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North Sea Germanic

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Group of West Germanic languages

North Sea Germanic
Ingvaeonic
Geographic
distribution
Originally theNorth Sea coast fromFriesland toJutland; today, worldwide
Native speakers
325 million (2004)
Linguistic classificationIndo-European
Subdivisions
Language codes
Glottolognort3175

North Sea Germanic, also known asIngvaeonic (/ˌɪŋvˈɒnɪk/ING-vee-ON-ik),[1] is a subgrouping ofWest Germanic languages that consists ofOld Frisian,Old English, andOld Saxon, and their descendants. These languages share a number of commonalities, such as a single plural ending for all persons of the verb, theIngvaeonic nasal spirant law, common changes to the Germanic vowel*a, a plural form-as, and a number of other features which make scholars believe they form a distinct group within West Germanic.

It is debated whether the shared features of North Sea Germanic are inherited from a common proto-language or formed through later contact and influence. Additionally, the membership of the group is sometimes debated. Some scholars exclude Low German for lacking a number of features associated with North Sea Germanic. Other scholars include Dutch for sharing some features with the group.

Name

[edit]

The name Ingvaeonic derives from ancient Roman sources such asTacitus, who describes a tribal group called theIngvaeones. In current scholarship, the term "North Sea Germanic" is often preferred, as it is more descriptive of where these languages are spoken and also more neutral as to whether any connection exists to the Ingvaeones.[2] Other names used include "Coastal Germanic" and "North Sea West Germanic."[3]

Membership

[edit]

The North Sea Germanic languages are usually defined as consisting of the Anglo-Frisian languages (English and Frisian) and Low German.[4] Scholars debate whether these languages shared a single proto-language, or whether their common features are the result of contact and influence - some of them are also shared with theNorth Germanic languages. Some features may be common inherited features and others are likelyareal features.[5][6][3]

Examples of the distribution of some early North Sea Germanic sound shifts across Northwestern Germanic according toNorton & Sapp 2021, p. 541
FeatureOld High GermanOld Low FranconianWestern Old SaxonEastern Old SaxonOld EnglishOld FrisianOld Norse
loss of nasal before a fricativeNopartYesYesYesYespart
aN > oNNoNoNoYesYesYesNo
a > eNoNoNopartYesYesNo

The status of Low German in the group is sometimes questioned, but most scholars believe that its oldest attested form, Old Saxon, shows clear North Sea Germanic features. Low German has been steadily influenced by High German, causing it to lose some of its North Sea Germanic features and become a linguistic "hybrid".[7][8] Other scholars have argued that Old Saxon was always variable and represents a transitional dialect between North Sea Germanic and "Franconian". Much variation between North Sea Germanic and Franconian features in the language is dialectal; generally, eastern dialects show more Ingvaeonic phonetic features whereas western ones show more "Franconian" features.[9][10]

Some scholars have argued that Dutch belongs to the North Sea Germanic languages, as it shares some characteristics with the others. On the other hand, there are arguments for grouping Old Saxon and Old Low Franconian (the ancestor of Dutch) together, as they also share features that are lacking in Anglo-Frisian.[11][12] Within Dutch, forms that resemble those of the North Sea Germanic languages are called "Ingvaeonisms". These can be further divided into older Ingvaeonisms, which are found throughout Low Franconian, and younger Ingvaeonisms, which are only found in the coastal areas.[13]

Characteristic phonetic changes

[edit]

lowering of *u

[edit]

Throughout Northwest Germanic (North Germanic and West Germanic), stressed *u lowered to*o when*a was found in the next syllable:[14]

  • Proto-West Germanic*fulką > Old Norse, Old Saxon, Old High Germanfolk, Old Englishfolc "troop, tribe"

However, *u was not lowered before a nasal consonant and a following consonant:[15]

  • Proto-Germanic*pundą > Old Norse, Old English, Old Saxonpund, Old High Germanpfunt "pound"

In the North Sea Germanic languages and North Germanic, however,*u wasnot lowered before a single nasal consonant, whereas in Old High German, lowering occurred:[16]

  • numanaz > Old Englishnumen, Old Saxonginuman, but Old High Germanginoman "taken"

Unlowered*u is also found in some other environments in northern West Germanic as opposed to Old High German.[17]

Loss of unstressed and syllable final *z

[edit]

All West Germanic languages lost final-z in unstressed final syllables (Proto-Germanic*hundaz > Proto-West Germanic*hund). However, all North Sea Germanic languages and Old Low Franconian also lost syllable-finalz in unstressed prefixes, whereas High German retained and rhoticized them, thus Old High Germaner-bitten vs. Old Saxona-biddian "to ask for".[18][19]

In northern West Germanic dialects, Germanic word final-z was also lost in monosyllables and caused compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel, whereas in southern West Germanic, it became-r:[20]

  • Proto-Germanic*hiz > Old English, Old Frisian/Old Saxon "he" (cf. Germaner with final r)

