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The early written records of thehistory of Montenegro begin withIllyria and its various kingdoms until theRoman Republic incorporated the region intothe province of Illyricum (laterDalmatia andPraevalitana) after theIllyro-Roman Wars.
In theEarly Middle Ages, Slavic migration led to several Slavic states. In the 9th century, there were three principalities on the territory of Montenegro:Duklja, roughly corresponding to the southern half,Travunia, the west, andRascia, the north. In 1042,Stefan Vojislav led a revolt that resulted in the independence of Duklja and the establishment of theVojislavljević dynasty. Duklja reached its zenith under Vojislav's son,Mihailo (1046–81), and his grandsonBodin (1081–1101).[1] By the 13th century,Zeta had replacedDuklja when referring to the realm. In the late 14th century, southern Montenegro (Zeta) came under the rule of theBalšić noble family, then theCrnojević noble family, and by the 15th century, Zeta was more often referred to asCrna Gora (Venetian:monte negro).
Large portions fell under the control of theOttoman Empire from 1496 to 1878. Parts were controlled by theRepublic of Venice. From 1516 until 1852 the prince-bishops (vladikas) of Cetinje were the rulers. TheHouse of Petrović-Njegoš ruled until 1918. From 1918, it was a part ofYugoslavia. On the basis of anindependence referendum held on 21 May 2006, Montenegro declared independence on 3 June of that year.
Before the arrival of theSlavonic peoples in theBalkans during the 6th century AD, the area now known as Montenegro was inhabited principally by theIllyrians.
During the Bronze Age, the Illirii, probably the southernmost Illyrian tribe of that time, that gave their name to the entire group[2] were living nearSkadar lake on the border of Albania and Montenegro and neighboring with theGreek tribes south.[2][3] Along the seaboard of theAdriatic, the movement of peoples that was typical of the ancientMediterranean world ensured the settlement of a mixture of colonists, traders, and those in search of territorial conquest. SubstantialGreek colonies were established on the 6th and 7th centuries BC andCelts are known to have settled there in the 4th century BC. During the 3rd century BC, an indigenousIllyrian kingdom emerged with its capital atScutari. TheRomans mounted several punitive expeditions against local pirates and finally conquered the Illyrian kingdom in the 2nd century BC, annexing it to the province ofIllyricum.
The division of theRoman Empire betweenRoman andByzantine rule – and subsequently between theLatin andGreek churches – was marked by a line that ran northward from Shkodra through modern Montenegro, symbolizing the status of this region as a perpetual marginal zone between the economic, cultural, and political worlds of the Mediterranean. As Roman power declined, this part of theDalmatian coast suffered from intermittent ravages by various semi-nomadic invaders, especially theGoths in the late 5th century and theAvars during the 6th century. These soon were supplanted by the Slavs, who became widely established inDalmatia by the middle of the 7th century. Because the terrain was extremely rugged and lacked any major sources of wealth such as mineral riches, the area that is now Montenegro became a haven for residual groups of earlier settlers, including some tribes who had escapedRomanisation.[citation needed]
In the second half of the 6th century,Slavs migrated from theBay of Kotor to the River ofBojana and the hinterland of it as well as surround the Skadar lake. They formed thePrincipality ofDoclea. Under the following missions ofCyril and Methodius, the population wasChristianised. The Slavic tribes organised into a semi-independent dukedom ofDuklja (Doclea) by the 9th century.
After facing subsequentBulgarian domination, the people were split as the Doclean brother-archonts split the lands among each other after 900. PrinceČaslav Klonimirović of theSerbianVlastimirović dynasty extended his influence over Doclea in the 10th century. After the fall of theSerbian Realm in 960, the Docleans faced a renewed Byzantine occupation through to the 11th century. The local ruler,Jovan Vladimir Dukljanski, whose cult still remains in the Orthodox Christian tradition, was at the time struggling to ensure independence.
Stefan Vojislav started an uprising against the Byzantine domination and gained a huge victory against the army of several Byzantine strategoi in Tudjemili (Bar) in 1042, which put to an end the Byzantine influence over the Doclea. In the 1054 Great Schism, the Doclea fell on the side of the Catholic Church. Bar became a Bishopric in 1067. In 1077,Pope Gregory VII recognised Duklja as an independent state, acknowledging its KingMihailo (Michael, of the Vojislavljević dynasty founded by nobleman Stefan Vojislav) as Rex Doclea (King of Duklja). Later on Mihailo sent his troops, led by his son Bodin, in 1072 to assist the uprising of Slavs in Macedonia. In 1082, after numerous pleas the Bar Bishopric of Bar was upgraded to an Archbishopric.
