P. W. Botha | |
|---|---|
.jpg) Botha in 1963 | |
| 6th State President of South Africa | |
| In office 4 September 1984 – 14 August 1989 Acting until 14 September 1984 | |
| Preceded by |
|
| Succeeded by | |
| 8th Prime Minister of South Africa | |
| In office 9 October 1978 – 14 September 1984 | |
| President |
|
| Preceded by | Johannes Vorster |
| Succeeded by | Himself (as State President) |
| Minister of Defence | |
| In office 30 March 1966 – 28 April 1981 | |
| Prime Minister | |
| Preceded by | Jacobus Fouché |
| Succeeded by | Magnus Malan |
| Minister of Community Development and Coloured Affairs | |
| In office 8 October 1961 – 30 March 1966 | |
| Prime Minister | Hendrik Verwoerd |
| Preceded by | Office established |
| Succeeded by | Willem Adriaan Maree |
| Member of Parliament forGeorge | |
| In office 4 June 1948 – 4 September 1984 | |
| Preceded by | A. J. Werth |
| Succeeded by | Hennie Smit |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Pieter Willem Botha (1916-01-12)12 January 1916 |
| Died | 31 October 2006(2006-10-31) (aged 90) Wilderness, Western Cape, South Africa |
| Political party | National Party (1946–1990) Ossewabrandwag |
| Spouses | |
| Children | Rossouw, Pieter Willem, Elanza, Amelia,Rozanne Botha |
| Alma mater | Grey University College |
| Occupation | Politician |
| Signature |  |
Pieter Willem Botha,DMS (locally/ˈbʊərtə/BOOR-tə,[1]Afrikaans pronunciation:[ˈpitərˈvələmˈbuəta]; 12 January 1916 – 31 October 2006) was a South African politician who served as the lastPrime Minister of South Africa from 1978 to 1984 and as the first executiveState President of South Africa from 1984 until his resignation in 1989. Nicknamed 'Die Groot Krokodil' (Afrikaans for 'The Big Crocodile') due to his tough political stance,[2][3] he was considered the final hardline leader of South Africa during the apartheid era.
Born on a small farm in theOrange Free State in 1916, Botha was raised in a conservativeAfrikaner family with strong nationalist beliefs. Botha studied law atGrey University College but left before completing his degree to pursue a career in politics. He became involved in theNational Party's youth wing and worked as a political organizer, laying the foundation for his rise within the party. He supported the NPs opposition to South Africa's involvement in World War II on the side of Britain, and actively campaigned for a German victory. In the1948 general election, he was elected to theHouse of Assembly as the MP fromGeorge, a position he held for over four decades. His influence within the party grew, and in 1958, he was appointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs by Prime MinisterHendrik Verwoerd. In 1961, Botha became Minister of Community Development and Coloured Affairs, overseeing forced removals, including the controversial clearance ofDistrict Six. His role expanded in 1966, when he was appointedMinister of Defence by Prime MinisterJohn Vorster. During his tenure, he transformed theSouth African Defense Forces, increasing military spending, implementingconscription, and launching covert operations against anti-apartheid movements. Botha also played a key role inSouth Africa's nuclear weapons program and its military interventions in Angola and Namibia during the Cold War.
Botha was elected leader of theNational Party and assumed office as Prime Minister on 4 September 1978, following the resignation of John Vorster. His tenure was marked by a focus on maintaining apartheid through military expansion and internal security measures while introducing limited reforms, such as theTricameral Parliament in 1983, which granted limited political representation toColoured andIndianSouth Africans, but excludedBlack South Africans. The1983 referendum on the Tricameral Parliament passed with support from white voters. In 1984, Botha became South Africa's first executive State President, consolidating executive power and continuing apartheid policies. His presidency faced increasing internal unrest, protests, and international sanctions. After suffering a stroke in 1989, he resigned as Leader of the National Party and later State President, and was succeeded byF. W. de Klerk.
After resigning as State President, Botha remained influential in South African politics. He opposed the reforms initiated by his successor, F.W. de Klerk, particularly the negotiations to dismantle apartheid and the unbanning of theANC, and advocated for a no vote in the1992 referendum. Botha became a vocal critic of the move toward democracy, maintaining his belief in the necessity of apartheid. In the late 1990s, he faced legal challenges related to his role in the apartheid-era policies, notably during theTruth and Reconciliation Commission hearings, where he was called to account for his actions but refused to fully cooperate. Botha's health continued to decline, and he died on 31 October 2006, at the age of 90.
