Engraving depicting two Roman women offering asacrifice to the pagan goddessVesta, 1887
Paganism (from Latin paganus'rural, rustic', later 'civilian') is a term first used in the fourth century byearly Christians for people in theRoman Empire who practicedpolytheism,[1] orethnic religions other thanChristianity,Judaism, andSamaritanism. In the time of the Roman Empire, individuals fell into the pagan class either because they were increasingly rural and provincial relative to the Christian population, or because they were notmilites Christi (soldiers of Christ).[2][3] Alternative terms used in Christian texts werehellene,gentile, andheathen.[1]Ritual sacrifice was an integral part of ancientGreco-Roman religion[4] and was regarded as an indication of whether a person was pagan or Christian.[4] Paganism has broadly connoted the "religion of thepeasantry".[1][5]
During and after theMiddle Ages, the termpaganism was applied to any non-Christian religion, and the term presumed a belief infalse gods.[6][7] The origin of the application of the term"pagan" to polytheism is debated.[8] In the 19th century, paganism was adopted as a self-descriptor by members of various artistic groups inspired by theancient world. In the 20th century, it came to be applied as a self-descriptor by practitioners ofmodern paganism,modern pagan movements andpolytheistic reconstructionists. Modern pagan traditions often incorporate beliefs or practices, such asnature worship, that are different from those of the largest world religions.[9][10]
It is crucial to stress right from the start that until the 20th century, people did not call themselves pagans to describe the religion they practiced. The notion of paganism, as it is generally understood today, was created by the early Christian Church. It was a label that Christians applied to others, one of the antitheses that were central to the process of Christian self-definition. As such, throughout history it was generally used in a derogatory sense.
— Owen Davies, Paganism: A Very Short Introduction, 2011[14]
The termpagan derives fromLate Latinpaganus, revived during theRenaissance. Itself deriving fromclassical Latinpagus which originally meant 'region delimited by markers',paganus had also come to mean 'of or relating to the countryside', 'country dweller', 'villager'; by extension, 'rustic', 'unlearned', 'yokel', 'bumpkin'; in Roman militaryjargon, 'non-combatant', 'civilian', 'unskilled soldier'. It is related topangere ('to fasten', 'to fix or affix') and ultimately comes fromProto-Indo-European*pag- ('to fix' in the same sense):[15]
The adoption ofpaganus by the Latin Christians as an all-embracing, pejorative term for polytheists represents an unforeseen and singularly long-lasting victory, within a religious group, of a word of Latin slang originally devoid of religious meaning. The evolution occurred only in the Latin west, and in connection with the Latin church. Elsewhere, Hellene or gentile (ethnikos) remained the word for pagan; and paganos continued as a purely secular term, with overtones of the inferior and the commonplace.
Medieval writers often assumed thatpaganus as a religious term was a result of the conversion patterns during theChristianization of Europe, where people in towns and cities were converted more easily than those in remote regions, where old ways tended to remain. However, this idea has multiple problems. First, the word's usage as a reference to non-Christians pre-dates that period in history. Second, paganism within the Roman Empire centred on cities. The concept of an urban Christianity as opposed to a rural paganism would not have occurred to Romans duringEarly Christianity. Third, unlike words such asrusticitas,paganus had not yet fully acquired the meanings (of uncultured backwardness) used to explain why it would have been applied to pagans.[17]
Paganus more likely acquired its meaning in Christian nomenclature viaRoman military jargon (see above). Early Christians adopted military motifs and saw themselves asMilites Christi (soldiers of Christ).[15][17] A good example of Christians still usingpaganus in a military context rather than a religious one is inTertullian'sDe Corona Militis XI.V, where the Christian is referred to aspaganus (civilian):[17]
Apud hunc [Christum] tam miles est paganus fidelis quam paganus est miles fidelis.[18]
With Him [Christ] the faithful citizen is a soldier, just as the faithful soldier is a citizen.[19]
Paganus acquired its religious connotations by the mid-4th century.[17] As early as the 5th century,paganos was metaphorically used to denote persons outside the bounds of the Christian community. Following thesack of Rome by theVisigoths just over fifteen years after theChristian persecution of paganism under Theodosius I,[20] murmurs began to spread that the old gods had taken greater care of the city than the Christian God. In response,Augustine of Hippo wroteDe Civitate Dei Contra Paganos ('The City of God against the Pagans'). In it, he contrasted the fallen "city of Man" with the "city of God", of which all Christians were ultimately citizens. Hence, the foreign invaders were "not of the city" or "rural".[21][22][23]
The term pagan was not attested in the English language until the 17th century.[24] In addition toinfidel andheretic, it was used as one of severalpejorative Christian counterparts togoy (גוי /נכרי) as used in Judaism, and tokafir (كافر, 'unbeliever') andmushrik (مشرك, 'idolater') as in Islam.[25]
In the Latin-speakingWestern Roman Empire of the newlyChristianizing Roman Empire,Koine Greek became associated with thetraditional polytheistic religion ofAncient Greece and was regarded as a foreign language (lingua peregrina) in the west.[26] By the latter half of the 4th century in the Greek-speakingEastern Empire, pagans were—paradoxically—most commonly calledHellenes (Ἕλληνες, lit. "Greeks") The word had almost entirely ceased being used in a cultural sense.[27][28] It retained that meaning for roughly the first millennium of Christianity.