The expansions of the Kings of the Vojislavljević dynasty led to the control over the other Slavic lands, includingZahumlje,Bosnia and Rascia. The might of the Doclea declined and they generally became subjected to the Grand Princes of Rascia in the 12th century.Stefan Nemanja was born in 1117 in Ribnica (todayPodgorica). In 1168, as the Serbian Grand Zhupan, Stefan Nemanja took Doclea. In charters ofVranjina Monastery during the 14th century the ethnic groups which are mentioned were Albanians (Arbanas), Vlahs, Latins (Catholic citizen) and Serbs.[4]
The region of Duklja (Zeta) was ruled by theNemanjić dynasty from c. 1186 until c. 1360. In this period Zeta was administered by members of the Serbian royalty as a crown land.[5]
ThePrincipality of Zeta was ruled by thehouse of Balšić from c. 1356 until 1421.
After the death of Balša III, last representative of House of Balšić, Zeta joined theSerbian Despotate in 1421.
ThePrincipality of Zeta was ruled by the house ofCrnojević Dynasty from c. 1451 until 1496. It is believed that the nameCrna Gora (Montenegro) originated during their rule. The Crnojevići were driven out from Zeta by the Ottomans and forced to retreat above theGulf of Kotor where they built a monastery and a royal court inCetinje, the future royal capital of Montenegro, before eventually fleeing to Venice.[6] In 1496, Ottomans conquered Zeta and consolidated it into the newly establishedSanjak of Montenegro, thereby ending its principality.[7]
After the dramatic fall of theWestern Roman Empire (476), the romanisedIllyrians of the coast of Dalmatia survived the barbarian invasions of theAvars in the 6th century and were only nominally under the influence of theSlavs in the 7th and 8th centuries. In the last centuries of the first millennium, these Romanised Illyrians started to develop their own neo-Latin language, calledDalmatian language, around their small coastal villages that were growing with maritime commerce.
Venice started to take control of the southern Dalmatia around the 10th century, quickly assimilating the Dalmatian language withVenetian. By the 14th century theRepublic of Venice was able to create a territorial continuity around theBay of Kotor (Cattaro).
The Republic of Venice dominated the coasts of today's Montenegro from 1420 to 1797. In those four centuries the area around theCattaro (Kotor) became part ofVenetian Albania.
Part of today's Montenegro, calledSandžak (which was not historically part of Montenegro until 1912), was under directOttoman control from 1498 to 1912, while westernmost part ofcoastal Montenegro was underVenetian control and the rest of Montenegro was autonomous from 1516, whenVladikaVavila was elected as ruler of Montenegro by its clans, and licensed by theOttoman Empire it became atheocratic state and not secular. Only small town centers likeCetinje andNjegusi were controlled by Ottomans, but mountains and rural area were autonomous and controlled by several Montenegrin clans, which were warrior societies, but paying a special tax to theOttoman Empire.[8]
In 1514, the Ottoman territory of Montenegro was proclaimed as a separateSanjak of Montenegro, by the order ofSultan Beyazid II. The firstSanjak-beg (governor) who was chosen wasIvan Crnojević's son Staniša (Skenderbeg Crnojević), who converted toIslam, and governed until his death in 1528. Despite Skenderbeg's emphasized cruelty, the Ottomans did not have effective power in Montenegro.Vladika Vavil was elected in 1516 as Montenegrin prince-bishop by the Montenegrin people and the patriarch ofBelgrade.
For 180 years after their first appointment, the Vladikas were elected by theSerbian Patriarchate of Peć and the clans — an arrangement which was ultimately abandoned in favour of the hereditary system in 1696. For most of this period the Montenegrin people were in constant struggle for its autonomy inside of the Ottoman Empire .
A pretender to Montenegrin throne, one of theCrnojević family who had converted toIslam, invaded Montenegro just asStaniša, thirty years before, and with the same result. Vukotić, the civil governor, repulsed the attack of Turks. Montenegrins, encouraged by the victory, besiegedJajce in modern-dayBosnia and Herzegovina, where the Hungarian garrison was closely hemmed in by the Ottoman army. The Turks were too much occupied with the Hungarian war to take revenge. The next Ottoman invasion of Montenegro took place in 1570.