This same change is attested for most Low Franconian dialects as well (Dutchhij); in modern Low Franconian, enclitic forms with a final-r are still found inSouth Low Franconian.[21] Similar enclitic forms are also found in Old Frisian.[22]

Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law

[edit]
Main article:Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law

Old English, Old Frisian, and Old Saxon all share theIngvaeonic nasal spirant law, in which a nasal is lost before a fricative consonant and the preceding vowel is first nasalized and then lengthened:[23][24][a]

  • Proto-West Germanic*fimf >*fįf > Old English, Old Saxon, Old Frisianfīf "five"
  • Proto-West Germanic*gans >*gąs > Old English, Middle Low German, Old Frisiangōs "goose"

Although Old Saxon consistently shows the Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law,[26] Middle Low German dialects restore many nasal consonants lost through the spirant law, giving forms such asander rather than Old Saxonōthar ("other"). In some words, the presence or absence of the nasal fluctuates by dialect, with modern West Low German mostly havingus ("us") while modern East Low German mostly hasuns. Some of these changes may be due to leveling of forms with and without the nasal, while others point to High German influence. High German influence on Low German vocabulary is already visible in the Old Saxon period, as Old Saxon attests words such askind andurkundeo that do not follow the nasal spirant law.[27][28]

Low Franconian shows some cases of the nasal spirant law through its whole dialect area, most frequently beforef, e.g.vijf "five". Other instances are restricted to coastal dialects, such asmui(den), used for river mouths in place names and cognate with standard Dutchmond "mouth".[13][25]

Among High German dialects, Central German Ripuarian, Moselle Franconian, and Lorraine Franconian all feature the pronominal formūs via Ingvaeonic influence. Othern-less forms are also found in these dialects, such as islands where the wordGans lacks ann (e.g.horregeise "wild geese"). Upper Hessian likewise showsgās. However, most cases have been replaced by forms featuringn.[29] The standard German word for south,Süd(en), represents an early expansion of a word featuring the nasal spirant law into High German (Old High Germansund vs. North Sea Germanicsûþ).[30]

Nasalization and Rounding

[edit]

Throughout North Sea Germanic,*a was nasalized in unstressed positions when before a nasal consonant. Additionally, West Germanic *a became rounded before a nasal when in stressed position:

  • Proto-North West Germanic*mānō > Old English/Old Frisianmōna "moon"
  • Proto-West Germanic*langaz > Old English/Old Frisianlong "long"

Long *ā was more regularly affected than short *a. Many forms in Old English show variants with both a and o, e.g.dranc ~dronc ("drank").[31]

This change is only occasionally attested in Old Saxon with forms such ashond "hand". Ringe and Taylor suggest that the lack of consistency with which the rule is either applied or not applied in Old Saxon points to High German dialect influence.[32] By Middle Low German, forms witha have come to dominate. However, in cases where the nasal consonant has been lost before a spirant and theo lengthened, theo remained: Middle Low Germangōs "goose" (see e.g. modern Eastphaliangous).[33][34][b]

Forms witha >o are also found in Western Dutch dialects of Hollandic, Flemish, and Zealandic in some cases, e.g.sochte "soft" in medieval Flemish (modern standard Dutchzacht). These forms appear connected to the related change in Anglo-Frisian and Old Saxon.[36]

Fronting

[edit]

Proto-West Germanic *a was frequently fronted in the ancestor of Old English, less frequently in the ancestor of Old Frisian:

  • Proto-West-Germanicdag > Old Englishdæg, Old Frisiandei "day"

While this change is exceptionless in Old English (all stressed examples of *a became *æ except those that were rounded or nasalized), subsequent developments mean that it is difficult to tell if it was as exceptionless in Old Frisian.[37]

In Old Saxon, the change is only partially attested, producing doublets of words witha/e in Old Saxon. In Middle Low German, most of these doublets were eliminated in favor of thea version. Of the Old Saxon variantsglas andgles ("glass") onlyglas is found in Middle Low German.[26][38]

Some Dutch dialects also show signs of palatalization ofa toe, most often beforesp andsk (e.g. modern standard Dutchfles, cf. High GermanFlasche). This has sometimes been claimed to be an Ingvaeonism, although other factors, such as i-umlaut or analogy, can be used to explain most instances.[39]

Palatalization of velars

[edit]

The North Sea Germanic languages show a tendency toward palatalizing velar consonants before front vowels.[40] Old English and Frisian both palatalize the velar consonantsk andg before the front vowelsi ande in many or all cases:

  • Proto-West Germanic*kirika > Old Englishcirce (modern Englishchurch), Old Frisiantzierka[26]

Fulk argues that this change occurred early and possibly in Proto-Anglo-Frisian or even Proto-North Sea Germanic, given evidence of palatalization in Old Saxon.[41] Ringe and Taylor, however, argue that Frisian palatalization differs from the Old English pattern, meaning that the two languages likely experienced palatalization as a parallel development.[42]

