
Marginal at first, news reports and political analysts have pointed the important weight that theevangelical Christian community has and its impact in electoral politics inLatin America, even helping in the electoral victories of conservative candidates.[1][2][3][4]
Evangelicalpolitical parties are a particular type of political party in Latin America generally linked or known to advocate for the interests of the evangelical Christian community.[1][5][2][6][3][4]
They are normally associated with certain stances likecultural conservatism, strong opposition tosame-sex marriage andLGBT rights,legalization of abortion,drug liberalization andmarijuana legalization, what they refer to asgender ideology oridentity politics,gun control, andglobalism.[1][2][4] Although exceptions exist, they tend to be located on theright side of thespectrum due to the associatedprosperity theology,[3][7] whilst supporting such things as thedeath penalty, "hard hand" on crime,corporal punishment for minors and harsher laws forjuvenile delinquents.[7]
Protestant missionary groups, mainly from thecharismatic movement originating in theDeep South of the United States, were introduced deliberately as a strategy fromWashington particularly duringRepublican administrations as a way to reduce the influence of left-leaning Roman Catholic social movements, such asliberation theology (which was popular among manyfar-leftpolitical parties andguerrillas), and the more moderateChristian socialist andChristian democratic parties.[8][9][10] Guatemalan archbishopPróspero Penados also blamed the US for encouraging and sponsoring evangelicalism in Guatemala. According to him, this was for more political than religious reasons: "The diffusion of Protestantism in Guatemala is more part of an economic and political strategy" to oppose the Catholicsocial justice doctrine".[11] Meanwhile, some conservative Catholics have blamed the widespread prevalence ofliberation theology among the clergy in Latin America for the exodus of believers to evangelical Protestantism and have criticized the proponents of liberation theology for a lack of focus onJesus Christ in favor of left-wing social doctrine.[12][13]
In recent decades,[as of?] the Catholic Church has suffered a drain of followers, some of whom have becomeirreligious,agnostic oratheist. Some have also converted to other religions likeBuddhism,Islam andnew religious movements; however, a large segment of former Catholics, particularly those of more humble origins and lower classes, have joined evangelical churches, withneo-Pentecostal andcharismatic movements proving popular.[14]Pentecostalism also became popular among the lower-income classes and the most abandoned sectors of society, especially those of very poor and peripheral areas who see the churches' ideas of economic growth through faith as an opportunity for social mobility.[14] In any case, the growth of evangelicals was quickly followed by their newly discovered political and electoral weight, with new forms of political activism and even the creation of specific political parties connected to their communities.[15] Guatemalan dictatorEfraín Ríos Montt was one of the first evangelical Christians to attain power in Latin America's history.[15][16]
Some examples of these movements include evangelical Christian support ofAlfonso Portillo,[17]Jorge Serrano andJimmy Morales (the latter two themselves evangelicals) inGuatemala,[4][18]Juan Orlando Hernández inHonduras,[4]Mauricio Macri inArgentina, andSebastián Piñera inChile.[19] Evangelical opposition to theColombian peace agreement referendum is considered by many pivotal in its rejection,[20] as was the evangelical parties' support of theimpeachment of Dilma Rousseff inBrazil. Countries with notorious conservative right-wing candidates supported by evangelicals include Guatemala, whereManuel Baldizón came close to a victory twice (2011 and2015);[18]Bolivia, whereChi Hyun Chung came third in2019;[21]Venezuela, where pastorJavier Bertucci was the nominee with the third-highest vote total;Costa Rica, where preacher andgospel singerFabricio Alvarado went into the electoral run-off;[4] and Brazil, where evangelical Christians were pivotal in the triumph ofJair Bolsonaro.[4][22][23][7]