The national historians are silent upon the subject of theHaraç (tax in Ottoman Empire), which the invaders are said to have exacted from the inhabitants of the free mountains. The refusal of high-spirited Montenegrin clans to pay tax any longer was the cause of the Pasha's invasion during the reign of theHadjukBishop Rufim, when the Turks were driven back with heavy loss inBattle of Lješkopolje in 1604. About 1500 Montenegrin warriors attacked the Turkish camp on Lješkopolje field during the night, which counted 10.000 Ottoman soldiers.
In 1613, Arslan Pasha gathered army of over 40,000 men to attack part ofOld Montenegro. Ottoman soldiers were twice as numerous as whole population of Old Montenegro. On 10 September the Montenegrins met the Turkish army, on the same spot Skenderbeg Crnojević was defeated nearly a century ago . The Montenegrins, although assisted by some neighbouring tribes, counted 4000 and were completely outnumbered. However, the Montenegrins managed to defeat the Turks. Arslan Pasha was wounded, and the heads of his second-in-command and a hundred other Turkish officers were carried off and stuck on the ramparts of Cetinje. The Ottoman troops retreated in disorder; many were drowned in the waters of theMorača. Others were killed by Montenegrin pursuers.
Much light is thrown upon the condition of Montenegro at this period and the causes of its invariable success in war even against fearful odds are explained by the accounts of a contemporary writer, Mariano Bolizza. This author, a patrician of Venice, residing atKotor in the early part of the seventeenth century, spent a considerable time in theOld Montenegro, and published in 1614 a description ofCetinje. At the time, the whole male population of Cetinje available for war consisted of 8,027 persons, distributed among ninety-three villages.
The condition of the country at this period was naturally unsettled. War was the chief occupation of its inhabitants from sheer necessity, and the arts of peace languished. The printing-press, so active a century earlier, had ceased to exist; the control of the Prince-Bishop over the fivenahije (sing. nahija, from theTurkishnahiyah, i.e. "district"), which then composed the principality, was weak; the capital itself consisted of only a few houses. Still, there was a system of local government. Eachnahija was divided intotribes (Serbian:plemena), each presided over by a chief (Serbian:knez), who acted as a judge in disputes between the tribesmen.[9]
Petar Petrović Njegoš, an influentialvladika, reigned in the first half of the 19th century. In 1851 Danilo Petrović Njegoš becamevladika, but in 1852 he married and renounced his ecclesiastical character, assuming the title ofknjaz (Prince)Danilo I, and transformed his land into a secular principality.
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Following the assassination of Danilo byTodor Kadić inKotor, in 1860, the Montenegrins proclaimedNicholas I as his successor on August 14 of that year. In 1861–1862, Nicholas engaged in an unsuccessfulwar against the Ottoman Empire.
Following theHerzegovinian Uprising, partly initiated by his clandestine activities, he yet again declared war on Turkey. TheSerbia joined Montenegro, but it was defeated by Turkish forces that same year. Russia now joined in and decisively routed the Turks in 1877–78. TheTreaty of San Stefano (March 1878) was highly advantageous to Montenegro, as well as Russia, Serbia, Romania and Bulgaria.[10] However, the gains were somewhat trimmed by theTreaty of Berlin (1878). In the end Montenegro was internationally recognized as an independent state, its territory was effectively doubled by the addition of 4,900 square kilometres (1,900 sq mi), the port ofBar and all the waters of Montenegro were closed to warships of all nations; and the administration of the maritime and sanitary police on the coast was placed in the hands of Austria.
Under Nicholas I the country was also granted its first constitution (1905) and was elevated to the rank of kingdom in 1910.
In theBalkan Wars (1912–1913), Montenegro did make further territorial gains by splittingSanjak with Serbia. However, the captured city ofSkadar had to be given up to the new state ofAlbania at the insistence of the Great Powers despite the Montenegrins having invested 10,000 lives for the conquest of the town from the Ottoman-Albanian forces ofEssad Pasha Toptani.