This was influenced by Christianity's early members, who wereJewish. The Jews of the time distinguished themselves from foreigners according to religion rather thanethno-cultural standards, and early Jewish Christians would have done the same. Since Hellenic culture was the dominant pagan culture in the Roman east, they referred to pagans as Hellenes. Christianity inherited Jewish terminology for non-Jews and adapted it to refer to non-Christians with whom they were in contact. This usage is recorded in theNew Testament. In thePauline epistles,Hellene is almost always juxtaposed withHebrew regardless of actual ethnicity.[28]
The usage of Hellene as a religious term was initially part of an exclusively Christian nomenclature, but some Pagans began to defiantly call themselves Hellenes. Other pagans even preferred the narrow meaning of the word from a broad cultural sphere to a more specific religious grouping. However, there were many Christians and pagans alike who strongly objected to the evolution of the terminology. The influentialArchbishop of ConstantinopleGregory of Nazianzus, for example, took offence at imperial efforts to suppress Hellenic culture (especially concerning spoken and written Greek) and he openly criticized the emperor.[27]
The growing religious stigmatization of Hellenism had achilling effect on Hellenic culture by the late 4th century.[27]
By late antiquity, however, it was possible to speak Greek as a primary language while not conceiving of oneself as a Hellene.[29] The long-established use of Greek both in and around theEastern Roman Empire as alingua franca ironically allowed it to instead become central in enabling the spread of Christianity—as indicated for example, by the use of Greek for theEpistles of Paul.[30] In the first half of the 5th century, Greek was the standard language in which bishops communicated,[31] and theActa Conciliorum ("Acts of the Church Councils") were recorded originally in Greek and then translated into other languages.[32]
"Heathen" comes fromOld English:hæðen (not Christian or Jewish); cf.Old Norseheiðinn. This meaning for the term originated fromGothichaiþno (gentile woman) being used to translate Hellene[33] inWulfila's Bible, the first translation of the Bible into aGermanic language. This may have been influenced by the Greek and Latin terminology of the time used for pagans. If so, it may be derived from Gothichaiþi (dwelling on theheath). However, this is notattested. It may even be a borrowing of Greekἔθνος (ethnos) viaArmenianhethanos.[34]
The term has recently been revived in the forms "Heathenry" and "Heathenism" (often but not always capitalized), as alternative names for themodern Germanic pagan movement, adherents of which may self-identify as Heathens.[citation needed]
It is perhaps misleading even to say that there was such a religion as paganism at the beginning of [the Common Era] ... It might be less confusing to say that the pagans, before their competition with Christianity, had no religion at all in the sense in which that word is normally used today. They had no tradition of discourse about ritual or religious matters (apart from philosophical debate or antiquarian treatise), no organized system of beliefs to which they were asked to commit themselves, no authority-structure peculiar to the religious area, above all no commitment to a particular group of people or set of ideas other than their family and political context. If this is the right view of pagan life, it follows that we should look on paganism quite simply as a religion invented in the course of the second to third centuries AD, in competition and interaction with Christians, Jews and others.
Defining paganism is very complex and problematic. Understanding the context of its associated terminology is important.[36]Early Christians referred to the diverse array ofcults around them as a single group for reasons of convenience andrhetoric.[37] While paganism generally impliespolytheism, the primary distinction between classical pagans and Christians was not one ofmonotheism versus polytheism, as not all pagans were strictly polytheist. Throughout history, many of them believed in asupreme deity. However, most such pagans believed in a class of subordinate gods/daimons—seehenotheism—or divineemanations.[13] To Christians, the most important distinction was whether or not someone worshipped theone true God. Those who did not (polytheist, monotheist, oratheist) were outsiders to theChurch and thus considered pagan.[38] Similarly, classical pagans would have found it peculiar to distinguish groups by the number ofdeities followers venerate. They would have considered the priestly colleges (such as theCollege of Pontiffs orEpulones) and cult practices more meaningful distinctions.[39]
Referring to paganism as a pre-Christian indigenous religion is equally untenable. Not all historical pagan traditions were pre-Christian or indigenous to their places of worship.[36]
Owing to the history of its nomenclature, paganism traditionally encompasses the collective pre- and non-Christian cultures in and around theclassical world; including those of the Greco-Roman, Celtic, Germanic, and Slavic tribes.[40] However, modern parlance offolklorists andcontemporary pagans in particular has extended the original four millennia scope used by early Christians to include similar religious traditions stretching far intoprehistory.[41]
Paganism came to be equated by Christians with a sense ofhedonism, representing those who are sensual, materialistic, self-indulgent, unconcerned with the future, and uninterested in more mainstream religions. Pagans were usually described in terms of this worldlystereotype, especially among those drawing attention to what they perceived as the limitations of paganism.[42]
Recently, theethnocentric andmoral absolutist origins of the common usage of the term pagan have been proposed,[43][44] with scholar David Petts noting how, with particular reference to Christianity, "...local religions are defined in opposition to privileged 'world religions'; they become everything that world religions are not, rather than being explored as a subject in their own right."[45] In addition, Petts notes how various spiritual, religious, and metaphysical ideas branded as "pagan" from diverse cultures were studied in opposition to Abrahamism in early anthropology, a binary he links to ethnocentrism and colonialism.[46]
Ludwig Feuerbach defined the paganism ofclassical antiquity, which he termedHeidentum ('heathenry') as "the unity of religion and politics, of spirit and nature, of god and man",[47] qualified by the observation that man in the pagan view is always defined byethnicity, i.e., As a result, every pagan tradition is also a national tradition. Modern historians define paganism instead as the aggregate of cult acts, set within a civic rather than a national context, without a written creed or sense oforthodoxy.[48]
Pagan as a religious concept arose out of the development of Christianity, as anexonym to refer to certain non-Christian peoples and practices, both at the center of and in the outer reaches of theRoman Empire.
Early Christianity was one of several monotheistic cults within the Roman Empire, emerging fromSecond Temple Judaism andHellenistic Judaism. It developed in context, relationship, and competition with other religions advocating both monotheism and polytheism. Early Christianity distinguished itself from these other religions through the concept of paganism, naming those "pagan" who did not worship "the one true God".