However, in some countries the alliance was with the left. Evangelicals supportedHugo Chávez in the1998 election as much as other Venezuelans.[24][25] TheAuthentic Renewal Organization is a Venezuelan evangelical political party and member of the officialGreat Patriotic Pole of PresidentNicolás Maduro.Daniel Ortega was also supported by evangelical pastors inNicaragua[26] and his wife and Vice PresidentRosario Murillo has links with evangelical churches.[27] Ortega'sUnited Alliance Nicaragua Triumphs regularly includes evangelical parties like theChristian Unity Movement or theNicaraguan Party of the Christian Path.[28] TheSocial Encounter Party inMexico is also unofficially linked to theMexican evangelical community (as theMexican Constitution forbids the existence of confessional parties) and is a member of theJuntos Haremos Historia coalition that endorsed leftistAndrés Manuel López Obrador,[4] a move that drew criticism as it was a coalition with two left-wing parties.[29]Agricultural People's Front of Peru is noted to be syncretic and having left-wing influences.[30][31]Álvaro Colom's running mate in1999 Guatemalan general election Vitalino Similox was a progressive Presbyterian pastor who ran on a different platform compared to the other more right-wing protestant candidates.[18]
The movement is generally characterized by its staunchcultural conservatism (even for Latin American standards) with very strong opposition tosame-sex marriage,LGBT rights,legalization of abortion,drug liberalization andmarijuana legalization, "gender ideology" andidentity politics,gun control andglobalism.[2][4] Some may hold stronganti-communist andanti-socialist positions and endorseneoliberal andpro-free marketcapitalist ideas in part due to theprosperity theology that many hold.[3][7] Someconspiracy theories likeCultural Marxism and theNew World Order have proven popular among its base. South American evangelicals also tend to followChristian Zionism and be supporters ofIsrael, supporting policies such as the moving of theembassies of their countries to Jerusalem.[2][32][33][34][35][36]
Some have been described also as supporters of thedeath penalty, "hard hand" on crime,creationism (and opposition to teaching thescientific theories ofevolution andBig Bang in schools),[37]corporal punishment for children and harsher laws forjuvenile delinquents.[7] Their most critical opponents signal them as havingfar-right,religious fundamentalist,theocratic,anti-democratic andauthoritarian ideas wanting to replace democracy with theocracy.[38][39]
Roman Catholics in Latin America tend to be relatively more left-wing in economics[40][41] due to the traditional teachings ofCatholic social doctrine and Christian democracy.[4] Evangelical Christians, on the other hand, are mostly from the neo-Pentecostal movement and thus believers in prosperity theology, which justifies most of their neoliberal economic ideas.[4]
Atheists,agnostics andnon-religious people are the third-largest group of Latin America behind Catholics and Protestants.[14] Overlap with conservative neo-Pentecostals is scarce. Although exceptions exist, non-religious Latin Americans tend to be stronglyculturally liberal, generally more than the average Latin American,[14] being much more likely to support such things likesecularism, abortion, same-sex marriage and birth control than their Catholic counterparts, and especially the neo-Pentecostal community.[14] Non-religious people are also much more supportive of Palestine than Israel and come mostly from the middle and upper class, especially the professional and intellectual camps.[14] Although economically and politically the non-religious may also supportright-wing libertarian, liberal and economically conservative ideas, it is also slightly more common for secularists to fall towards the left and center-left of the spectrum.[50][51]
Brazil'sSpiritualist community has criticized the evangelical position on human rights, social justice and economic policies.[52][53]
The Brazilian Muslim community is split on the issue of supporting or rejecting right-wing figures likeDonald Trump andJair Bolsonaro.[54] Muslims in the West tend to besocially conservative but economically progressive.