Montenegro suffered severely inWorld War I. Shortly afterAustria-Hungary declared war on Serbia (28 July 1914), Montenegro lost little time in declaring war on theCentral Powers – on Austria-Hungary in the first instance – on 6 August 1914, despite Austrian diplomacy promising to cedeShkoder to Montenegro if it remained neutral.[11] For purposes of coordination in the fight against the enemy army, Serbian GeneralBožidar Janković was named head of High Command of both Serbian and Montenegrin armies. Montenegro received 30artillery pieces and financial help of 17 milliondinars from Serbia.France contributed a colonial detachment of 200 men located in Cetinje at the beginning of war, as well as two radio-stations – located on top ofMount Lovćen and in Podgorica. Until 1915 France supplied Montenegro with necessary war material and food through the port ofBar, which was blockaded by Austrian battleships and submarines. In 1915Italy took over this role, running supplies unsuccessfully and irregularly across the lineShengjin-Bojana-Lake Skadar, an unsecured route because of constant attacks by Albanian irregulars organised by Austrian agents. Lack of vital materials eventually led Montenegro to surrender.
Austria-Hungary dispatched a separate army to invade Montenegro[when?] and to prevent a junction of the Serbian and Montenegrin armies. This force, however, was repulsed, and from the top of the strongly fortified Lovćen, the Montenegrins carried on the bombardment ofKotor held by the enemy. The Austro-Hungarian army managed to capture the town ofPljevlja while on the other hand the Montenegrins tookBudva, then under Austrian control. The Serbian victory at theBattle of Cer (15–24 August 1914) diverted enemy forces fromSandžak, and Pljevlja came into Montenegrin hands again. On August 10, 1914, the Montenegrin infantry delivered a strong attack against the Austrian garrisons, but they did not succeed in making good the advantage they first gained. They successfully resisted the Austrians in the second invasion of Serbia (September 1914) and almost succeeded in seizingSarajevo. With the beginning of the third Austro-Hungarian invasion, however, the Montenegrin army had to retire before greatly superior numbers, and Austro-Hungarian, Bulgarian and German armies finally overran Serbia (December 1915). However, the Serbian army survived, and led by KingPeter I of Serbia, started retreating across Albania. In order to support the Serbian retreat, the Montenegrin army, led byJanko Vukotić, engaged in theBattle of Mojkovac (6–7 January 1916). Montenegro alsosuffered a large scale invasion (January 1916) and for the remainder of the war remained in the possession of the Central Powers. SeeSerbian Campaign (World War I) for details. The Austrian officerViktor Weber Edler von Webenau served as the military governor of Montenegro between 1916 and 1917. AfterwardsHeinrich Clam-Martinic filled this position.
King Nicholas fled to Italy (January 1916) and then to Antibes, France; the government transferred its operations toBordeaux. Eventually theAllies liberated Montenegro from the Austrians. A newly convenedNational Assembly of Podgorica (Podgorička skupština,Подгоричка скупштина), accused the King of seeking a separate peace with the enemy and consequently deposed him, banned his return and decided that Montenegro should join theKingdom of Serbia on December 1, 1918. A part of the former Montenegrin military forces still loyal to the King started a rebellion against the amalgamation, theChristmas Uprising (7 January 1919).
In the period between the twoWorld Wars, Nikola's grandson, KingAlexander I dominated theYugoslav government. In 1922 Montenegro became part of Zeta area and laterZeta Banate. The administrative seat of banate became former Montenegrin capitalCetinje. During this period, Montenegrin people were still divided between politics of Greens and Whites. The dominant political parties in Montenegro wereDemocratic Party,People's Radical Party,Communist Party of Yugoslavia,Alliance of Agrarians,Montenegrin Federalist Party, and theYugoslav Republican Party. During this period, two main problems in Montenegro were lost sovereignty and bad economic situation. All of the parties except Federalists had the same attitude towards the first question, favoring centralism to federalism. The other question was more complex, but the fact on which all of the parties agreed is that the situation was far from good and that the government did nothing to improve the life in area. Devastated by war, Montenegro was never paid the reparations to which it had right as one of the Allies in the Great War. Most of the population lived in rural areas, but the smaller population of citizens had better standards of life. There was no infrastructure and industry was formed of few companies.
During World War II, Italy underBenito Mussolini occupied Montenegro in 1941 and annexed it to theKingdom of Italy in the area ofKotor (Cattaro), where there was a smallVenetian speaking population. (The Queen of Italy –Elena of Montenegro – was daughter of the former king of Montenegro and was born inCetinje.)