Pieter Willem Botha was born on 12 January 1916 on a small farm in thePaul Roux district of theOrange Free State Province (nowFree State Province). The son ofAfrikaner parents, his father, Pieter Willem Botha Sr., fought as acommando against the British in theSecond Boer War. His mother, Hendrina Christina Botha (née de Wet), was interned in aBritish concentration camp during the war.[4]
Botha's upbringing was heavily influenced by Afrikaner culture andCalvinist religious teachings. His parents emphasized discipline, hard work, and loyalty to the Afrikaner cause. Growing up in the aftermath of theSecond Boer War and amid increasing Afrikaner nationalism, he absorbed the prevailing belief that Afrikaners needed to assert political and economic control over South Africa. This environment helped shape his later political ideology and commitment to apartheid policies.
Botha initially attended the Paul Roux School and matriculated fromBethlehem Voortrekker High School.[5] In 1934, he entered the Grey University College (now theUniversity of the Free State) inBloemfontein to study law, but left early at the age of twenty in order to pursue a career in politics.[5] He began working for theNational Party as a political organiser in the neighbouringCape Province. In the run-up to World War II, Botha joined theOssewabrandwag, anAfrikaner nationalist group which was sympathetic to the GermanNazi Party; but months after theGerman attack on the USSR, Botha condemned the Ossewabrandwag and changed his ideological allegiance toChristian nationalism.[6][7]
In 1943, Botha marriedAnna Elizabeth Rossouw (Elize).[8] The couple had five children; two sons (Piet and Rossouw) and three daughters (Elsa, Amelia and Rozanne).[9][10] In the 1980s,Rozanne Botha, emerged as a minor celebrity figure in the country. She released Afrikaans pop songs and appeared on the covers of magazines such asSarie andStyle, where she was dubbed "First Daughter of the Land".[11][12]
In 1998, he married Barbara Robertson, a legal secretary 25 years his junior, following Elize's death the previous year.[13]
In 2022, two of his daughters died. Amelia Paschke, died in acar crash driving back fromBetty's Bay.[14] In the same year, Rozanne also died, ofcancer.[12]
Botha was elected toparliament in1948 as an MP for theNational Party from the constituency ofGeorge. His entry into politics coincided with the National Party's rise to power under Prime MinisterD.F. Malan, whos government formally instituted the policy ofApartheid. As a staunch supporter ofAfrikaner nationalism, Botha aligned himself with thebaasskap faction of the party, advocating for stricter racial policies and the consolidation ofwhite minority rule.
Botha gained a reputation for his tough and uncompromising rhetoric, often warning of the dangers of communism, black liberation movements, and international pressure against apartheid. His speeches in Parliament were marked by aggressive language, emphasizing the need for strong leadership to defend white rule. He displayed authoritarian tendencies, advocating for increased state power to suppress opposition and enforce apartheid policies. His biggest opponents during his career in Parliament wereHelen Suzman andHarry Schwarz, whom he often verbally attacked in Parliament.
After retaining his seat in the1953 and1958 elections, he was appointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs by Prime MinisterHendrik Verwoerd. In his capacity, he assisted the administration with the enforcement of thePopulation Registration Act, which classified all South Africans into one of four racial groups.
In 1961, he was appointed Minister of Community Development and Coloured Affairs,[15][16] a position that gave him direct control over policies related to urban segregation and forced removals. He was responsible for implementing large-scale resettlement programs that forcibly relocated non-white communities from urban centers to designated areas under theGroup Areas Act.