Palatalization ofk andg is also common in Old Saxon and Middle Low German. Palatalizedk is indicated in the orthography by⟨ki⟩ (e.g.kiennen, cf. High Germankennen) or in some cases by⟨z⟩ (e.g.zind, cf. High GermanKind), while palatalizedg is indicated by⟨i(j)⟩ or sometimes⟨gi⟩ (e.g.ielden, cf. High Germangelten).[43] The palatalization of /k/ probably occurred over a wide area and to differing amounts in different dialects; in modern Low German, it has in most but not all cases been reversed tok.[44] Outside of many place names, one modern survival is the wordsever ("beetle"), still used in many Low German dialects and equivalent to High GermanKäfer.[45] Earlierɡ, on the other hand, often alternates withj or is a palatal fricative in modern Low German German dialects, often including in the environment of back vowels.[46]

r-metathesis

[edit]

Metathesis of sequence of vowel, /r/, and a following consonant has traditionally been considered a North Sea Germanic trait:[3][47]

  • Proto-West Germanic *brinnen > Old Englishbeornen, Middle Low Germanbernen, Old Frisianberna "burn"

Metathesis of r clusters can be traced in Old English from the 8th century and infrequently in Old Saxon (hors "horse" vs. Old High Germanhross) from the 9th century onward.[48][49] However, metathesis is not frequent in Old Saxon compared to later periods.[50] Among the modern languages it is most frequent in Frisian.[51] From Low German, r-metathesis spread south into the High German area, a process that is seen through the presence of place names with the element-born rather than-bron/brunn(en) "spring".[52]

R-metathesis is also common in Dutch (cf. Dutchbernen "burn"); however, it appears to have begun in the Flemish area in the 11th century and is thus unconnected to the r-metathesis in Old Saxon or Anglo-Frisian.[53]

Monophthongization of *au and *ai

[edit]

The monophthongization of the Proto-Germanic diphthongs*au andai has sometimes been considered a North Sea Germanic trait. A. Campbell regarded the monophthongization of Proto-Germanicau toā as one of the chief characteristics of the North Sea Germanic languages, though he also noted that Old Saxon instead has the usual outcomeō.[4] However, the reflexes of this diphthong also differs in Old English and Old Frisian:au becomesēa in most Old English dialects, via an intermediate stageǣo.ā is thus only attested as an outcome in Old Frisian.ai becomesā in Old English, butē (probablyæː) in Old Frisian except under certain phonological circumstances where it becameā.[54] Old Saxon again differs, havingē, but forms with reflexes similar to those in Frisian and Old English are also found in some early Old Saxon texts, namelyā andǣ.[55][56] Scholars disagree whether Anglo-Frisian originally monophthongizedai toā, with Frisian later frontingā toǣ, or whether both languages underwent separate monophthongizations.[57]

Old Saxon always monophthongizesau andai toō andē, while most Old Low Franconian also does so unless when there wasi/j in the following syllable, in which caseai is retained as a diphthongei. This situation has sometimes been attributed to North Sea Germanic influence.[58] Monophthongization ofau andai forms an important isogloss within Low Franconian between Low German and most Low Franconian on the one hand, and High German andSouth Low Franconian on the other. In those latter dialects,au andai were instead raised toou andei in most situations.[59][60] The different dialects thus show the following characteristic differences:[59]

  • Proto-Germanic *augō > Old Englishēage, Old Frisianāge, Old Saxon/Old Low Franconianōga "eye"; cf. Old High Germanouga
  • Proto-Germanic *raipaz > Old Frisian/Old Englishrāp, Old Saxonrēp (Middle Dutchreep) "band"; cf. Old High Germanreif

i-mutation and syncope of -i after heavy syllables

[edit]

Throughout West Germanic, unstressed final short -i is lost after heavy syllables (those with long vowels or two consonants). In the North Sea Germanic languages, final-i is retained after light syllables, but in Old High German (and Old Norse and Gothic), final-i is always lost (with a few exceptions), irrespective of the weight of the previous syllable.[61] This leads to differences between North Sea German forms such asstedi and more southernstad in different dialects of Old Saxon.[62]

In North Sea Germanic languages, the syncope of final-i occurs after i-mutation (Germanic umlaut), the fronting of vowels before-j/i (e.g. a > e, o > œ, u > y). This leads to forms such as Proto-West-Germanic*gasti > Old Englishgiest, Old Frisianiest vs. Old High Germangast without i-mutation.[63] Old Saxon takes an intermediate position between Anglo-Frisian and Old High German and Old Low Franconian: in Eastern dialects, it sometimes shows i-mutation in such cases (e.g. Old West Germanic *krafti > Old Saxoncreft "strength [genitive]", Proto-West Germanic*manni >menn "men"). In Western Old Saxon dialects, however, i-mutation is only found when-i has not been syncopated (thus Old Saxongast "guest" andmann "men", agreeing with Old High German).[64] Additionally, in Old Saxon only shorta is affected (as in Old High German and Old Low Franconian), whereas in Anglo-Frisian, longa and long and shorto andu are also affected.[65][66][c]