The English historianDenis Mack Smith wrote that the Queen of Italy (considered the most influential Montenegrin woman in history) convinced her husband the King of ItalyVictor Emmanuel III to impose on Mussolini the creation of an independent Montenegro, against the wishes of the fascist Croats and Albanians (who wanted to enlarge their countries with the Montenegrin territories). Her nephewPrince Michael of Montenegro never accepted the offered crown, pledging loyalty to his nephew KingPeter II of Yugoslavia.
The puppetKingdom of Montenegro was created under fascist control whileKrsto Zrnov Popović returned from his exile inRome in 1941 to attempt to lead theZelenaši ("Green" party), who supported the reinstatement of the Montenegrin monarchy. This militia was called theLovćen Brigade. Montenegro was ravaged by a terrible guerrilla war, mainly afterNazi Germany replaced the defeated Italians in September 1943.
During World War II, as was the case in many other parts of Yugoslavia, Montenegro was involved in some sort of civil war. Besides Montenegrin Greens, the two main factions were theChetnik Yugoslav army, who swore allegiance to the government in exile and consisted mainly of Montenegrins who declared themselves as Serbs (many of its members were Montenegrin Whites) andYugoslav Partisans, whose aim was the creation of a Socialist Yugoslavia after the war. Since both factions shared some similarities in their goals, particularly those relating to a unified Yugoslavia and anti-Axis resistance, the two sides joined hands and in 1941 started the13th July uprising, the first organised uprising in occupied Europe. This occurred just two months after Yugoslavia capitulated, and liberated most of Montenegrin territory, but the rebels were unable to regain control of major towns and cities. After the failed attempts to liberate the towns ofPljevlja andKolasin, the Italians, reinforced by Germans, recaptured all insurgent territory. At the leadership level, disagreements regarding state policy (Centralist monarchy vs. Federal Socialist republic) eventually led to a split between the two sides; they then became enemies from thereon. Constantly, both factions were trying to gain support among the population. The monarchist Chetniks had influential scholars and revolutionaries among their supporters, such asBlažo Đukanović,Zaharije Ostojić,Radojica Perišić,Petar Baćović, Mirko Lalatovic, andBajo Stanišić, the hero of the anti-fascist uprising. However, eventually the Chetniks in Montenegro lost support among the population, as did other Chetnik factions within Yugoslavia. Thede facto leader of the Chetniks in Montenegro,Pavle Djurisic, along with other prominent figures of the movement like Dusan Arsovic andĐorđe Lašić, were held responsible for massacres of Muslim population in easternBosnia andSandzak during 1944. Their ideology of a homogeneous Serbia within Yugoslavia proved to be a major obstacle in recruiting liberals, minorities, and Montenegrins who regarded Montenegro as a nation with its own identity. These factors, in addition to the fact that some Chetniks were negotiating with theAxis, led to the Chetnik Yugoslav army losing support among theAllies in 1943. In the same year, Italy, who was until then in charge of the occupied zone, capitulated and was replaced byGermany, and the fighting continued.
Podgorica was liberated by the socialist Partisans on 19 December 1944, and the war of liberation had been won.Josip Broz Tito acknowledged Montenegro's massive contribution to the war against the Axis powers by establishing it as one of the six republics ofYugoslavia.
From 1945 to 1992, Montenegro became a constituent republic of theSocialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; it was the smallest republic in the federation and had the lowest population. Montenegro became economically stronger than ever, since it gained help from federal funds as an under-developed Republic, and it became a tourist destination as well. After war years proved turbulent and were marked by political eliminations.Krsto Zrnov Popović, the leader of Greens was assassinated in 1947, and 10 years later, in 1957, the last Montenegrin ChetnikVladimir Šipčić was also murdered. During this period Montenegrin Communists such asVeljko Vlahović,Svetozar Vukmanović-Tempo,Vladimir Popović and Jovo Kapicić held key positions in the federal government of Yugoslavia. In 1948 Yugoslavia faced theTito–Stalin split, a period of high tensions between Yugoslavia and theUSSR caused by disagreements about each country's influences on its neighbours, and the resolution ofInformbiro. Political turmoil began within both the communist party and the nation. Pro-Soviet communists faced prosecution and imprisonment in various prisons across Yugoslavia, notablyGoli Otok. Many Montenegrins, due to their traditional allegiance with Russia, declared themselves as Soviet-orientated. This political split in the communist party saw the downfall of many important communist leaders, including MontenegrinsArso Jovanović andVlado Dapčević. Many of the people imprisoned during this period, regardless of nationality, were innocent – this was later recognised by the Yugoslav government. 1954 saw the expulsion of prominent Montenegrin politicianMilovan Đilas from the communist party for criticising party leaders for forming a "new ruling class" within, Yugoslavia along withPeko Dapčević.