In 1966, he was appointedMinister of Defence, a title in which he held for over 15 years. As Defence Minister, he rapidly expanded the state's military capabilities, responding to growing resistance to apartheid and perceived external threats from neighboring African countries and international sanctions. He began South Africa'snuclear weapons program through a doctrine of "strategic deterrence", aiming to deter Soviet-backed forces inSouthern Africa from intervening. He was instrumental in establishing the policy of "total onslaught", which framed South Africa's racial policies as a broaderCold War struggle against communism and black liberation movements. Under his 15 years in charge of the ministry, theSouth African Defence Force (SADF) reached a zenith, at times consuming 20% of the national budget, compared to 1.3% in 1968, and was involved in theSouth African Border War.[17]
When Prime MinisterJohn Vorster resigned following allegations of his involvement in theMuldergate Scandal in 1978, Botha was elected as his successor by the National Party caucus, besting the electorate's favourite, 45-year-old Foreign MinisterPik Botha. In the final internal ballot, he beatConnie Mulder, the scandal's namesake, in a 78–72 vote. On 5 December 1978, he was absolved in a judicial report of blame in the scandal.[18]
Upon becomingPrime Minister, Botha retained the defence portfolio until October 1980, when he appointed SADF Chief GeneralMagnus Malan, his successor. From his ascension to the cabinet, Botha pursued an ambitious military policy designed to increase South Africa's military capability. He sought to improve relations with the West – especially the United States – but with mixed results. He argued that the preservation of theapartheid government, though unpopular, was crucial to stemming the tide of African Communism, which had made in-roads into neighbouringAngola andMozambique after these two formerPortuguese colonies obtained independence.
In one of his first moves as Prime Minister, he appointedPiet Koornhof as minister responsible for black affairs. Koornhof, who joined the ANC in the post-apartheid era, was regarded as one of the most reform‐minded ministers in the government.[19] Botha had led a campaign to demolishCrossroads, a high-density township inCape Town in 1978. Amid significant opposition, Botha and Koornhof agreed to "indefinitely delay" the demolitions.[20][21]
A challenge he faced within his first two months in office was the election ofAndries Treurnicht as leader of theTransvaal province. Treurnicht was vocally opposed to apartheid reforms and now had a power base controlling a strong majority of seats in the all-white parliament.[22] The election highlighted differences between Afrikaners in Botha'sCape Province and Treurnicht's. In the former, there was a higher level of tolerance towards racial groups, with attitudes mostly formed by contact withCape Coloureds.[22] Botha had in 1974 said that theNico Malan Theatre should be open to patrons of all races.[22] However, he was opposed to blacks becoming a majority in the Western Cape and sought demolitions of unplanned black townships.[22]
In January 1979, he became the first premier to visitRobben Island, known primarily as a prison for mostly black political prisoners. He declined to say whether he had met with any of the prisoners, stating that it was a "routine" visit.[23] In April of the same year, Botha offered military and economic support toAbel Muzorewa's incoming government forZimbabwe Rhodesia.[24] Botha held high-level talks with Muzorewa in June 1979.[25]
In the weeks leading up to the1981 South African general election, he was confronted by hard-line Afrikaner hecklers, some of whom were supporters of theHerstigte Nasionale Party, resisting to changes to the status quo of apartheid.[26][27] On the final night of the campaign trail, Botha vowed that "As long as there is a National Party Government, we won't hand overSouth-West Africa to the authority ofSWAPO."[28] In the election, his party garnered 58% of the all-white vote and 131 seats. This was down from 65% and 134 seats in the1977 South African general election, with the party losing votes to theHerstigte Nasionale Party.[29]
In April 1981, the passport ofDesmond Tutu was seized. Tutu on visits to Europe and the United States, called for economic pressure on South Africa to make Botha's government enter into negotiations with the country's leadership. Botha was angered by these visits and had vowed to seize Tutu's passport.[30] In the same year, he authorisedOperation Beanbag, a series of raids by theSouth African Defence Force against safe houses ofuMkhonto we Sizwe (MK), armed wing of the ANC inMozambique.[26]
In February 1982, he survived a significant challenge to his leadership fromAndries Treurnicht. He was able to secure 172 votes versus 36 on a motion of support in his leadership and his route of power-sharing with other racial groups.[31]
On 22 April 1983, Botha announced a special commission to consider repealing theImmorality Act and theProhibition of Mixed Marriages Act, 1949. Botha said: "I am personally opposed to immoral practices, but the Government does not see these two laws as guarantees for the survival of South Africa,".[32]