Notable monotheistic cults contemporary with Early Christianity included those ofDionysus,[49]Neoplatonism,Mithraism,Gnosticism, andManichaeanism.[citation needed] The cult ofDionysus is thought to have strongly influenced Early Christian themes, and is an example of how Christianity defined itself against "paganism" while incorporating "pagan" religious themes and practices. Numerous scholars have concluded that the conceptual construction ofJesus the wandering rabbi into the image ofChrist the Logos, reflects direct influence from the cult of Dionysus, and the symbolism of wine and the importance it held in the mythology surrounding both Dionysus and Jesus Christ exemplifies this.[50][51] Peter Wick argues that the use of winesymbolism in theGospel of John, including the story of theMarriage at Cana at which Jesus turns water into wine, was intended to show Jesus as superior to Dionysus.[52] The scene inThe Bacchae wherein Dionysus appears before King Pentheus on charges of claiming divinity can be compared to the New Testament scene of Jesus being interrogated byPontius Pilate.[52][53][54]
Men ofTheth (Shala) practicing thegjâmë – theAlbanian lamentation of the dead – in 1937. The earliest figurative representations of this practice in traditional Albanian-inhabited regions appear onDardanian funerary stelae of classical antiquity.[55]
Paganism in Albania serves as an example of how indigenous folk religious practices persisted under official policies of Christian conversion.Proto-Albanian speakers were Christianized under theLatin sphere of influence, specifically in the 4th century CE, as shown by the basicChristian terms in Albanian, which are ofLatin origin and entered Proto-Albanian before theGheg–Tosk dialectal diversification.[56][57] Regardless of Christianization,paganism persisted among Albanians, and especially within the inaccessible and deep interior[58] whereAlbanian folklore evolved over the centuries in a relatively isolatedtribal culture and society.[59] It has continued to persist, despite partially transformation by Christian, and later Muslim and Marxist beliefs, that were either to be introduced by choice or imposed by force.[60] The Albanian traditional customary law (Kanun) has held a longstanding, unwavering, and sacred – although secular – unchallenged authority with a cross-religious effectiveness over the Albanians, which is attributed to an earlier pagan code common to all theAlbanian tribes.[61] Historically, the Christian clergy has vigorously fought, but without success, to eliminate thepagan rituals practiced by Albanians fortraditional feasts and particular events, especially the fire rituals (Zjarri).[62][63]
Christianity was introduced late in Mani, with the first Greek temples converted into churches during the 11th century. Byzantine monkNikon "the Metanoite" (Νίκων ὁ Μετανοείτε) was sent in the 10th century to convert the predominantlypagan Maniots. Although his preaching began the conversion process, it took over 200 years for the majority to accept Christianity fully by the 11th and 12th centuries.Patrick Leigh Fermor noted that the Maniots, isolated by mountains, were among the last Greeks to abandon the old religion, doing so towards the end of the 9th century:
Sealed off from outside influences by their mountains, the semi-troglodytic Maniots themselves were the last of the Greeks to be converted. They only abandoned the old religion of Greece towards the end of the ninth century. It is surprising to remember that this peninsula of rock, so near the heart of the Levant from which Christianity springs, should have been baptised three whole centuries after the arrival ofSt. Augustine in far-awayKent.[64]
According toConstantine VII inDe Administrando Imperio, the Maniots were referred to as 'Hellenes' and only fullyChristianized in the 9th century, despite some church ruins from the 4th century indicating early Christian presence. The region's mountainous terrain allowed the Maniots to evade the Eastern Roman Empire's Christianization efforts, thus preserving pagan traditions, which coincided with significant years in the life ofGemistos Plethon.
The End of the Athenian and Alexandrian Schools (5th–6th Century)
The continuity of classical philosophical thought, especiallyNeoplatonism andAristotelianism, within theByzantine Empire necessitated a strategic management of theological risk, given that the Hellenic tradition implied pagan cosmology and metaphysics contradicting Christian orthodoxy. Modern scholarship posits that key Byzantine intellectuals employed conscious strategies of intellectual accommodation, oroikonomia, which secured the transmission of non-Christian material, often discussed under the framework of crypto-pagan dissimulation.[65] These strategies allowed for the academic preservation of texts while publicly adhering to Christian orthodoxy.
The final generation of Neoplatonists established the survival strategies that would be inherited by Byzantium:
Proclus (412–485) andDamascius (458–538): As the successive heads of theAthenian School, both were overt practitioners ofHellenic paganism andTheurgy. The intellectual survival of their doctrines relied on structural abstraction: Proclus's systematic method in works like theElements of Theology made him an indispensable philosophical quarry for later Christian theologians seeking a rigorous conceptual framework, thus ensuring his content's survival under the guise of intellectual utility.[66] Damascius, the last head of the school before its closure in 529, is implicated in the most radical act of dissimulation: thepseudepigraphy ofPseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite (c. 500), which placed advanced ProcleanHenology under apostolic authority, a strategy interpreted by scholars like Tuomo Lankila as a conscious "resurrect[ion of] the polytheistic religion" through concealment.[67]
Ammonius Hermiae (440–520): InAlexandria, Ammonius employed a pragmatic strategy of accommodation. Although a pagan, he negotiated with the Christian authorities (specifically the patriarch Proterius) to keep the school open, ensuring the continuous teaching of the Aristotelian and Neoplatonic curriculum. This public compliance allowed for the technical preservation of philosophical texts.[68]
Simplicius of Cilicia (6th century): Following the closure of the Athenian School, Simplicius moved toPersia. His immense commentaries onAristotle served as a primary strategy of intellectual neutrality. By focusing on the historical and technical exposition of his predecessors' pagan arguments without overtly endorsing them, Simplicius became the essential vehicle for the objective transmission of Greek philosophy into the Byzantine and laterIslamic worlds.[69]
Dionysius of Thrace (5th–6th century commentator): The tradition surrounding the Tékhnē grammatikḗ ensured the survival of pagan myth references within a dry, academic structure. Scholars note that the accompanying Christianized scholia (commentaries), written by Unknown early Byzantine commentators (7th–8th centuries), preserved the detailed mythological content, only adding perfunctory Christian disclaimers that did not meaningfully engage with or neutralize the pagan knowledge, thus ensuring its continuity.[70] This group of commentators are precursors to the later Aristotelian circle inConstantinople. Figures likeJohn Philoponus (490–570), a student of Ammonius, also preserved Hellenism through the strategic refutation of pagan doctrines, such as inAgainst Proclus on the Eternity of the World, preserving the detailed philosophical arguments under the guise of neutralization.[71]
The Macedonian Renaissance and Komnenian Era (9th–12th Century)
The revival of scholarship formalized the use of disclaimers and political strategy:
Leo the Mathematician (c. 790–869) andTheodore of Smyrna (8th–9th century): Leo's promotion of advanced mathematics and Platonic-inspired thought while Archbishop and head of theMagnaura School led to explicit accusations of crypto-paganism from contemporaries, who charged him with "having rejected Christianity and adopted Greek paganism." His public disclaimers—or the political defenses he was forced to mount—were essential for his institutional survival.[72] Theodore of Smyrna, often cited as a student of Leo, participated in this transmission, though direct evidence of his own use of disclaimers is less prominent in scholarship.