Prominent Pentecostal politicians in Brazil have been involved in cases of corruption and law violations. Since 2007 Federal deputy PastorMagno Malta was in involved in many scandals including embezzlement, nepotism, bribing and issuance of fake bill of goods.[55][56][57][58][59]
In 2012, PastorEveraldo Pereira was convicted and ordered to pay his ex-wife, Katia Maia, an indemnity ofR$ 85,000 (US$ 26,350) for material and moral damage. Pastor Everaldo asked the Justice Court of Rio de Janeiro (TJ-RJ) to overturn the decision and was acquitted by theSupreme Federal Court.[60] In 2013, Pereira's ex-wife initiated a new judicial process in theSuperior Court of Justice (STJ), alleging that the pastor committed physical violence, followed by death threats. Katia Maia said that during the aggression there were "kicks and punches, that caused a puncture in [her]eardrum". Pereira, however, said he acted in legitimate self-defense after a car pursuit in the streets ofRio de Janeiro.[61]
Federal deputy PastorMarco Feliciano, one of the most prominent names of theSocial Christian Party (Partido Social Cristão, PSC), stated that Africans werecursed by Noah,[62] leading to accusations ofracism.[63]
The deputy was falsely accused of attempted rape and assault by 22-year-old Patricia Lelis, a PSC activist who attended the same church as the pastor.[64] The deputy chief of staff, Talma Bauer, was arrested for initially being suspected of kidnapping the young woman and forcing her to record videos defending the deputy in order to dismiss the initial complaint.[65] After a police inquiry, Bauer was released and the São Paulo Civil Police concluded that there was no kidnapping or aggression,[66] and requested the arrest of Lélis for the crimes of slanderous denunciation and extortion against Bauer.[67]
In January 2017, Samuel "Sammy" Morales, the older brother and close adviser ofGuatemalan PresidentJimmy Morales, whose campaign slogan was, "neither corrupt, nor a crook", as well as one of Morales' sons, José Manuel Morales, were arrested on corruption and money laundering charges.[68][69] According to media reports, the arrests prompted several large protests of up to 15,000 people demanding President Morales' removal.[70][71][72]
Jimmy Morales ordered the expulsion of ColombianIván Velásquez, commissioner of theInternational Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), after it began "investigating claims that his party took illegal donations, including from drug-traffickers" and asked "congress to strip him of immunity from prosecution."[73][74] AfterMinister of foreign affairsCarlos Raul Morales refused to sign the executive order, he was removed from office along with viceminister Carlos Ramiro Martínez.[75] TheConstitutional Court of Guatemala finally blocked the move.[74]
Furthermore, former cabinet minister Édgar Gutiérrez accused Jimmy Morales of having sexually abused young female public workers with complicity of other government officials.[76]
Some parties and candidates are criticized for being supporters of creationism over thescientific theories ofevolution and theBig Bang.[77][37]
They are also often accused[by whom?] offar-right,religious fundamentalist,theocratic,anti-democratic andauthoritarian ideologies,[38] or for planning to replacedemocracy withtheocracy.[39]
| Election | Candidate | Party | First round | Second round | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Position | Result | Votes | % | Position | Result | |||
| Bolivia | ||||||||||
| 2019 | Chi Hyun Chung | PDC | 539,081 | 8.78% | 3rd | Lost | — | |||
| 2020 | FPV | 95,255 | 1.55% | 4th | Lost | — | ||||
| Brazil | ||||||||||
| 2014 | Everaldo Pereira | PSC | 780,513 | 0.75% | 5th | Lost | — | |||
| 2018 | Cabo Daciolo | Patriota | 1,348,323 | 1,26% | 6th | Lost | — | |||
| Colombia | ||||||||||
| 1990 | Claudia Rodríguez de Castellanos | PNC | 33,645 | 0.56% | 6th | Lost | — | |||
| 1994 | José Antonio Cortes Huertas | C4 | 11,704 | 0.20% | 10th | Lost | — | |||
| 1998 | Beatríz Cuellar | MUC | 30,832 | 0.29% | 5th | Lost | — | |||
| Costa Rica | ||||||||||
| 1986 | Alejandro Madrigal Benavides | ANC | 5,647 | 0.58% | 5th | Lost | — | |||