Shared grammatical characteristics

[edit]

Verbs

[edit]

Unitary plural

[edit]
The modernEinheitsplural line (red), dividing Low Saxon/Low German (orange) from Low Franconian (yellow)

North Sea Germanic languages have generalized the 3rd person plural ending to the 1st and 2nd person in all moods and tenses, developing what is called "unitary plural" (GermanEinheitsplural, DutchEenheidspluralis):[69][70]

  • Present indicative: Old High Germanwerdumēs "we become",werdet "you become",werdent "they become" vs. Old Englishweorþað, Old Frisianwerthath, Old Saxonwerđađ "we/you/they become"
  • Present subjunctive: Old High Germanwerdēm "may we become",werdēt "may you become",werdēn "may they become" vs. Old Englishweorþen, Old Frisianwerthe, Old Saxonwerđen "may we/you/they become"

The indicative unitary plural form is generally thought to derive from the nasal spirant law's effect on the older 3rd person plural ending:*-anþ >-*ąþ >-*aþ. This meant that there was very little difference between the third and second person plural ending (originally-*iþ), and led to their merger and then the replacement of the former first person plural ending via leveling.[71]

In continental West Germanic, the presence or absence of the unitary plural is used to determine whether a dialect belongs to Low German/Low Saxon or to Low Franconian.[72][d] In Low German, the form of the unitary plural varies by dialect: West Low German retains the indicative ending-(e)t, using it rather than the earlier subjunctive ending-en, whereas East Low German has generalized the subjunctive ending-en to the indicative.[74][72] Modern Frisian languages likewise maintain a distinct plural ending, but in most varieties it has been reduced to only a vowel.[75] On the other hand, whereas early Middle English still retained a distinct plural ending (-eth,-en, or-es depending on tense and/or dialect),[76] changes in the 14th and 15th centuries resulted in the modern English system without any distinct ending.[77]

Class III stative weak verbs

[edit]
The South Low Franconian dialect area. The East Limburgish–Ripuarian transitional area which features forms of 'have' and 'say' that pattern with High German is labelled "1".

The North Sea Germanic languages have transferred most class III stative weak verbs into class II (-ō-), e.g. Old Saxonērōn, Old Englishārian, vs. Old High Germanērēn "to honor", where the class III statives have been maintained but their conjugation simplified.[78] However, the North Sea Germanic languages also retain a relic class of three stative class III Germanic weak verbs, namely 'have' (Old Saxonhebbian), 'say' (Old Saxonseggian) and 'live' (Old Saxonlibbian). These feature an alternation in their present stems between a final-ja- and-ē- (<-*ai-). The forms with-j- have undergoneWest Germanic gemination andGermanic umlaut, whereas those without-j- have not.[79] In High German, however, the alternation has been leveled to-ē- in all forms, and these verbs thus lack umlaut or gemination (habēn,sagēn,lebēn).[80] Low Franconian includes only 'say' (zeggen) and 'have' (hebben) in this class, but not 'live', which patterns with High German asleven.[81] The divide between the High German and the North Sea Germanic forms runs throughSouth Low Franconian and is referred to as the "sagen/seggen-line".[82]

Changes to class II weak verbs

[edit]

In the North Sea Germanic languages, class II Germanic weak verbs (with the thematic vowelō) were altered so that the infinitive, 1st and 2nd person singular, and unitary plural were based on a form-ōj(a)-:[78]

  • Proto-West-Germanic *lōkōn > Old Saxonluokoian, Old Englishlôcian "to look" (-ōj- contracted to-i- in Old English and Old Frisian)

This innovation is always attested in Old English and Old Frisian, but is in competition with the original form in Old Saxon; most likely, Old Saxon originally had the change but it was suppressed under High German influence.[83]

Nominals

[edit]

Masculine a-stem plurals (plural -s)

[edit]

The North Sea Germanic languages developed a new plural form for the a-stem masculine nouns,-*ōs. This is reconstructable from Old English-as ,Old Saxon-os/-as, and Old Frisian-ar (from a voiced variant-*-ōz with rhoticism). As other West Germanic languages seem to attest a plural ending (< Proto-Germanic-ōz), the precise origins of this new ending are uncertain. Several theories have been advanced, including that it represents a double plural ending-ōsis, that it is aVerner variation of final-*z (attested in the other languages) caused by secondary stress on the ending, and that it is the result of a cliticized demonstratives- fusing with the ending.[84][85][86]