Photius (c. 810–893) andArethas of Caesarea (c. 860–935): Both utilized a strategy of archival preservation. Photius’sMyriobiblon preserved lost pagan philosophical and historical works by framing them as academic reviews.[73] Arethas’s patronage secured the physical copying of vital pagan texts, includingPlato's dialogues. Arethas further used a political disclaimer by publicly attacking others (like Leo) for being "Hellenic," rhetorically distancing himself from the theological risk while actively enabling pagan scholarship.[74]
Michael Psellos (1017–1078): Psellos refined the strategy of the explicit disclaimer through dissimulation (oikonomia). He openly studied Proclus,Plotinus, and theChaldaean Oracles, while publicly disavowing belief in pagan practices (likeastrology) to "distance himself from heretical doctrines," a necessary facade to secure Hellenic philosophical concepts within the Christian educational system.[75]
John Italos (1025–1085),Eustratios of Nicaea (960–1030), andMichael of Ephesus (11th century): This group formed the core of the 11th-century Aristotelian circle. Italos's reliance onapodeictic proof over patristic authority was perceived as a failure of his disclaimers, leading to his condemnation and ten anathemas in 1082 for promoting "(crypto-)pagan" doctrines, recorded in theSynodikon of Orthodoxy.[76] Eustratios, his student, continued the tradition but his strategy of survival lay in focusing commentary on theNicomachean Ethics (practical philosophy), a less theologically dangerous area, while Michael of Ephesus focused on monumentalizing the complete Aristotelian corpus (e.g., Parva Naturalia), a crucial act of systemic preservation for philosophical completeness.[77][78]
This final period saw renewed engagement with classical sources, requiring careful strategies to manage the transmission of volatile texts:
Gregory Choniades (c. 1240–1302) andMaximus Planudes (c. 1260–1330): Choniades's contribution was the importation of advanced Hellenic astronomical and mathematical knowledge fromPersia. His strategy involved the technical translation of these texts into Greek, focusing on their empirical utility rather than their religious or philosophical implications, a form of intellectual compartmentalization aimed at protection.[79] Planudes, a grammarian, employed the strategy of literary preservation, compiling and commenting on potentially controversial texts, such as theGreek Anthology andPtolemy's works, ensuring their survival through the guise of academic philology.[80]
Theodore Metochites (1270–1332): Metochites championed the preservation of classical science and philosophy through a strategy of apologetic structural integration. His literary projects employed sophisticated apologetic language, positioning pagan customs and prophecies as historical precursors fulfilled by Christian truth. This structure functioned as an overarching disclaimer that neutralized the theological threat of Hellenism through reinterpretation and "Hellenic-Christian synthesis."[81]
Georgios Gemistos Plethon (c. 1355–1452): Plethon was arguably the most radical proponent of Platonism in the Byzantine world. His intellectual survival strategy was based on radical dissimulation and secrecy: while publicly engaging in political and philosophical debates, he authored theNómoi (Laws), a text that proposed a comprehensive, state-sanctioned neo-pagan, polytheistic religious system intended to replace Christianity in the reformed Byzantine state. Scholars view this concealed work as the ultimate statement of crypto-paganism, intended for a secret intellectual elite. The failure of this deep concealment led to its discovery after his death byPatriarch Gennadios Scholarios, who condemned Plethon and ordered the destruction by fire of the Nómoi, saving only the table of contents.[82][83]
In the near east, the survival of specific technical and intellectual traditions from late antiquity, including advanced astrology, specialized mathematical techniques, and the corpus ofHermetic alchemy, was secured through organized non-Muslim communities integrated within theArabic intellectual world.[84] This transmission route was centered on the non-Islamic community of theSabians of Harran, who employed religious dissimulation (kitmān) while serving as essential scholars and translators.[85] Their technical expertise allowed them to preserve and transmit non-orthodox cosmological frameworks within scientific pursuits.[86]
The city ofHarran served as a geographically and politically resilient center for a unique syncretic religion that blended Mesopotamian paganism withNeoplatonism.[87] This persistence allowed the community to function as a crucial hub for intellectual continuity well into the Abbasid period.[88]
Harran negotiated a peaceful surrender to theRashidun Caliphate in 639–640.[89] The city gained particular political prominence under theUmayyad Caliph,Marwan II (r. 744–750), serving as his capital.[90] Although it later lost this status, its established schools and university flourished, actively participating in theTranslation Movement during the reign ofHarun al-Rashid (r. 786–809).[91] Following a decree by CaliphAl-Ma'mun in 830, the community successfully adopted the protected legal status of "Sabians" mentioned in theQuran, ensuring the survival of their distinct religious and intellectual identity.[92]
The Sabian Core: Pagan Identity and Literary Transmission
The Sabians explicitly maintained a pagan identity, viewing their scientific and esoteric studies as integral to their religious practice.[93] Their devotion to the Chaldean-style astral cultus and their claim thatHermes Trismegistus was their primary prophet made them the natural custodians of the esoteric Greek and Babylonian scientific lineages.[94]
The most influential scholarly line was founded byThābit ibn Qurra (836–901), a Harranian scholar and major figure in theTranslation Movement. Thābit was an open pagan; his funeral inscription explicitly refers to him as a "Sabian, son of a Sabian."[95] He was a mathematician, astronomer, and translator whose works introduced the theoretical framework for celestial mechanics and the technical basis for talismanic operations into Arabic.[96] His lineage continued through his descendants, including his son Sinān ibn Thābit ibn Qurra (c. 880–943) and grandson Ibrāhīm ibn Sinān ibn Thābit (c. 908–946), who served as elite court physicians and mathematicians.[97]
The foundational corpus of Arabicalchemy is associated withJābir ibn Ḥayyān (Geber) (c. 721–815). The intellectual history surrounding Geber firmly links his esoteric knowledge to the Harranian scholarly network.[98] This connection is rooted in the Sabian tradition of viewing Hermes as the prophet of alchemy.[99] Geber is understood to have served as a conduit for the technical and intellectual currents connected to the Sabian traditions, embedding a Hermetic and Chaldean-influenced cosmology into early Islamic chemical arts.[100] Scholars such as Ibn Waḥshiyya (d. 930s) helped codify and transmit texts rooted in ancient Babylonian–Sabian priesthoods, ensuring the literary survival of magical and alchemical lore for subsequent generations of Arabic scholars.[101]
The established Arabic intellectual heritage, which contained the Sabian cosmological influences, was transmitted directly into the Latin West via the court of theHoly Roman EmperorFrederick II (1194–1250) and his primary translator.