| 1990 | Fernando Ramírez Muñoz | 4,209 | 0.31% | 4th | Lost | — | ||||
| 1994 | Rafael Ángel Matamoros | 4,980 | 0.33% | 4th | Lost | — | ||||
| 1998 | Sherman Thomas Jackson | PRC | 19,313 | 1.39% | 5th | Lost | — | |||
| Alejandro Madrigal Benavides | ANC | 3,545 | 0.26% | 9th | ||||||
| 2002 | Justo Orozco | PRC | 16,404 | 1.07% | 5th | Lost | — | |||
| Marvin Calvo Montoya | ANC | 1,271 | 0.08% | 11th | ||||||
| 2006 | Bolívar Serrano | PRC | 15,539 | 0.96% | 9th | Lost | — | |||
| 2010 | Mayra González | PRC | 13,945 | 0.73% | 6th | Lost | — | |||
| 2014 | Carlos Avendaño | PRN | 27,691 | 1.35% | 7th | Lost | — | |||
| Justo Orozco | PRC | 16,721 | 0.81% | 8th | ||||||
| 2018 | Fabricio Alvarado | PRN | 505,214 | 24.91% | 1st | ─ | 822,997 | 39.21% | 2nd | Lost |
| Mario Redondo | ADC | 12,638 | 0.59% | 10th | Lost | — | ||||
| Carlos Avendaño | PRC | 12,309 | 0.57% | 11th | ||||||
| 2022 | Fabricio Alvarado | PNR | 311,633 | 14.88% | 3rd | Lost | — | |||
| Eduardo Cruickshank | PRN | 11,160 | 0.53% | 15th | ||||||
| Christian Rivera Paniagua | ADC | 5,697 | 0.27% | 18th | ||||||
| Guatemala | ||||||||||
| 1990–1 | Jorge Serrano Elías | PAS | 375,165 | 24.14% | 2nd | – | 936,389 | 68.08% | 1st | Won |
| Álvaro Arzú | PAN | 268,796 | 17.29% | 4th | Lost | — | ||||
| 1995–6 | 565,393 | 36.50% | 1st | ─ | 671,354 | 51.22% | 1st | Won | ||
| 1999 | Francisco Bianchi | ADRE | 45,470 | 2.07% | 5th | Lost | — | |||
| 2003 | Efraín Ríos Montt | FRG | 518,328 | 19.31% | 3rd | Lost | — | |||
| 2011 | Manuel Baldizón | LIDER | 1,016,340 | 22.82% | 2nd | ─ | 1,981,048 | 46.26% | 2nd | Lost |
| Harold Caballeros | VIVA | 277,365 | 6.23% | 5th | Lost | — | ||||
| Patricia Escobar | PU | 97,498 | 2.19% | 8th | ||||||
| 2015 | Jimmy Morales | FCN | 1,152,394 | 23.99% | 1st | ─ | 2,751,058 | 67.44% | 1st | Won |
| Manuel Baldizón | LIDER | 930,905 | 19.38% | 3rd | Lost | — | ||||
| Zury Ríos | VIVA | 286,730 | 5.97% | 5th | ||||||
| 2019 | Roberto Arzú | Podemos–PAN | 267,049 | 6.10% | 5th | Lost | — | |||
| Isaac Farchi | VIVA | 259,616 | 5.93% | 6th | ||||||
| Estuardo Galdámez | FCN | 180,414 | 4.12% | 8th | ||||||
| 2023 | Armando Castillo | VIVA | 397,469 | 9.44% | 4th | Lost | — | |||
| Zury Ríos | Valor–PU | 366,574 | 8.70% | 6th | ||||||
| Sammy Morales | FCN | 22,816 | 0.54% | 20th | ||||||
| Nicaragua | ||||||||||
| 1996 | Guillermo Osorno | CCN | 71,908 | 4.09% | 3rd | Lost | — | |||
| 2021 | 89,853 | 3.26% | 3rd | Lost | — | |||||
| Panama | ||||||||||
| 2024 | Melitón Arrocha | PAIS | 4,660 | 0.20% | 8th | Lost | — | |||
| Peru | ||||||||||
| 2006 | Humberto Lay | RN | 537,564 | 4.38% | 6th | Lost | — | |||
| Puerto Rico (Governor) | ||||||||||
| 2020 | César Vázquez Muñiz | PD | 87,379 | 6.79% | 5th | Lost | — | |||
| 2024 | Javier Jiménez | 81,369 | 6.38% | 4th | Lost | — | ||||
| Venezuela | ||||||||||
| 1988 | Godofredo Marín | ORA | 62,896 | 0.86% | 4th | Lost | — | |||
| 1993 | Modesto Rivero | 20,814 | 0.37% | 5th | Lost | — | ||||
| 2006 | Luis Reyes | Joven | 4,807 | 0.04% | 3rd | Lost | — | |||
| 2012 | ORA | 8,214 | 0.06% | 4th | Lost | — | ||||
| 2013 | Eusebio Mendez | NUVIPA | 19,498 | 0.13% | 3rd | Lost | — | |||
| 2018 | Javier Bertucci | El Cambio | 989,761 | 10.75% | 3rd | Lost | — | |||
| 2024 | 64,452 | 0.52% | 7th | Lost | — | |||||
| Election | Parties | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|---|
| Brazil (Chamber of Deputies) | |||
| 2018 | Patriota | 1,432,304 | 1.46% |
| 2022 | 1,526,570 | 1.40% | |
| Chile (Chamber of Deputies) | |||
| 2021 | PCC+NT | 44,980 | 0.71% |
| Colombia (Senate) | |||
| 1991 | MUC+PNC | 95,161 | 1.79% |
| 1994 | MUC+C4+PNC | 132,930 | 2.55% |
| 1994 | MUC+C4 | 98,612 | 1.14% |
| 2002 | MIRA+MUC+C4+PNC | 223,490 | 2.41% |
| 2006 | MIRA+C4 | 324,121 | 3.52% |
| 2010 | MIRA | 324,109 | 2.96% |
| 2014 | 334,836 | 2.82% | |
| 2018 | MIRA+CJL | 959,027 | 6.28% |
| 2018 | 584,806 | 3.44% | |
| Costa Rica | |||
| 1986 | ANC | 19,972 | 1.70% |
| 1990 | 22,149 | 1.66% | |
| 1994 | 21,064 | 1.43% | |
| 1998 | PRC+ANC | 37,068 | 2.68% |
| 2002 | 61,524 | 4.04% | |
| 2006 | PRN+PRC | 88,707 | 5.50% |
| 2010 | 117,931 | 6.21% | |
| 2014 | PRN+ADC+PRC | 191,234 | 9.34% |
| 2018 | 482,217 | 22.56% | |
| 2022 | PRN+PRN+ADC | 270,044 | 13.01% |
