 | This articleneeds additional citations forverification. Please helpimprove this article byadding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "Nina Andreyeva" – news ·newspapers ·books ·scholar ·JSTOR(July 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
Nina Andreyeva | |
|---|---|
| Нина Андреева | |
 Nina Andreyeva,1 May 1995 | |
| General Secretary of theAll-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks[1] | |
| In office 8 November 1991 – 24 July 2020 | |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 12 October 1938 |
| Died | 24 July 2020 (aged 81) |
| Political party | All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks(1991–2020) |
| Other political affiliations | Communist Party of the Soviet Union(1966–1991) |
Nina Alexandrovna Andreyeva (Russian:Нина Александровна Андреева, 12 October 1938 – 24 July 2020) was aSoviet Russian chemical scientist, teacher, author, and political activist.[2] A supporter of classicalSoviet principles, she wrote an essay entitledI Cannot Forsake My Principles [ru] that defended many aspects of the traditional Soviet system, and criticizedGeneral SecretaryMikhail Gorbachev and his closest supporters for not being truecommunists. In the rebuke published in the official party newspaperPravda the essay was calledThe Manifesto of Anti-Perestroika Forces.[3][4]
She was born inLeningrad (nowSt. Petersburg), and was a chemistry lecturer at theLeningrad Technological Institute. She joined theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) around 1966.[5]
Andreyeva's essayI Cannot Forsake My Principles (Не могу поступаться принципами; variously translated in English commentary) was published in the newspaperSovetskaya Rossiya on March 13, 1988, at a time whenGorbachev andAlexander Yakovlev were either about to start on overseas visit or already abroad, and was initiated and approved by the secretary of the Communist Party'sCentral Committee,Yegor Ligachev.[6] She was contemptuous ofPerestroika and defended the Soviet leaderJoseph Stalin.[7] Of theGreat Purges, "they are being blown out of proportion" she wrote.[8]
Giulietto Chiesa, then Moscow correspondent of the Italian Communist newspaperL'Unità, found Andreyeva's original letter and discovered that it had been rewritten, only 5 pages of her 18-page typescript were published, much of the rest being thought too extreme. In the originally unpublished portions, Andreyeva commented that Stalin's critics wrote "in the language of Goebbels" and referred to "nations of little importance, like the Crimean Tartars and Zionist Jews."[6]
Party officials critical of the reforms welcomed the published essay. Ligachev told the official news agencyTASS to send the Andreyeva letter to local newspapers throughout the Soviet Union to publish it.[9] It was much reprinted in the Soviet Union and East Germany, but it received no critical response in the media. The Leningrad party issued a television documentary apparently showing mass support in the city for the Andreyeva letter.[10][11]
Not until after Gorbachev had returned from abroad, and following a two-day meeting of thepolitburo on March 24–25 to discuss the Andreyeva letter, did a response appear inPravda on 5 April 1988.[6][12][13] ThePravda article described the letter as containing "nostalgia, backward-looking patriotism," the work of "blind, die-hard, undoubting dogmatists."[8] Gorbachev stated that there were mixed reactions to the article within the politburo, with members such asVorotnikov and Ligachev characterizing the article as an understandable reaction to the negative view of the Soviet past.[14] Gorbachev described it as a direct attack "against perestroika."[15]
Under the reforms, she toldDavid Remnick ofThe Washington Post in 1989 that under Stalin "the country built socialism for 30 years" and stated: "Our media are lying about Stalin now. They are blackening our history." On then current conditions, she told him: "The political structure of an anti-socialist movement is taking place in the form of democratic unions and popular fronts."[8] She said of Leningrad television: "they'll show an artist, a painter, who is supposedly a representative of Russian art. But excuse me, he is not a Russian. He is a Jew." She added: "You can say Russian, Ukrainian, why not Jew? Does it diminish the person? Why hide him behind some other nationality. Jew and Zionist mean different things, but all Zionists are Jews." In theSovetskaya Rossiya letter, she attacked"cosmopolitan" conspirators.[8]
For his bookLenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire (1993), Remnick drew on his contact with Andreyeva.[16]
By July 1990, she was heading an organization calledYedinstvo (Unity) which aimed to return the country to the Bolshevik principles ofLenin and was planning to leave the CPSU.[17]The New York Times described the group in August 1991 as "a haven for many hard-line Communists".[18]
Andreyeva later played a leadership role in the formation of post-Soviet communist organisations. Founded in November 1991, theAll-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (initially Bolshevik Platform), Andreyeva was the party general secretary and the party wanted a mass campaign to replaceBoris Yeltsin.[19] It saw itself as the successor to the CPSU. In October 1993, the party was temporarily suspended along with fifteen other organisations after President Yeltsin's repression implemented after aconstitutional crisis. In May 1995 she was removed from the post as the head of theSt. PetersburgCentral Committee of the party for "lack of revolutionary activity."[20]
Nina Andreyeva died inSt. Petersburg on 24 July 2020.[21]
A Communist Party member for 24 of her 51 years, Mrs. Andreyeva says she thinks of quitting the party to help form one with a real Marxist-Leninist backbone.
But thePravda reply indicates how far the Soviet Union has to go before there is real glasnost in the Soviet Union. It took three weeks for the reply to appear.
For three weeks, even the most daring Soviet editors did not publish a response.