Frederick was a unique patron who explicitly sought Arabic esoteric knowledge during theSixth Crusade.[102] His host, theAyyubid ruler al-Kāmil, patronized scholars preserving Harranian-style astral science.[103] Contemporary sources[104] confirm that Frederick requested specific books on astrology, treatises on talismans, and Greek philosophical works preserved in Arabic—the very material in which Harranian scholars specialized.[105] Historians (Burnett, Pingree, Akasoy) concur that Frederick's exposure to this lineage of intellectual knowledge is extremely plausible.[106] This contact was established through meeting scholars associated with the Ayyubid court, rather than through direct contact with the Harranian community itself.[107]
Michael Scot (c. 1175–1232): Frederick II's chief court scholar. His work was the primary literary vector for this transmission into Europe.[108] his writings show clear signs of working within the Arabic Hermetic–astral tradition, a lineage that incorporated elements preserved by the Sabians of Harran;[109] Scot’s corpus reflects a strong indirect link to the Sabian tradition through his translation and use of works by Thābit ibn Qurra and his connection to the intellectual network that produced Picatrix-type material (theGhāyat al-Ḥakīm), which drew upon Harranian cosmology.[110]
Arab paganism gradually disappeared duringMuhammad's era throughIslamization.[111][112] The sacred months of the Arab pagans were the 1st, 7th, 11th, and 12th months of the Islamic calendar.[113] After Muhammad had conqueredMecca he set out to convert the pagans.[114][115][116] One of the last military campaigns that Muhammad ordered against the Arab pagans was theDemolition of Dhul Khalasa. It occurred in April and May 632 AD, in 10AH of the Islamic Calendar.Dhul Khalasa is referred to as both an idol and a temple, and it was known by some as theKa'ba of Yemen, built and worshipped by polytheist tribes.[117][118][119]
TheOrdine Osirideo Egizio claimed direct descent from a colony of Alexandrian priests who, fleeing persecution after the 4th century AD, sought refuge in Naples, preserving ancient pagan liturgies almost intact.[120] Through the Middle Ages (5th–15th centuries) these rites persisted in secret esoteric circles and re-emerged during the Renaissance (14th–17th centuries), later inspiring figures such asRaimondo di Sangro (1710–1771), Prince of Sansevero.[121]
After theFrench Revolution, the French lawyerGabriel André Aucler (mid 1700s–1815) adopted the nameQuintus Nautius and sought torevive paganism, styling himself as its leader. He designedreligious clothing and performed pagan rites at his home. In 1799, he publishedLa Thréicie, presenting his religious views. His teachings were later analyzed byGérard de Nerval inLes Illuminés (1852).[125]Admiringancient Greece andancient Rome, Aucler supported theFrench Revolution and saw it as a path to restoring an ancient republic.[126] He took the name Quintus Nautius, claimed Roman priestly lineage, and performedOrphic rites at his home.[127] His followers were mainly his household.[125] In 1799, he publishedLa Thréicie, advocating a revival of paganism in France, condemning Christianity, and promotinguniversal animation.[128]
In the 17th century, the description of paganism turned from a theological aspect to anethnological one, and religions began to be understood as part of theethnic identities of peoples, and the study of the religions of so-called primitive peoples triggered questions as to the ultimate historicalorigin of religion.Jean Bodin viewed pagan mythology as a distorted version of Christian truths.[129]Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc saw the paganreligions of Africa of his day as relics that were in principle capable of shedding light on the historical paganism of Classical Antiquity.[130]
The 19th century saw much scholarly interest in the reconstruction of pagan mythology from folklore or fairy tales. Depictions of reconstructed themes in theater, poetry, and music flourished alongside political invocations of reimagined pagan codes and ethics.
Folklore reconstructions were notably attempted by theBrothers Grimm, especiallyJacob Grimm in hisTeutonic Mythology, andElias Lönnrot with the compilation of theKalevala. The work of the Brothers Grimm influenced other collectors, both inspiring them to collect tales and leading them to similarly believe that the fairy tales of a country were particularly representative of it, to the neglect of cross-cultural influence. Among those influenced were the RussianAlexander Afanasyev, the NorwegiansPeter Christen Asbjørnsen andJørgen Moe, and the EnglishmanJoseph Jacobs.[131]
Poetic examples display how paganist themes were mobilized in ethical and cultural discourse of the era.G. K. Chesterton wrote: "The pagan set out, with admirable sense, to enjoy himself. By the end of his civilization he had discovered that a man cannot enjoy himself and continue to enjoy anything else."[132] In sharp contrast, the poetAlgernon Charles Swinburne would comment on this same theme: "Thou hast conquered, O pale Galilean; the world has grown grey from thy breath; We have drunken of things Lethean, and fed on the fullness of death."[133]
Great God! I'd rather be A Pagan suckled in a creed outworn; So might I, standing on this pleasant lea, Have glimpses that would make me less forlorn; Have sight ofProteus rising from the sea; Or hear oldTriton blow his wreathèd horn.