The three North Germanic languages differ in the extent to which the-ōs plural is present.[87] Old English had-ās as the sole pluralization strategy for a-stems, and in the Middle English period, this plural (as-(e)s) would come to replace other regular pluralization strategies.[88] Old Saxon attests variants-os/-as and-a. It appears to have originally only had a plural form-os, but adopted the alternative ending -a under either High German or Low Franconian influence.[89] In the Middle Low German period,-(e)s became rare, but is today the most common strategy of pluralization in Low German.[90][91] Old Frisian had not only-ar but also variants-a and -an. In Old West Frisian,-ar was replaced by-an/-en over the course of the 13th-15th centuries, but-ar (as-er) remains in East Frisian and in the insular dialects ofNorth Frisian (it was lost in mainland North Frisian).[92]

The origins of the frequent s-plural in modern Dutch are disputed; the ending became common in the Middle Dutch period.[93] In minor Old Low Franconian sources,-as plurals such asnestas ("nests") are attested alongside-a plurals, but it is possible that the s-plurals derive from Frisian, Anglo-Saxon, or even Latin influence on the manuscripts: the main sources in Old Low Franconian only attest-a plurals.[94][95] It has variously been argued that the frequent-s ending in Middle Dutch originated in language contact with Old French, spreading from the area of Calais into other dialects; that the form originated in coastal dialects and is a native Ingvaeonic feature; or that it originated in eastern dialects under the influence of Old Saxon.[96]

s/z-stem plurals (plural -er)

[edit]

The Germanic z-stem originates with the Proto-Indo-European-s stem nouns; in West Germanic the original ending has been lost in the singular and rhoticized to-r in the plural.[97] In Proto-West Germanic and Proto-Germanic, these words formed a very small class of exclusively neuter nouns that were mostly terms for young animals such as*lamb/lamberu "lamb/lambs".[98][99] In most High German dialects and part of Low Franconian, the ending-eru experienced umlaut of thee toi, giving an Old High German ending-ir that caused i-umlaut (kalb,kelbir "calf, calves") whereas in the other West Germanic languages (including the High German Central Franconian dialects), this did not happen: Old English (West Saxon)cealf,cealfru, Middle Low German, Middle Dutch, Middle Franconiancalf,kalvere.[100] The absence of umlaut for this plural can thus be considered a North Sea Germanic feature.[40]

Low German and Dutch experienced an expansion of the number of words that take the-er plural ending during the Middle Ages, with Low German experiencing a further expansion in the early modern period. In most cases, the words that have joined the plural declension are shared with High German.[101] West Low German-er plurals do not show umlaut (e.g.kalver "calves",lammer "lambs"), but East Low German has generally adopted umlauted forms from High German influence.[102] In Dutch, on the other hand, only 15-er plurals (in the double-plural form-eren) still exist. These plurals do not show umlaut except in South Low Franconian (Limburgish).[103] In West Frisian, the ending was lost entirely during the High Middle Ages; Saterland Frisian has extended the use of the ending to a larger class of nouns, probably partially under Low German influence, whereas other dialects have lost it. English, meanwhile has lost the ending entirely except in the double-pluralchildren.[104]

n-stem declension

[edit]

Old Norse, Anglo-Frisian and some Old Saxon forms show a common innovation in the genitive/dative ending for n-stem nouns, agreeing with Old Norse:[105]

  • Old Englishhonan, Old Saxonhanan "chicken" (cf. Old Frisianskelta "magistrate") vs. Old High Germanhanen, -in (cf. Old Low Franconiannamin "name"), Old Saxonhanen

In those languages with the innovation, it is assumed that the ending-an was extended from the accusative to the dative/genitive.[106]

Stiles explains the fact that Old Saxon has both forms as the-en ending coming via Old High German influence,[105] whereas Ringe and Taylor argue that the-en form is usual in Old Saxon and that both it and Old High German pattern together in innovating the n-stem declension in a different way than Anglo-Frisian.[107] Kroghe further notes that whereas Anglo-Frisian shows an accusative ending-a(n) for the n-stems, Old High German, Old Low Franconian, and most Old Saxon agree in having an ending-on.[108]

Dative plurals

[edit]

North Sea Germanic and the North Germanic languages have reduced the dative plural ending of numerous noun classes to-um/-un, whereas Old High German and Old Low Franconian have retained the older forms:[109]

  • Proto-Germanic *-am, *-ōm, *-um, *-im, *-aim > North Sea Germanic and Old Norse-um

Strong adjective endings

[edit]

The North Sea Germanic languages and Old Low Franconian have a zero ending for the nominative singular masculine, feminine, and neuter of strong adjectives (Old English/Old Saxongōd "good"). This is opposed to Old High German, which had optional endings differentiating gender (Old High Germanguotêr (m.),guotiu (f.), andguotaz (n.) - the neuter ending reflects a Proto-West Germanic-at with theHigh German consonant shift). Additionally, in North Sea Germanic the neuter plural has no ending, whereas in Old High German, it has an ending-iu.[110][111][78] It is unclear whether these endings in Old High German, which agree with Old Norse and Gothic, represent a shared innovation in those languages or whether North Sea Germanic languages have lost the endings.[112]