On 19 May 1983, South Africa was the subject of resolutions taken by theInternational Press Institute condemning the "continued harassment and persecution" of the media in South Africa.[33] The institute appealed to Botha to "to accept press freedom as a prerequisite for a country that regards itself as part of the democratic world."[33] The institute also cited the increasing difficulty for foreign journalists to obtain visas to report and work from South Africa.[33] The resolution also highlighted the forthcoming trials of journalists,Allister Sparks, his wife, Suzanne and Bernard Simon.[33] The charges against all three were dropped in March 1984.[34]
In May 1983 he condemned theChurch Street, Pretoria bombing committed byuMkhonto weSizwe, saying that it confirmed "that we are dealing with a Communist-inspired onslaught."[35]
In 1983, Botha proposed a newconstitution, which was then put to a vote of the white population on 2 November.[36] The constitution was endorsed by the white electorate.[36]
Though it did not implement afederal system, it implemented what was ostensibly a power-sharing agreement withColoureds andIndians.[36] The new constitution created two new houses of parliament alongside the existing, white-onlyHouse of Assembly—theHouse of Representatives for Coloureds and theHouse of Delegates for Indians.[37] The three chambers of the newTricameral Parliament had sole jurisdiction over matters relating to their respective communities. Legislation affecting "general affairs", such as foreign policy and race relations, had to pass all three chambers after consideration by joint standing committees. At the time, White South Africans outnumbered Coloureds and Indians together, hence preserving white dominance within the framework of a "power-sharing" system.[36]
The plan included no chamber or system of representation for the black majority. Each Black ethno-linguistic group was allocated a 'homeland' which would initially be a semi-autonomous area. However, blacks were legally considered citizens of theBantustans, not of South Africa, and were expected to exercise their political rights there. Bantustans were expected to gradually move towards a greater state of independence withsovereign nation status being the final goal. During Botha's tenure,Ciskei,Bophutatswana andVenda all achieved nominalsovereignty and nationhood, which were only recognised by each other and by South Africa . These new countries, set up within the borders of South Africa, never gained international recognition, and economically all remained heavily dependent on South Africa. Over half of the Bantustans, most notablyKwaZulu led byMangosuthu Buthelezi, rejected independence due to their leaders' commitment to opposing apartheid from within.
The new constitution also changed theexecutive branch from theparliamentary system that had been in place in one form or another since 1910, to apresidential system. The prime minister's post was abolished, and its functions were merged with those of thestate president, which became an executive post with sweeping powers. In a departure from general presidential systems, however, the president was to be elected not by universal suffrage (or white suffrage) but by anelectoral college, whose members were elected by the three chambers of the Parliament. The state president and cabinet had sole jurisdiction over "general affairs". Disputes between the three chambers regarding "general affairs" were resolved by the President's Council, composed of members from the three chambers and members directly appointed by the state president. In practice, the composition of the President's Council and the electoral college made it impossible for the Coloured and Indian chambers to outvote the white chamber on any substantive matter, even if they voted as a bloc. Thus, the real power remained in white hands — and in practice, in the hands of Botha's National Party, which commanded a large majority in the white chamber due to thefirst past the post voting system. Only with the challenge posed by the Conservative Party, which wasagainst the reforms due to the fears of apartheid breaking up, was the Botha's position put in question.
The new constitution was criticised by the black majority for failing to grant them any formal role in government.[36] TheAfrican National Congress andChief Buthelezi were among its opponents.[36] Their stand was supported by many coloured, white and Indian groups, including the official opposition, theProgressive Federal Party.[36] Although many international commentators such as theReagan Administration praised it as a "first step" in what was assumed to be a series of reforms.[36]
 | This sectionneeds additional citations forverification. Please helpimprove this article byadding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.(February 2025) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
On 14 September 1984, Botha was elected as the first state president under the newly approved constitution.
Implementing the presidential system was seen as a key step in consolidating Botha's personal power. In previous years, he had succeeded in getting a number of strict laws that limitedfreedom of speech through parliament, and thus suppressed criticism of government decisions. States of emergencies became frequent, including extrajudicial killings either during riots or through special forces, such as theKoevoet.
In many western countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom (where theAnti-Apartheid Movement was based) and theCommonwealth, there was much debate over the imposition ofeconomic sanctions in order to weaken Botha and undermine the white regime. By the late 1980s – as foreign investment in South Africa declined –disinvestment began to have a serious effect on the nation's economy.