With the fall of thePapal States the process ofItalian unification fosteredanti-clerical sentiment among the intelligentsia. The Brotherhood of Myriam, founded in 1899, inherited its lineage from theOrdine Osirideo Egizio and can be understood as a form of modern neopaganism that revives and adapts ancient Egyptian and Greco-Egyptian rituals for contemporary spiritual practice.[134][135] Intellectuals like archaeologistGiacomo Boni and writerRoggero Musmeci Ferrari Bravo promoted the restoration of Roman religious practices.[136][137] In 1927, philosopher and esotericistJulius Evola founded theGruppo di Ur in Rome, along with its journalUr (1927–1928), involving figures likeArturo Reghini. In 1928, Evola publishedImperialismo Pagano, advocating Italian political paganism to oppose theLateran Pacts. The journal resumed in 1929 asKrur. A mysterious document published inKrur in 1929, attributed to orientalistLeone Caetani, suggested that Italy'sWorld War I victory and the rise offascism were influenced by Etruscan-Roman rites.[138]
The 1960s and 1970s saw a resurgence inneo-Druidism as well as the rise ofmodern Germanic paganism in the United States and inIceland. In the 1970s,Wicca was notably influenced by feminism, leading to the creation of an eclectic,Goddess-worshipping movement known asDianic Wicca.[139] The 1979 publication ofMargot Adler'sDrawing Down the Moon andStarhawk'sThe Spiral Dance opened a new chapter in public awareness of paganism.[140] With the growth and spread of large, pagan gatherings and festivals in the 1980s, public varieties ofWicca continued to further diversify into additional, eclectic sub-denominations, often heavily influenced by theNew Age andcounter-culture movements. These open, unstructured or loosely structured traditions contrast withBritish Traditional Wicca, which emphasizes secrecy and initiatory lineage.[141]
The public appeal for pre-Christian Roman spirituality in the years followingfascism was largely driven byJulius Evola. By the late 1960s, a renewed "operational" interest in pagan Roman traditions emerged from youth circles around Evola, particularly concerning the experience of theGruppo di Ur.[142] Evola's writings incorporated concepts from outside classical Roman religion, such asBuddhism,Hinduism,sexual magic, and privateritual nudity. This period saw the rise of theGruppo dei Dioscuri in cities like Rome, Naples, and Messina, which published a series of four booklets, including titles such asL'Impeto della vera cultura andRivoluzione Tradizionale e Sovversione, before fading from public view.[143] The Evolian journalArthos, founded inGenoa in 1972 by Renato del Ponte, expressed significant interest in Roman religion. In 1984, theGruppo Arx revived Messina'sDioscuri activities, and Reghini'sPythagorean Association briefly resurfaced inCalabria andSicily from 1984 to 1988, publishingYghìeia.
Other publications include the GenoeseIl Basilisco (1979–1989), which released several works on pagan studies, andPolitica Romana (1994–2004), seen as a high-level Romano-pagan journal. One prominent figure was actor Roberto Corbiletto, who died in a mysterious fire in 1999.The 1980s and 1990s also saw an increasing interest in serious academic research andreconstructionist pagan traditions. The establishment and growth of the Internet in the 1990s brought rapid growth to these, and other pagan movements.[141]
By the time of thecollapse of the formerSoviet Union in 1991,freedom of religion was legally established across Russia and a number of other newly independent states, allowing for the growth in both Christian and non-Christian religions.[144]
Meeting between Thyrsus, YSEE, and Pietas Comunità Gentile
In the 2000s,Associazione Tradizionale Pietas began reconstructing temples across Italy and sought legal recognition from the state, drawing inspiration from similar groups likeYSEE in Greece. In 2023, Pietas participated in theECER meeting, resulting in the signing of the Riga Declaration, which calls for the recognition of European ethnic religions.[145] Public rituals, such as those celebrating the ancient festival of theNatale di Roma, have also resumed in recent years.[146][147][148]
Summer Solstice Ritual held in collaboration by YSEE and Pietas Comunità Gentile
The idea of practicing Roman religion in the modern era has spread beyond Italy, with practitioners found in countries across Europe and the Americas. The most prominent international organization isNova Roma, founded in 1998, with active groups worldwide.[149]
Children standing withThe Lady of Cornwall in a neopagan ceremony in EnglandNeopaganhandfasting ceremony at Avebury (Beltane 2005)
However, there often exists a distinction or separation between some polytheistic reconstructionists such as Hellenism and revivalist neopagans like Wiccans. The divide is over numerous issues such as the importance of accurateorthopraxy according to ancient sources available, the use and concept of magic, which calendar to use and which holidays to observe, as well as the use of the term pagan itself.[150][151][152]
In 1717John Toland became the first Chosen Chief of the Ancient Druid Order, which became known as the British Circle of the Universal Bond.[153] Many of the revivals, Wicca and Neo-Druidism in particular, have their roots in 19th centuryRomanticism and retain noticeable elements ofoccultism orTheosophy that were current then, setting them apart from historical rural (paganus) folk religion. Most modern pagans, however, believe in the divine character of the natural world and paganism is often described as an Earth religion.[154]
There are a number of neopagan authors who have examined the relation of the 20th-century movements of polytheistic revival with historical polytheism on one hand and contemporary traditions of folk religion on the other.Isaac Bonewits introduced a terminology to make this distinction.[155]
Neopaganism
The overarching contemporary pagan revival movement which focuses on nature-revering, living, pre-Christian religions or other nature-based spiritual paths, and frequently incorporating contemporary liberal values.[citation needed] This definition may include groups such asWicca, Neo-Druidism, Heathenry, and Slavic Native Faith.
Prudence Jones and Nigel Pennick in theirA History of Pagan Europe (1995) classify pagan religions as characterized by the following traits:
Polytheism: Pagan religions recognise a plurality of divine beings, which may or may not be considered aspects of an underlying unity (thesoft and hard polytheism distinction).
Nature-based: Some pagan religions have a concept of the divinity ofnature, which they view as a manifestation of the divine, not as the fallen creation found indualistic cosmology.
Sacred feminine: Some pagan religions recognize the female divine principle, identified asthe Goddess (as opposed to individualgoddesses) beside or in place of the male divine principle as expressed in the Abrahamic God.[156]
In modern times, Heathen and Heathenry are increasingly used to refer to those branches of modern paganism inspired by the pre-Christian religions of the Germanic, Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon peoples.[157]
InIceland, the members ofÁsatrúarfélagið account for nearly 2% of the total population,[158] therefore being nearly six thousand people. InLithuania, many people practiceRomuva, a revived version of the pre-Christian religion of that country. Lithuania was among the last areas of Europe to be Christianized.Heathenry has been established on a formal basis in Australia since at least the 1930s.[159]
^Hanegraff, Wouter J. (1006).New Age Religion and Western Culture: Esotericism in the Mirror of Secular Thought. Brill. p. 84.ISBN90-04-10696-0.{{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)
^abHarper, Douglas."pagan (n.)".The Online Etymology Dictionary. Retrieved18 July 2013.
^Peter Brown, in Glen Warren Bowersock, Peter Robert Lamont Brown, Oleg Grabar, eds.,Late Antiquity: a guide to the postclassical world, 1999,s.v. Pagan.