Beginning in Middle Low German, the masculine strong adjective ending-er is sometimes imported into Low German; additionally, a few neuter pronouns such asallet, "everything", show an equivalent of the High German-az ending,-et: under High German influence, this ending has spread to adjectives as well.[111] Dutch also has some neuter modifiers or pronouns with the ending-et (e.g.allet "everything", dialectalgent "no" (n.)).[113] Additionally, some southern Low Franconian dialects such as Brabantine have an ending-t on some monosyllabic adjectives that could come from the old-at ending (e.g.blaut "blue"); however, as Brabantine-based Middle Dutch records no such endings, it is more likely that they have been influenced by forms of the wordoud "old" (pronounced with a final-t). Limburgish South Low Franconian, on the other hand, has an ending-t that is found on some neuter adjectives in predicate and substantivized use and is probably a survival of the original-at ending.[114]

Non-feminine dative singular prononimal/adjectival endings

[edit]

In North Sea Germanic, the dative singular strong adjectival and pronominal ending shows a short form ending in-m (Old Englishþǣm~þām, Old Frisianthām, Old Saxonthēm. This ending is probably via analogy with the corresponding ending in the dative plural (-um).[115] In Old High German, on the other hand, the dative neuter/masculine singular has a final-mu (dëmu). Old Saxon shows both the short and long endings, e.g. OSthem ~themu.[116]

Pronouns

[edit]

3rd person pronouns with h-

[edit]

The North Sea Germanic languages and Old Low Franconian share the innovation of using at least some third person singular pronouns that begin withh-, Old Frisian, Old Saxon, Old Low Franconian, Old English "he" (cf. Old High Germaner).[40][e] Outside of the nominative masculine singular, however, the degree to whichh- has spread throughout the paradigm varies by language. In Old English, all person and numbers feature initialh-, including the creation of a new feminine pronounheo "she" and a nominative/accusative plural form "they". Frisian shows the same extension except that it uses a possessive formsīn for the masculine and neuter singular.[118] In Old Saxon and Old Low Franconian, however, only the masculine nominative featuresh-:, accusativeina "him".[87][f] Masculine nominative forms with initialh- are also found in the West Central German dialects bordering Low German and Low Franconian, including transitional forms betweenhe and Germaner such asher.[120]

Loss of the 3rd person reflexive pronoun

[edit]

Old English, Old Frisian, Old Saxon, and Old Low Franconian (Old Dutch) have lost the original Proto-Germanic 3rd person reflexive pronoun*sik, instead using the same pronouns to mean, e.g.him andhimself.[121][122] However, the High German reflexive pronounsich has subsequently been imported into both Low German and standard Dutch.[123] Southwestern, Northwestern, and most Eastern Low Franconian dialects continue to use the same pronoun for both "him" and "himself".[124] English innovated a new reflexive pronoun using-self, whereas Frisian continues to allow the use of the same forms for both personal and reflexive pronouns.[125]

Although they lost the reflexive*sik, Old Low Franconian, Old Frisian, and Old Saxon retained the reflexive possessive adjectivesīn in the more general meaning "his", possibly under High German influence. In Old English,sīn is attested in its original meaning "his own", but only rarely.[126][127]

Shared accusative-dative pronominal forms

[edit]

The North Sea Germanic languages and Old Franconian share a tendency to replace the accusative forms of the first and second person singular pronouns with their dative equivalents: Old English,ðē, Old Frisian/Old Saxon,thī.[128] The same tendency is found in Middle Dutch.[129][g] The original accusative forms are still attested in their original meaning in the Anglian dialect of Old English.[131] Although the loss of distinct accusative/dative pronouns for the first and second person singular had already occurred in Old Saxon, accusative forms are occasionally attested, and they resurface as general forms for both dative and accusative in some dialects of Middle and New Low German.[132][133] Versloot and Adamczyk argue that the feature appears to be strongest in dialects along the English channel/southern North Sea (Kentish and West Saxon in Old English, northern Low Saxon, Old Low Franconian, Old Frisian) and weakest in those dialects furthest away (Anglian Old English, Eastphalian Low German).[134]

Shared vocabulary

[edit]

The North Sea Germanic languages share a number of vocabulary items that are not found in other West Germanic languages. One example is the partial replacement of Proto-Germanic*minni "less" (adverb) with*laisi, which is, however, only attested once in Old Saxon. Additionally, the numerals "nine" and "ten" show a common innovation: Proto-Germanic*newun >*nigun "nine" and Proto-Germanic*tehundō >*tegąþa "ten" (the latter of which has a more limited distribution).[135] Other words that are unique to North Sea Germanic include:[136][137]