State President Botha's loss of influence can be directly attributed to decisions taken at theRonald Reagan/Mikhail Gorbachev summit of the leaders of the US and the Soviet Union in Moscow (29 May – 1 June 1988) that paved the way to resolving the problem ofNamibia which, according to foreign ministerPik Botha, was destabilising the region and "seriously complicating" the major issue which South Africa itself would shortly have to face.[38] Soviet military aid would cease and Cuban troops be withdrawn fromAngola as soon as South Africa complied withUN Security Council Resolution 435 by relinquishing control of Namibia and allowing UN-supervised elections there. TheTripartite Agreement, which gave effect to the Reagan/Gorbachev summit decisions, was signed atUN headquarters in New York on 22 December 1988 by representatives of Angola, Cuba and South Africa.[39]
On 18 January 1989, Botha (then aged 73) suffered a mild stroke which prevented him from attending a meeting with Namibian political leaders on 20 January 1989. Botha's place was taken by acting presidentJ. Christiaan Heunis.[40] On 2 February 1989, Botha resigned as leader of theNational Party (NP), anticipating his nominee – finance ministerBarend du Plessis – would succeed him. Instead, the NP's parliamentary caucus selected as leader education ministerF. W. de Klerk, who moved quickly to consolidate his position within the party as a reformist, while hardliners supported Botha. In March 1989, the NP elected De Klerk as state president but Botha refused to resign, saying in a television address that the constitution entitled him to remain in office until March 1990 and that he was even considering running for another five-year term. Following a series of acrimonious meetings inCape Town, and five days after UNSCR 435 was implemented in Namibia on 1 April 1989, Botha and De Klerk reached a compromise: Botha would retire after the parliamentary elections in September, allowing de Klerk to take over as state president.
However, Botha abruptly resigned from the state presidency on 14 August 1989, complaining that he had not been consulted by De Klerk over his scheduled visit to see PresidentKenneth Kaunda ofZambia:
De Klerk was sworn in as acting state president on 14 August 1989 and the following month was nominated by the electoral college to succeed Botha in a five-year term as state president.[42] De Klerk soon announced the removal of legislation against anti-apartheid groups – including theAfrican National Congress – and the release ofNelson Mandela. De Klerk's term saw the dismantling of the apartheid system and negotiations that eventually led to South Africa's first racially inclusivedemocratic elections on 27 April 1994.
In a statement on the death of Botha in 2006, De Klerk said:
Botha undertook some changes to apartheid practices, but these were rejected by many as superficial and inadequate. He legalisedinterracial marriage andmiscegenation, both completely banned since the late 1940s. The constitutional prohibition on multiracial political parties was lifted. He also relaxed theGroup Areas Act, which barred non-whites from living in certain areas. In 1988, a new law created "Open Group Areas" or racially mixed neighbourhoods but these neighbourhoods had to receive a Government permit, had to have the support of the local whites immediately concerned, and had to be an upper-class neighbourhood in a major city in order to be awarded a permit. In 1983, the aforementioned constitutional reforms granted limited political rights to "Coloureds" and "Indians". Botha also became the first South African government leader to authorise contacts withNelson Mandela, the imprisoned leader of theAfrican National Congress (ANC).
Even these meagre reforms went too far for a group of NP hardliners, led by former Education MinisterAndries Treurnicht. In 1982, the group broke away to form theConservative Party. However, they did not even begin to meet the demands of the opposition. In the face of rising discontent and violence, Botha refused to cede political power to blacks and imposed greater security measures against anti-apartheid activists. Botha also refused to negotiate with the ANC.
