 2016.b External data from 2015.c External data from 2014.d AU total used for indicators 1 through 3; AU weighted average used for indicator 4; AU unweighted average used for indicators 5 through 12.
In 2018,[233] the African Union adopted the Free Movement Protocol.[234][235] This protocol allows for free movement of people between countries that are part of the African Union.
Article 14 of the Protocol to the treaty establishing the African economic community relating to the free movement of persons, right of residence, and the right of establishment discusses the free movement of workers.[236]
The African Union also has a Migration Policy Framework for Africa (MPFA).[237]
Forced displacement of people and groups has also been an area of focus for the AU—over thirty states have ratified theKampala Convention, the only continental treaty focusing on internally displaced persons in the world.[238]
Beginning in 2016, the African Union introduced continent-wide passports.[239]
As of 2025 there has been an increased push for an implementation of the Free Movement Protocol. The UN has urged more states to ratify the protocol, and has praised Ghana for allowing visa free travel for all individuals with an African passport.[240]
Map showing the traditional language families represented in Africa (1996)
The official languages of the African Union are Arabic, English, French, Portuguese, Spanish,Swahili, and "any other African language".[2][3] The primary working languages of the African Union are English and French. To a lesser extent Portuguese and Arabic are used. TheConstitutive Act, for example, is written in English, French and Arabic, while the protocol amending the Constitutive Act is written in English, French and Portuguese. As of 2020, the AU website is available in its entirety in English, partially in French and minimally in Arabic.[241] Portuguese and Swahili versions were added as "coming soon" (em breve) in April 2019.[242][243]
According to the Constitutive Act of the African Union,[244]
The working languages of the Union and all its institutions shall be, ifpossible, African languages, Arabic, English, French and Portuguese.
A protocol amending the Constitutive Act was adopted in 2003 and as of April 2020 has been ratified by 30 of the 37 member states needed for a two-thirds majority. It would change the above wording to,[245]
1. The official languages of the Union and all its institutions shall be Arabic, English, French, Portuguese, Spanish, Kiswahili and any other African language. 2. The Executive Council shall determine the process and practical modalities for the use of official languages as working languages.
Prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Africa, total (% of population ages 15–49), in 2011 (World Bank)
over 15%
5–15%
2–5%
1–2%
0.5–1%
0.1–0.5%
not available
The AU has been active in addressing the AIDS pandemic in Africa. In 2001, the AU established AIDS Watch Africa to coordinate and mobilise a continent-wide response.[249]Sub-Saharan Africa, especially southern and eastern Africa, is the most affected area in the world. Though this region is home to only 6.2% of the world's population, it is also home to half of the world's population infected with HIV.[250] While the measurement of HIV prevalence rates has proved methodologically challenging, more than 20% of the sexually active population of many countries of southern Africa may be infected, with South Africa, Botswana,Kenya, Namibia, andZimbabwe all expected to have a decrease inlife expectancy by an average of 6.5 years. The pandemic has had massive implications for the economy of the continent, reducing economic growth rates by 2–4% across Africa.[251]
In July 2007, the AU endorsed two new initiatives to combat the AIDS crisis, including a push to recruit, train and integrate two million community health workers into the continent's healthcare systems.[252]
In January 2012, the African Union Assembly requested that the African Union Commission would work out "a roadmap of shared responsibility to draw on African efforts for a viable health funding with support of traditional and emerging partners to address AIDS dependency response". Once created, the roadmap (as it is officially known) provided a group of solutions that would enhance the shared responsibility and global solidarity forAIDS,TB, andMalaria responses in Africa by 2015. The roadmap was organised into three pillars: diversified financing, access to medicines, and enhanced health governance. The roadmap held stakeholders accountable for the realisation of these solutions between 2012 and 2015.
The first pillar, diversified financing, ensures that countries begin to develop a country specific financial sustainability plans with clear targets, and identify and maximise opportunities to diversify funding sources in order to increase the domestic resource allocation to AIDS and other diseases.
The second pillar, access to affordable and quality-assured medicines, tries to promote and facilitate investing in leading medicine hub manufacturers in Africa, accelerate and strengthen medicine regulatory harmonisation, and create legislation that would help to protect the knowledge of the researchers who develop these life-saving medicines.
The third pillar, enhanced leadership and governance, tries to invest in programs that support people and communities to prevent HIV and ensure that leadership at all levels is mobilised to implement the roadmap. There are several organisations that will ensure the smooth implementation of the roadmap, includingNEPAD,UNAIDS,WHO, and several other UN partners.[253]
By February 2021, theCOVID-19 pandemic in Africa had resulted in 3.6 million confirmed cases and 89,000 related deaths, and only 25% of African countries had adequate plans for vaccination, according to theAfrica Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).[170] The pandemic has also devastated economies around the world, including in Africa.
Theemblem of the African Union consists of a gold ribbon bearing small interlocking red rings, from which palm leaves shoot up around an outer gold circle and an inner green circle, within which is a gold representation of Africa. The red interlinked rings stand for African solidarity and the blood shed for the liberation of Africa; the palm leaves, for peace; the gold, for Africa's wealth and bright future; the green, for African hopes and aspirations. To symbolise African unity, the silhouette of Africa is drawn without internal borders.[254]
The African Union adopted its new flag at its 14th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government taking place in Addis Ababa 2010. During the 8th African Union Summit which took place in Addis Ababa on 29 and 30 January 2007, the Heads of State and Government decided to launch a competition for the selection of a new flag for the Union. They prescribed a green background for the flag symbolising hope of Africa and stars to represent Member States.