Through the second half of the 1940s and the whole of the 1950s, the country underwent infrastructural rejuvenation thanks to federal funding. Montenegro's historic capitalCetinje was replaced withPodgorica, which in the inter-war period became the biggest city in the Republic – although it was practically in ruins due to heavy bombing in the last stages of WW II. Podgorica had a more favorable geographical position within Montenegro, and in 1947 the seat of the Republic was moved to the city, now named Titograd in honor to Marshal Tito. Cetinje received the title of 'hero city' within Yugoslavia.Youth work actions built a railway between the two biggest cities ofTitograd andNikšić, as well as an embankment overSkadar lake linking the capital with the major port ofBar. The port of Bar was also rebuilt after being mined during the German retreat in 1944. Other ports that faced infrastructural improvement wereKotor,Risan andTivat. In 1947Jugopetrol Kotor was founded. Montenegro's industrialisation was demonstrated through the founding of the electronic company Obod in Cetinje, a steel mill andTrebjesa brewery in Nikšić, and thePodgorica Aluminium Plant in 1969.
Thebreakup of communist Yugoslavia (1991–1992) and the introduction of amulti-party political system found Montenegro with a young leadership that had risen to office only a few years earlier in the late 1980s.
In effect, three men ran the republic:Milo Đukanović,Momir Bulatović andSvetozar Marović; all swept into power during theanti-bureaucratic revolution — an administrativecoup of sorts within the Yugoslav Communist party, orchestrated by younger party members close toSlobodan Milošević.
All three appeared devout communists on the surface, but they also had sufficient skills and adaptability to understand the dangers of clinging to traditional rigid old-guard tactics in changing times. So when the old Yugoslavia effectively ceased to exist and the multi-party political system replaced it, they quickly repackaged the Montenegrin branch of the old Communist party and renamed it theDemocratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS).
The inheritance of the entire infrastructure, resources and membership of the old Communist party gave the DPS a sizable head start on their opponents in the newly formed parties. It allowed them to win the first multi-party parliamentary election held on 9 and 16 December 1990, and presidential elections held on 9 and 23 December 1990.[12] The party has ruled Montenegro ever since[update] (either alone or as a leading member of different ruling coalitions).
During the early-to-mid-1990s Montenegro's leadership gave considerable support to Milošević's war-effort. Montenegrin reservists fought on the Dubrovnik front line, where Prime Minister Milo Đukanović visited them frequently.
In April 1992, following areferendum, Montenegro decided to join Serbia in forming theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), which officially put the Second Yugoslavia to rest.
During the 1991–1995Bosnian War andCroatian War, Montenegro participated with its police and military forces in the attacks onDubrovnik,Croatia[13] and Bosnian towns along with Serbian troops, aggressive acts aimed at acquiring more territories by force,characterized by a consistent pattern of gross and systematic violations ofhuman rights.[14] Montenegrin GeneralPavle Strugar has since been convicted for his part in the bombing of Dubrovnik.[15]Bosnian refugees were arrested by Montenegrin police and transported to Serb camps inFoča, where they were subjected to systematic torture and executed.[16]
In May 1992, theUnited Nations imposed an embargo on FRY: this affected many aspects of life in the country.
Due to its favourable geographical location (access to the Adriatic Sea and a water-link to Albania acrossLake Skadar) Montenegro became a hub for smuggling activity. The entire Montenegrin industrial production had stopped, and the republic's main economic activity became the smuggling of user goods – especially those in short supply like petrol and cigarettes, both of which skyrocketed in price. It became ade facto legalized practice and it went on for years. At best, the Montenegrin government turned a blind eye to the illegal activity, but mostly it took an active part in it. Smuggling made millionaires out of all sorts of shady individuals, including senior government officials. Milo Đukanović continues to face actions in various Italian courts over his role in widespread smuggling during the 1990s and in providing safe haven in Montenegro for differentItalian Mafia figures who also allegedly took part in the smuggling distribution chain.