In 1985, Botha delivered theRubicon speech, a policy address in which he refused to give in to demands by the black population, including the release of Mandela.[44] Botha's defiance of international opinion further isolated South Africa, leading to economic sanctions and a rapid decline in the value of therand. The following year, when the United States introduced theComprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, Botha declared a nationwidestate of emergency. He is famously quoted during this time as saying, "This uprising will bring out the beast in us".[45]
As economic and diplomatic actions against South Africa increased,civil unrest spread amongst the black population, supported by the ANC and neighbouring black-majority governments. On 16 May 1986, Botha publicly warned neighbouring states against engaging in "unsolicited interference" in South Africa's affairs.[46] Four days later, Botha ordered air strikes against selected targets inLusaka,Harare, andGaborone, including the offices of exiled ANC activists. Botha charged that these raids were just a "first installment" and showed that "South Africa has the capacity and the will to break the [ANC]."[47]
In spite of the concessions made by Botha, his rule was still very repressive. Thousands were detained without trial during Botha's tenure, while others were tortured and killed. The TRC found Botha responsible for gross violations of human rights.[48] He was also found to have directly authorised "unlawful activity which included killing."[49] Botha declined to apologise for apartheid. In a 2006 interview to mark his 90th birthday, he suggested that he had no regrets about the way he had run the country.[50] Botha denied that he had ever considered black South Africans to be in any way inferior to whites, but conceded that "some" whites did hold that view. He also claimed that theracial segregation laws of apartheid "started inLord Milner's time" and the National Party merely inherited them; however, Botha conceded that the Afrikaner population had been "happy to perpetuate [apartheid]", as many of them "were, and some of them still are... 'racists at heart'".[51]
Botha and his wife Elize retired to their home,Die Anker, in the town ofWilderness, 16 kilometres (9.9 mi) from the city ofGeorge and located on theIndian Ocean coast of theWestern Cape.[52][53] Elize died in 1997 after aheart attack.[54] He was briefly engaged to Reinette Water Naude, an independently wealthy woman 31 years his junior.[55][13] However, on 22 June 1998, he married Barbara Robertson, a legal secretary 25 years his junior.[13]
Botha remained largely out of sight of the media and it was widely believed that he remained opposed to many of F. W. de Klerk's reforms. He resigned from theAfrikaner Broederbond.
Then-presidentNelson Mandela arranged a dinner with Botha's daughters, Rozanne and Elsa, and their husbands. Mandela had hoped to lobby the family so that they would persuade Botha to testify at the new government'sTruth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), set up to expose apartheid-era crimes and chaired by his cultural and political nemesis, ArchbishopDesmond Tutu. There was no unanimous agreement between the family, with Rozanne vocally opposed, believing that her father could face prosecution and/or humiliation in the court.[56]The TRC found that he had ordered the 1988 bombing of theSouth African Council of Churches headquarters in Johannesburg. In August 1998, he was fined and given asuspended jail sentence for his refusal to testify on human rights violations and violence sanctioned by theState Security Council (SSC) which he, as president until 1989, had directed.[57]
In June 1999, Botha successfully appealed to theHigh Court against his conviction and sentence. The Court's ruling by JudgeSelikowitz (with Judge Foxcroft concurring) found that the notice served on Botha to appear before the TRC was technically invalid.[58]
Botha died of natural causes[a][59][60][61][62] at his home inWilderness on Tuesday 31 October 2006, aged 90.[63] His death was met withmagnanimity by many of his former opponents. Former PresidentNelson Mandela was reported as saying "while to many Mr. Botha will remain a symbol ofapartheid, we also remember him for the steps he took to pave the way towards the eventual peacefully negotiated settlement in our country".[64]
PresidentThabo Mbeki announced that flags would be flown at half mast to mark the death of a former head of state.[65] The offer of astate funeral was declined by Botha's family,[66] and a private funeral[67] was held on 8 November in the town ofGeorge, where Botha's body was buried. Mbeki attended the funeral.[68]
However, the government's decision to honour Botha with official gestures, such as flying the national flag athalf-mast and offering a state funeral, was met with public criticism. Organisations including thePan Africanist Congress (PAC) andCOSATU expressed strong opposition, arguing that a man widely regarded as a symbol of apartheid oppression should not receive national recognition.[66][69]
Grand Cross of theOrder of the Star of South Africa, November 1979[70]| Ribbon | Distinction | Country | Date | Reference |
|---|---|---|---|---|
 | Grand Cross of theMilitary Order of Christ |  Portugal | 8 April 1967 | [71] |
 | Order of Propitious Clouds with Special Grand Cordon |  Republic of China | October 1980 | [70] |
.jpg)
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)Botha died at home, peacefully
| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by | Minister of Defence 1966–1980 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Prime Minister of South Africa 1978–1984 | Position abolished |
| Preceded by | State President of South Africa 1984–1989 | Succeeded by |
| Union of South Africa (1910–1961) (underApartheid from 1948) | .svg) .svg) | |
|---|---|---|
| Republic of South Africa (1961–1984) (under Apartheid) | ||
| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
| Academics | |
| People | |
| Other | |