  • Old Saxonwilgia, Old Englishwelig, Middle Dutchwilghe, West Frisianwylch "willow"
  • Middle Low Germanblei(er), West Frisianbl(a)ei, Old Englishblǣge "gudgeon, river goby"
  • Low Germantwi(ge)te, English Midlands dialecttwitch(el) "narrow path"
  • Old Saxonmapulder, Old Englishmapuldur "maple"

A number of North Sea Germanic words are also found in the North Germanic languages, such as:[138]

  • Old Saxonêld, Old Englishœld, Old Norseeldr "fire"
  • Middle Low Germanwêl, Old Englishhweol, Old Frisianfiâ, Old Norsehjól "wheel"
  • Middle Low Germanrôf, Old Englishhrôf, Old Norsehrôf "roof, cover"

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^Old Norse shows a similar rule, but only befores, e.g. Old Norseoss "us" vs. Germanuns.[25]
  2. ^The formGans is found in the East Low German dialects.[35]
  3. ^High German and Low German - but not Low Franconian - display umlaut of these other vowels in later stages, often after the triggering-i has been lost, meaning that some form of umlaut of these vowels must have developed in earlier stages as well.[67][68]
  4. ^In many Low Franconian varieties (including standard Dutch), the historical second person plural form has acquired a singular function (e.g. standard Dutchjij maakt 'you (sg.) make'), and a new plural has formed, taking the ending-en. This change has produced a secondary unitary plural that is historically unrelated to the Low Saxon unitary plural.[73]
  5. ^Old Norse also has third person pronouns beginning withh-, but with a different second element than the North Sea Germanic languages.[117]
  6. ^In Dutch,h- has subsequently spread from the masculine subject formhij to the object formhem as well as the feminine/plural object/possessive formhaer (attested in Old Low Franconian asiro). Bothit andhet/hit "it" are attested in Middle Dutch.[119]
  7. ^Howe connects the change to the loss of final-z (-r) on the dative pronominal forms, noting that the Scandinavian languages that undergo this change have also generalized the dative form.[130]