In 1997 a bitter dispute over presidential election results took place. It ended with Milo Đukanović winning over Momir Bulatović in a second-round run-off plagued with irregularities. Nonetheless, the authorities allowed the results to stand. Former close allies had by this time become bitter foes, which resulted in a near-warlike atmosphere in Montenegro for months during the autumn of 1997. It also split theDemocratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro. Bulatović and his followers broke away to form theSocialist People's Party of Montenegro (SNP), staying loyal to Milošević, whereas Đukanović began to distance himself from Serbia. This distance from the policies of Milošević played a role in sparing Montenegro from the heavy bombing that Serbia endured in the spring of 1999 during theNATO air-campaign.
Đukanović came out a clear winner from this political fight, as he never lost power for even a day. Bulatović, on the other hand, never held office again in Montenegro after 1997 and eventually retired from politics in 2001.
During theKosovo War, ethnic Albanians took refuge in Montenegro, but were still under threat by Serbian soldiers, who were able to take refugees back into Serbian controlled areas and imprison them.[17]
In the spring of 1999, at the height of theNATO offensives, 21 Albanians died in several separate and unexplained incidents in Montenegro, according to the republic's prosecutor. Another group of around 60 Albanian refugees was fired upon inKaludjerski Laz by Yugoslav Army members, leading to the death of six people, including a woman aged 80 and a child, killed in crossfire that allegedly came from three machine-gun posts of the then Yugoslav Army.[18]In all, 23 Albanians were killed in Kaludjerski Laz, and Montenegrin prosecutors have charged 8 soldiers, among which is Predrag Strugar, son of convicted Montenegrin war criminal General Pavle Strugar, with "inhuman treatment against civilians".[19] During the war Montenegro was bombed as part of NATO operations against Yugoslavia, though not as heavily as Serbia. The targets were mostly military ones such asGolubovci Airbase.
In 2003, after years of wrangling and outside assistance, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia renamed itself as "Serbia and Montenegro" and officially reconstituted itself as a loose union. TheState Union had a parliament and an army in common, and for three years (until 2006), neither Serbia nor Montenegro held a referendum on the break-up of the union. However, a referendum was announced in Montenegro to decide the future of the republic. The ballots cast in the controversial2006 independence referendum resulted in a 55.5% victory for independence supporters, just above the 55% borderline mark set by the EU.[20] Montenegro declared independence on 3 June 2006.[21]
On 28 June 2006, Montenegro joined theUnited Nations as its 192nd member state.[22]
For 16 October 2016, the day of theparliamentary election, acoup d'état against the government ofMilo Đukanović had been prepared, according to the Montenegrin Special Prosecutor.[23] Fourteen people, including two Russian nationals and two Montenegrin opposition leaders,Andrija Mandić andMilan Knežević, were indicted for their alleged roles in the coup attempt on charges such as "preparing a conspiracy against the constitutional order and the security of Montenegro" and an "attempted terrorist act."[23]
In June 2017, Montenegro formallybecame a member ofNATO, an eventuality that had been rejected by about half of the country's population and had triggered a promise of retaliatory actions on the part of Russia's government.[24][25][26]
In April 2018, Đukanović, the leader of the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), won Montenegro’spresidential election. The veteran politician had served as Prime Minister six times and as President once before. He had dominated Montenegrin politics since 1991.[27]
In September 2020, Đukanović's pro-Western Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) narrowly lost theparliamentary election after having led the country for 30 years. The opposition,For the Future of Montenegro (ZBCG) bloc, was composed mainly of Serb nationalist parties.[28] The new pro-serbian government was formed by Prime MinisterZdravko Krivokapić. However, Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapic's government was toppled in no-confidence vote after only 14 months in power.[29] In April 2022, a new minority government, comprising moderate parties that are both pro-European and pro-Serb, was formed. The new government was led by Prime MinisterDritan Abazovic.[30]
On 12 August 2022,a mass shooting occurred inCetinje, which left ten people dead and six others injured. The gunman, identified as 34-year-old Vučko Borilović, was then shot and killed by an armed civilian after engaging in a gun battle with responding officers.[31] It is the deadliest mass shooting in the history of Montenegro.[32]
In March 2023,Jakov Milatović, a pro-western candidate of theEurope Now movement, won the presidentialelection run-off over incumbent Milo Đukanović to succeed him as the nextPresident of Montenegro.[33] On 20 May 2023, Milatović was sworn in as President of Montenegro.[34] In June 2023, Europe Now movement won a snap parliamentaryelection.[35] On 31 October 2023,Milojko Spajic of the Europe Now Movement became Montenegro's new prime minister, leading a coalition of both pro-European and pro-Serb parties.[36]
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