^TheOED instancesEdward Gibbon'sDecline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Vol. II, "Chapter XXI: Persecution of Heresy, State of the Church. Part VII" (1776): "The divisions of Christianity suspended the ruin of Paganism."
^Eisenstadt, S.N. (1983). "Transcendental Visions – Other-Worldliness – and Its Transformations: Some More Comments on L. Dumont.Religion" 13:1–17, at p. 3.
^Augustine,Confessions 1.14.23; Moatii, "Translation, Migration, and Communication", p. 112.
^Petts, David (26 May 2011).Pagan and Christian: Religious Change in Early Medieval Europe. London: Bristol Classical Press. p. 31.ISBN978-0-7156-3754-8.
^A summary of the modern view is given in Robin Lane Fox,Pagans and Christians 1989, pp. 31ff.: "The modern emphasis on paganism's cult acts was also acknowledged by pagans themselves. It shaped the way they tried and tested Christians."
^E. Kessler,Dionysian Monotheism in Nea Paphos, Cyprus"two monotheistic religions, Dionysian and Christian, existed contemporaneously in Nea Paphos during the 4th century C.E. [...] the particular iconography of Hermes and Dionysos in the panel of the Epiphany of Dionysos [...] represents the culmination of a Pagan iconographic tradition in which an infant divinity is seated on the lap of another divine figure; this Pagan motif was appropriated by early Christian artists and developed into the standardized icon of the Virgin and Child. Thus the mosaic helps to substantiate the existence of Pagan monotheism."[1]
^Powell, Barry B.,Classical Myth Second ed. With new translations of ancient texts by Herbert M. Howe. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1998.
^Leigh Fermor, Patrick (1958).Mani: Travels in the Southern Peloponnese. John Murray. p. 46.
^Siniossoglou, N. (2011).Plato and Theodoret: The Christian Appropriation of Hellenic Philosophy and the Hellenic-Christian Synthesis. Routledge, pp. 2–10.
^Dodds, E. R. (1963).Proclus: The Elements of Theology. Clarendon Press, Introduction, pp. xix–xxii.
^Siniossoglou, N. (2012).Radical Platonism in Byzantium: Illumination and Utopia. Cambridge University Press, pp. 54–57; Lankila, T. (2014).The Corpus Areopagiticum and the Neoplatonic Succession: A Comparative Study. Helsinki University Press, p. 191.
^Sorabji, R. (2005).The Philosophy of the Commentators, 200–600 AD: A Sourcebook. Cornell University Press, Vol. 1, p. 19.
^Hadot, P. (1995).Qu'est-ce que la philosophie antique?. Gallimard, pp. 245–248.
^Wilson, N. G. (1983).Scholars of Byzantium. Duckworth, p. 74.
^Wildberg, C. (2007). "Philosophy in the Age of Justinian." In A. Cameron (ed.),The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian. Cambridge University Press, pp. 316–318.
^Senina, T.A. (2017). "Leo the Mathematician and his role in the Macedonian Renaissance." In S. Mariev (ed.),Byzantine Science and Technology. Routledge, pp. 112–121.
^Wilson, N. G. (1983).Scholars of Byzantium. Duckworth, pp. 106–107.
^Criscuolo, A. (2004).Michael Psellos: De omnifaria doctrina. L'Erma di Bretschneider, p. 18; Siniossoglou, N. (2012), pp. 138–145.
^Bucossi, A. (2017). "John Italos and the Condemnation of 1082." In A. Calof, et al. (eds.),The Routledge Handbook of Byzantine Philosophy. Routledge, pp. 162–163.
^Baron, R. (2010).Eustratios of Nicaea's Commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics. PhD Thesis, King's College London, Introduction, pp. 15–18;
^Demetracopoulos, J. A. (2014). "Michael of Ephesus and the Byzantine Aristotelianism." In R. K. W. J. G. Sluiter (ed.), The Afterlife of the Platonic Tradition. Brepols, pp. 88–90.
^Pingree, D. (1993). "The Teaching of the Almagest in Late Byzantium." In M. B. J. K. J. V. K. D. V. D. D. C. F. K. M. L. E. P. G. S. T. F. (eds.), Transit to the Modern World: Hellenic Science and Scholarship in the Age of Transition. University of Crete Press, pp. 31–32.
^Wilson, N. G. (1983).Scholars of Byzantium. Duckworth, pp. 240–242.
^Heyden, A. (2000). "Theodore Metochites and the Defense of Philosophy." In E. Koutrakou (ed.),The Legacy of Theodore Metochites. University of Athens, p. 210.
^Woodhouse, C. M. (1986).George Gemistos Plethon: The Last of the Hellenes. Clarendon Press, pp. 240–242.
^Siniossoglou, N. (2012).Radical Platonism in Byzantium: Illumination and Utopia. Cambridge University Press, pp. 200–215.
^Pingree, David (2002). "The Sabians of Harran and the Transmission of Greek Astronomy".Studia Islamica (95):17–25.p. 17
^Nasr, Seyyed Hossein (1968).Science and Civilization in Islam. Harvard University Press. p. 112.p. 112
^Dhanani, Alnoor (1996). "Islamic Alchemy and Neoplatonism".Journal of the History of Ideas.57 (1):22–39.pp. 22–23
^Pingree, David (2002). "The Sabians of Harran and the Transmission of Greek Astronomy".Studia Islamica (95):17–25.p. 17
^Nasr, Seyyed Hossein (1968).Science and Civilization in Islam. Harvard University Press. p. 114.p. 114
^Pingree, David (2002). "The Sabians of Harran and the Transmission of Greek Astronomy".Studia Islamica (95):17–25.p. 17
^Bosworth, Clifford Edmund (2003).The Umayyad Caliphate. Edinburgh University Press. p. 13.