References

[edit]
  1. ^Collins 2025, Ingvaeonic.
  2. ^Kaiser 2021, p. 34.
  3. ^abcWolf 2022.
  4. ^abFulk 2018, p. 18.
  5. ^Nielsen 2001, p. 512.
  6. ^Stiles 2013, p. 24.
  7. ^Stiles 2013, pp. 19–20.
  8. ^Norton & Sapp 2021, p. 539.
  9. ^Norton & Sapp 2021, pp. 539–541.
  10. ^Versloot & Adamczyk 2017, pp. 125–128.
  11. ^Rübekeil 2017, pp. 997–998.
  12. ^Fulk 2018, p. 26.
  13. ^abVan Bree 2013, p. 105.
  14. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 27–28.
  15. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 29–31.
  16. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 31–32.
  17. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 32–33.
  18. ^de Vaan 2017, pp. 87–88.
  19. ^Voyles 1971, p. 142.
  20. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 86–87.
  21. ^de Vaan 2017, p. 87.
  22. ^Stiles 2017, pp. 418–419.
  23. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 139–141.
  24. ^Fulk 2018, p. 72.
  25. ^abNorton & Sapp 2021, p. 524.
  26. ^abcRübekeil 2017, p. 997.
  27. ^Stiles 2013, p. 20.
  28. ^Krogmann 1970, p. 236.
  29. ^Zhirmunski 2010, pp. 443–444.
  30. ^Norton & Sapp 2021, p. 518, 540.
  31. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 142–145.
  32. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 145–146.
  33. ^Foerste 1957, p. 1743.
  34. ^Krogmann 1970, pp. 237–238.
  35. ^Zhirmunski 2010, pp. 442–443.
  36. ^de Vaan 2017, pp. 217–230.
  37. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 146–155.
  38. ^Krogmann 1970, p. 237.
  39. ^de Vaan 2017, pp. 203–215.
  40. ^abcStiles 2013, p. 18.
  41. ^Fulk 2018, pp. 130–131.
  42. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 203–214.
  43. ^Krogmann 1970, pp. 239–240.
  44. ^Lasch 1974, p. 178. sfn error: no target: CITEREFLasch1974 (help)
  45. ^Krogmann 1970, p. 240.
  46. ^Lasch 1974, pp. 180–184. sfn error: no target: CITEREFLasch1974 (help)
  47. ^Versloot & Adamczyk 2017, p. 144.
  48. ^van Loon 2003, p. 145.
  49. ^Gallée 1993, pp. 153–154. sfn error: no target: CITEREFGallée1993 (help)
  50. ^Zhirmunski 2010, p. 440.
  51. ^van Loon 2003, p. 141.
  52. ^Zhirmunski 2010, pp. 140–141.
  53. ^van Loon 2003, p. 166.
  54. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 170–172.
  55. ^Versloot & Adamczyk 2017, p. 129, 142.
  56. ^Versloot 2017, pp. 287–288.
  57. ^Versloot 2017, p. 282.
  58. ^Versloot 2017, pp. 282–283.
  59. ^abKroghe 2013, pp. 158–159.
  60. ^Fulk 2018, p. 77.
  61. ^Nielsen 1985, p. 105.
  62. ^Versloot & Adamczyk 2017, pp. 142.
  63. ^Fulk 2018, p. 91-92.
  64. ^Norton & Sapp 2021, pp. 529–530.
  65. ^Kroghe 2013, p. 154.
  66. ^Versloot & Adamczyk 2017, pp. 141–142.
  67. ^Fulk 2018, p. 62.
  68. ^Van Bree 2013, p. 106.
  69. ^Stiles 2013, pp. 17–18.
  70. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 158–160.
  71. ^Stiles 2013, p. 19.
  72. ^abWiesinger 1983a, p. 824.
  73. ^Van Bree 2013, p. 118.
  74. ^Lasch 1974, pp. 226–227. sfn error: no target: CITEREFLasch1974 (help)
  75. ^Siebs 2019, pp. 1335–1336.
  76. ^Burrow & Turville-Petre 2005, pp. 30–37.
  77. ^van Kemenade 1994, pp. 124–125.
  78. ^abcFoerste 1957, p. 1734.
  79. ^Van Bree 2020, pp. 114–115.
  80. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 93–95.
  81. ^Van Bree 2020, p. 117.
  82. ^Frings 1916, pp. 212–213, 239.
  83. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, p. 161.
  84. ^Euler 2022, p. 79.
  85. ^Versloot 2016, pp. 466.
  86. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 114–116.
  87. ^abVoyles 1971, p. 143.
  88. ^van Kemenade 1994, p. 120.
  89. ^Versloot 2016.
  90. ^Foerste 1957, p. 1782.
  91. ^Dingeldein 1983, p. 1200.
  92. ^Krogmann 1970a, p. 193, 203.
  93. ^van der Wal & Quak 1994, p. 75.
  94. ^Adamczyk 2022, p. 409.
  95. ^Van Bree 2020, p. 155.
  96. ^Adamczyk 2022, pp. 409–410.
  97. ^Klein 2013, p. 169.
  98. ^Fulk 2018, p. 176.
  99. ^Euler 2022, pp. 106–107.
  100. ^Klein 2013, pp. 170–183.
  101. ^Klein 2013, pp. 187–189.
  102. ^Foerste 1957, p. 1811.
  103. ^Adamczyk 2022, p. 416.
  104. ^Klein 2013, pp. 190–192.
  105. ^abStiles 2013, p. 23.
  106. ^Nielsen 1985, pp. 189–190.
  107. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 163–164.
  108. ^Kroghe 2013, p. 156.
  109. ^Stiles 2013, pp. 21–23.
  110. ^Voyles 1971, p. 142-143.
  111. ^abZhirmunski 2010, p. 528.
  112. ^Nielsen 1985, pp. 108–109.
  113. ^Van Bree 2020, p. 197.
  114. ^Van Bree 2020, p. 209.
  115. ^Fulk 2018, pp. 209–210.
  116. ^Stiles 2013, pp. 19–20, 23.
  117. ^Nielsen 1985, pp. 194–195.
  118. ^Fulk 2018, pp. 191–192.
  119. ^Van Bree 2020, p. 253-259.
  120. ^Frings & Lerchner 1966, pp. 70–71, 77.
  121. ^Fulk 2018, p. 188.
  122. ^Harbert 2007, p. 179.
  123. ^König 1994, p. 155.
  124. ^Van Bree 2013, p. 116.
  125. ^Harbert 2007, pp. 179–180.
  126. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, p. 165.
  127. ^Van Bree 2020, p. 256.
  128. ^Fulk 2018, pp. 182–183, 186.
  129. ^Howe 1996, p. 207.
  130. ^Howe 1996, p. 105-107.
  131. ^Foerste 1957, p. 1733.
  132. ^Howe 1996, p. 255.
  133. ^Lasch 1974, pp. 211–214. sfn error: no target: CITEREFLasch1974 (help)
  134. ^Versloot & Adamczyk 2017, p. 146.
  135. ^Ringe & Taylor 2014, pp. 165–166.
  136. ^Foerste 1957, p. 1735.
  137. ^Stiles 2013, p. 17.
  138. ^Foerste 1957, p. 1732.

Sources

[edit]
According to contemporaryphilology
Anglo-Frisian
Anglic
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Historical forms
East Frisian
North Frisian
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Historical forms
West Low German
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Low Franconian
Historical forms
Standard variants
West Low Franconian
East Low Franconian
Cover groups
High German
(German)
Historical forms
Standard German
Non-standard variants
andcreoles
Central German
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East Central German
Upper German
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Historical forms
West
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East
Language subgroups
Reconstructed
Diachronic features
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