| Mexico (Chamber of Deputies) | |||
| 2015 | PES | 1,325,032 | 3.49% |
| 2018 | 1,353,499 | 2.50% | |
| 2021 | PES | 1,352,388 | 2.38% |
| Nicaragua | |||
| 1996 | CCN | 63,867 | 3.72% |
| 2006 | AC | 12,053 | 0.54% |
| 2021 | CCN | 53,959 | 1.96% |
| Panama | |||
| 2024 | PAIS | 34,250 | 1.60% |
| Peru | |||
| 2006 | RN | 432,209 | 4.02% |
| Puerto Rico (House of Representatives) | |||
| 2020 | PD | 79,166 | 6.85% |
| 2024 | 84.796 | 6.67% | |
| Venezuela | |||
| 1988 | ORA | 92,117 | 1.28% |
| 1993 | 41,085 | 0.87% | |
| 1998 | 29,355 | 0.60% | |
| 2000 | 1,066 | 0.02% | |
| 2005 | 606 | 0.02% | |
| 2015 | NUVIPA+ORA | 111,957 | 0.81% |
| 2020 | El Cambio+ORA+NUVIPA | 321,769 | 5.14% |
Ezekiel is an eclectic figure: he is a social, agrarian and religious leader with a vision of socialist and indigenist dyes
Faced with the dip in support, Israel is increasingly looking to evangelical communities in Latin America, Africa and elsewhere to build international support. Guatemala, where President Jimmy Morales is an avowed evangelical, was the first country to follow suit after the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem.
One additional comment about the political theology often embraced by these groups is needed. In the 1980s, a new movement known as Dominion Theology or the Reconstructionist Movement surfaced among conservative Evangelicals. This group interpreted the Bible – especially the Old Testament – as commanding believers "to restore" each nation according to theocratic principles and to promote Evangelical moral paradigms. Reconstructionists affirm an eschatological and political vision founded on the belief that Christians were destined to govern the world. Many prominent Evangelical politicians in Latin America have embraced this ideology. They seek to bring others to their faith not only because of their propensity for proselytism but also because of their conviction that, once a nation reaches a critical mass of believers, the Spirit will pour out God's justice and prosperity upon the population (Smith & Campos, 2012). Undoubtedly, this ideology is present, in one form or another, in other contexts and people need to be aware of its presence. It is worth noting that nowhere that the Reconstructionists have held power or influence – in Guatemala, Brazil, Nicaragua, El Salvador or Peru, for example – have they been able successfully to model sound public governance nor successfully resolve such issues as systemic corruption and violence. But they are present, they have money, and they often have access to media and to opinion leaders.
Across the region, Catholics, Protestants and people who are not affiliated with any religion generally have similar views on whether there is a conflict between faith and science. But Protestants are less accepting of evolution than are Catholics or the religiously unaffiliated.
Considering that the Latin Americansocial imaginary) does not generally include science, and Christians generally do not reflect systematically on science and religion, how we can explain their acceptance of evolution? A possible answer could be uncomfortable for Christians who try to build fruitful initiatives to discuss these issues: many Roman Catholics, who belong to a centralized religion—and who are very devoted to this religious tradition in Latin America—basically follow whatever their church officially establishes at the Vatican, which accepts evolution. On the other hand, many Protestants who accept evolution do so mainly as a reaction to evangelical fundamentalism—which has generally been seen as contrary to evolution— but not as a consequence of taking science seriously in their reflections about faith and natural world. Unfortunately, this makes sense given the uses and abuses of science among Protestants in Latin America. Many Latin American Protestants are suspicious of any attempt to generate dialogue between science and faith, or they are just apathetic about these issues. But what is more problematic is that among Protestants interested in science, it is often for apologetic and opportunistic purposes, rather than as a way to generate an honest discussions about big questions or to re-examine their worldview in the context of science.