Pursuant to this decision, the African Union Commission (AUC) organised a competition for the selection of a new flag for the African Union. The AUC received a total of 106 entries proposed by citizens of 19 African countries and 2 from the Diaspora. The proposals were then examined by a panel of experts put in place by the African Union Commission and selected from the five African regions for short listing according to the main directions given by the Heads of State and Government.[255]
At the 13th Ordinary Session of the Assembly, the Heads of State and Government examined the report of the Panel and selected one among all the proposals. The flag is now part of the paraphernalia of the African Union and replaces the old one.
The oldflag of the African Union bears a broad green horizontal stripe, a narrow band of gold, the emblem of the African Union at the centre of a broad white stripe, another narrow gold band and a final broad green stripe. Again, the green and gold symbolise Africa's hopes and aspirations as well as its wealth and bright future, and the white represents the purity of Africa's desire for friends throughout the world. The flag has led to the creation of the "national colours" of Africa of gold and green (sometimes together with white). These colours are visible in one way or another in the flags of many African nations. Together the colours green, gold, and red constitute thePan-African colours.
Africa Day (formerly African Freedom Day and African Liberation Day) is an annual commemoration regarding the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), on 25 May 1963, and occurring on the same date of the month each year. Other celebrations include the following:
The Fez Festival of World Sacred Music: a week-long celebration for harmony between cultures with dancing, Moroccan music, art exhibitions and films.[256]
Fête du Vodoun: also known as the Ouidah Voodoo Festival. It is centred around their rituals on voodoo temples, with entertainment that includes horse races and traditional drum performances.[259]
Umhlanga (ceremony): is mainly a private event for young women but on the sixth and seventh days the traditions are done publicly.[260]
Marsabit Lake Turkana Cultural Festival: held in Kenya and celebrates harmony amongst tribes with their culture, singing, dancing and traditional costumes.[261]
Enkutatash is the word for the Ethiopian New Year in Amharic, the official language of Ethiopia. It occurs on 11 September in the Gregorian Calendar; except for the year preceding a leap year, when it occurs on 12 September.
^abc"AU Languages". African Union.Archived from the original on 7 April 2019. Retrieved2 May 2021.Article 11 of the Protocol on Amendments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union states The official languages of the Union and all its institutions shall be Arabic, English, French, Portuguese, Spanish, Kiswahili and any other African language.
^abcTouray, Omar Alieu (2016).The African Union the first ten years. Rowman and Littlefield. pp. Maryland.ISBN978-1-4422-6897-5.
^Corresponds to the terrestrial surface. Including theExclusive Economic Zones of each member state, the total area is 43,434,569 km2 (16,770,181 sq mi).
^"The African Union After Gaddafi".The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations. 5 December 2011.Archived from the original on 10 April 2021. Retrieved31 March 2021.
^"Mrkić na samitu u Adis Abebi".b92.net (in Serbian (Latin script)). 30 January 2014.Archived from the original on 16 June 2023. Retrieved10 September 2023.
^Decision on the Report of the 9th Extraordinary session of the executive council on the proposals for the Union Government, DOC.Assembly/AU/10 (VIII), Assembly/AU/Dec.156 (VIII).
^Study on an African Union Government: Towards a United States of Africa, 2006. See also, Decision on the Union Government, Doc. Assembly/AU/2(VII).
^According to the AUArchived 6 October 2011 at theWayback Machine, his official style isSon Excellence Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, Président de la République, Chef de l'État et Président Fondateur du Parti Démocratique de Guinée Equatoriale(in French). Retrieved 4 October 2011.
^Murphy, Dawn C. (2022).China's rise in the Global South: The Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 56.ISBN978-1-5036-3060-4.OCLC1249712936.
^Murphy, Dawn C. (2022).China's rise in the Global South: The Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's alternative world order. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 57.ISBN978-1-5036-3060-4.OCLC1249712936.
^"Africa-EU Partnership".International Partnerships – European Commission. 3 November 2020.Archived from the original on 10 May 2021. Retrieved28 May 2021.
^Anonymous (3 November 2020)."Africa-EU Partnership".International Partnerships – European Commission.Archived from the original on 10 May 2021. Retrieved28 May 2021.
^Besancon, Marie; Dalzell, Stephen (June 2014). "The Soldier and the Street: East African CIMIC in Somalia and Beyond".PRISM Security Studies Journal.5:117–135.
^abAnderson, Noel (2014). "Peacekeepers Fighting a Counterinsurgency Campaign: A Net Assessment of the African Union Mission in Somalia".Studies in Conflict and Terrorism.37 (11):936–954.doi:10.1080/1057610X.2014.952260.S2CID109822861.
^abHove, Mediel (May 2017). "Post-Gaddafi Libya and the African Union: Challenges and the Road to Sustainable Peace".Journal of Asian and African Studies.52 (3):271–286.doi:10.1177/0021909615583366.S2CID147689749.
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