^Pingree, David (1993), "The Teaching of theAlmagest in Late Byzantium", in B. J. K. J. V. K. D. V. D. D. C. F. K. M. L. E. P. G. S. T. F (ed.),Transit to the Modern World: Hellenic Science and Scholarship in the Age of Transition, University of Crete Press, p. 31
^Pingree, David (2002). "The Sabians of Harran and the Transmission of Greek Astronomy".Studia Islamica (95):17–25.p. 23
^Pingree, David (2002). "The Sabians of Harran and the Transmission of Greek Astronomy".Studia Islamica (95):17–25.p. 19
^Dhanani, Alnoor (1996). "Islamic Alchemy and Neoplatonism".Journal of the History of Ideas.57 (1):22–39.p. 25
^Dodge, Bayard (1970).The Fihrist of al-Nadim. Vol. I. Columbia University Press. p. 759.
^Pingree, David (2002). "The Sabians of Harran and the Transmission of Greek Astronomy".Studia Islamica (95):17–25.p. 20
^Dodge, Bayard (1970).The Fihrist of al-Nadim. Vol. I. Columbia University Press. p. 759.
^Nasr, Seyyed Hossein (1968).Science and Civilization in Islam. Harvard University Press. p. 114.p. 114
^Dhanani, Alnoor (1996). "Islamic Alchemy and Neoplatonism".Journal of the History of Ideas.57 (1):22–39.p. 30
^Dhanani, Alnoor (1996). "Islamic Alchemy and Neoplatonism".Journal of the History of Ideas.57 (1):22–39.p. 39
^Burnett, Charles (2001–2011), "Michael Scot and the Transmission of the Sciences", in multiple editors (ed.),The Coherence of the Arabic Hermetic Tradition, p. 191{{citation}}:|editor-last= has generic name (help)
^Taylor, Richard C. (2018). "Ibn Rushd (Averroes)". In Black, U. M. K. K. B. E. R. M. N. (ed.).The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy. Cambridge University Press. p. 267.p. 267
^Pingree, David (2002). "The Sabians of Harran and the Transmission of Greek Astronomy".Studia Islamica (95):17–25.p. 24
^Richard of San Germano (1229),Chronicon Maius (Primary Source)
^Taylor, Richard C. (2018). "Ibn Rushd (Averroes)". In Black, U. M. K. K. B. E. R. M. N. (ed.).The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy. Cambridge University Press. p. 268.p. 268
^Burnett, Charles (2001–2011), "Michael Scot and the Transmission of the Sciences", in multiple editors (ed.),The Coherence of the Arabic Hermetic Tradition, p. 191{{citation}}:|editor-last= has generic name (help)
^Taylor, Richard C. (2018). "Ibn Rushd (Averroes)". In Black, U. M. K. K. B. E. R. M. N. (ed.).The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy. Cambridge University Press. p. 268.p. 268
^Burnett, Charles (2001–2011), "Michael Scot and the Transmission of the Sciences", in multiple editors (ed.),The Coherence of the Arabic Hermetic Tradition, p. 191{{citation}}:|editor-last= has generic name (help)
^Burnett, Charles (2001–2011), "Michael Scot and the Transmission of the Sciences", in multiple editors (ed.),The Coherence of the Arabic Hermetic Tradition, p. 191{{citation}}:|editor-last= has generic name (help)
^Burnett, Charles (2001–2011), "Michael Scot and the Transmission of the Sciences", in multiple editors (ed.),The Coherence of the Arabic Hermetic Tradition, p. 191{{citation}}:|editor-last= has generic name (help)
^Lo Monaco, Gaetano (2000).The Osirian Egyptian Order and the Pythagorean Transmission. Marostica (Vicenza): Letture S…consigliate.
^Iah-Hel, ed. (1989).La Pietra Angolare Miriamica. Storia documentata della Fratellanza di Miriam di Giuliano Kremmerz. Viareggio: Rebis.
^Cite error: The named referencemarre was invoked but never defined (see thehelp page).
^Raphael Volaterranus, in his Commentaries presented toJulius II, declared that the enthusiasms of these initiates were "the first step towards doing away with the Faith" (Pastor IV 1894:44).
^"It would be a great pleasure to make the comparison with what survives to us of ancient paganism in our old books, in order to have better [grasped] their spirit." Peter N. Miller, "History of Religion Becomes Ethnology: Some Evidence from Peiresc's Africa"Journal of the History of Ideas 67.4 (2006) 675–96.[2]
^Jack Zipes,The Great Fairy Tale Tradition: From Straparola and Basile to the Brothers Grimm, p. 846,ISBN0-393-97636-X
^Heretics, G. K. Chesterton, 2007, Hendrickson Publishers Inc., p. 88
^Buscemi, Francesco (2019). "The Sin of Eating Meat: Fascism, Nazism and the Construction of Sacred Vegetarianism". In Gentilcore, David; Smith, Matthew (eds.).Proteins, Pathologies and Politics: Dietary Innovation and Disease from the Nineteenth Century. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 144.ISBN978-1-350-05686-2.
^Adler 2006, pp. 178–239. sfn error: no target: CITEREFAdler2006 (help)
^Adler 2006, p. ix. sfn error: no target: CITEREFAdler2006 (help)
^abAdler 2006, pp. 429–456. sfn error: no target: CITEREFAdler2006 (help)
^Giudice, Christian (2016).Occultism and Traditionalism: Arturo Reghini and the Antimodern Reaction in Early Twentieth-Century Italy.University of Gothenburg. pp. 19–20.
^Del Ponte, Renato (1990).Studi su Evola e la Tradizione (Thesis) (in Italian). Indipendente.
^"Pagans". Supreme Council of Ethnikoi Hellenes. Retrieved7 September 2007.
^Anschütz, Arlea; Hunt, Stormerne (1997)."Call us Heathens!".Journal of the Pagan Federation. Archived fromthe original on 12 July 2013. Retrieved7 September 2007.
Hua, Yih-Fen. book review to: Maria Effinger / Cornelia Logemann / Ulrich Pfisterer (eds): Götterbilder und Götzendiener in der Frühen Neuzeit. Europas Blick auf fremde Religionen. In: sehepunkte 13 (2013), Nr. 5 [15 May 2013], URL:http://www.sehepunkte.de/2013/05/21410.html. (Book review in English).
Hykolli, Atdhe; Krasniqi, Seniha (2020). "The Phenomenon of Calendar Lyrical Poetry and Its Genesis".Journal of Awareness.5 (2):77–84.doi:10.26809/joa.5.007 (inactive 13 October 2025).eISSN2149-6544.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of October 2025 (link)
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