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Nilo-Saharan languages

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Proposed family of African languages

Nilo-Saharan
(disputed)
Geographic
distribution
Central Africa, north-central Africa andEast Africa
Native speakers
c. 70 million for all branches listed below.[1]
Linguistic classificationProposed language family
Proto-languageProto-Nilo-Saharan
Subdivisions
Language codes
ISO 639-2 /5ssa
GlottologNone
Distribution of Nilo-Saharan languages (in yellow)

TheNilo-Saharan languages are a proposed family of around 210African languages[1] spoken by somewhere around 70 million speakers,[1] mainly in the upper parts of theChari andNile rivers, including historicNubia, north of where the two tributaries of the Nile meet. The languages extend through 17 nations in the northern half of Africa: fromAlgeria toBenin in the west; fromLibya to theDemocratic Republic of the Congo in the centre; and fromEgypt toTanzania in the east.

As indicated by its hyphenated name, Nilo-Saharan is a family of the African interior, including the greater Nile Basin and the CentralSahara Desert. Most of its proposed constituent divisions are found in the modern countries ofSudan andSouth Sudan, through which the Nile River flows.

In his bookThe Languages of Africa (1963),Joseph Greenberg named the group and argued it was agenetic family. It contained all the languages that were not included in theNiger–Congo,Afroasiatic orKhoisan families. Although some linguists have referred to the phylum as "Greenberg'swastebasket", into which he placed all the otherwise unaffiliated non-click languages of Africa,[3][4] other specialists in the field have accepted it as a working hypothesis since Greenberg's classification.[5] Linguists[who?] accept that it is a challenging proposal to demonstrate but contend that it looks more promising the more work is done.[6][7][8]

Some of the constituent groups of Nilo-Saharan are estimated to predate theAfrican neolithic. For example, the unity ofEastern Sudanic is estimated to date to at least the 5th millennium BC.[9] Nilo-Saharan genetic unity would thus be much older still and date to the lateUpper Paleolithic. The earliest written language associated with the Nilo-Saharan family isOld Nubian, one of the oldest written African languages, attested in writing from the 8th to the 15th century AD.

Nilo-Saharan is not accepted by all linguists.Glottolog (2013), for example, a publication of theMax Planck Institute in Germany, does not recognise the unity of the Nilo-Saharan family or even of the Eastern Sudanic branch;Georgiy Starostin (2016) likewise does not accept a relationship between the branches of Nilo-Saharan, though he leaves open the possibility that some of them may prove to be related to each other once the necessaryreconstructive work is done. According to Güldemann (2018), "the current state of research is not sufficient to prove the Nilo-Saharan hypothesis."[10]

Characteristics

[edit]

The constituent families of Nilo-Saharan are quite diverse. One characteristic feature is a tripartitesingulative–collective–plurative number system, which Blench (2010) believes is a result of anoun-classifier system in theprotolanguage. The distribution of the families may reflect ancient watercourses in a green Sahara during theAfrican humid period before the4.2-kiloyear event, when the desert was more habitable than it is today.[11]

Major languages

[edit]

Within the Nilo-Saharan languages are a number of languages with at least a million speakers (most data from SIL'sEthnologue 16 (2009)). In descending order:

Some other important Nilo-Saharan languages under 1 million speakers:

The total for all speakers of Nilo-Saharan languages according toEthnologue 16 is 38–39 million people. However, the data spans a range from ca. 1980 to 2005, with a weighted median at ca. 1990. Given population growth rates, the figure in 2010 might be half again higher, or about 60 million.

History of the proposal

[edit]

The Saharan family (which includesKanuri,Kanembu, theTebu languages, andZaghawa) was recognized byHeinrich Barth in 1853, the Nilotic languages byKarl Richard Lepsius in 1880, the various constituent branches of Central Sudanic (but not the connection between them) byFriedrich Müller in 1889, and the Maban family byMaurice Gaudefroy-Demombynes in 1907. The first inklings of a wider family came in 1912, whenDiedrich Westermann included three of the (still independent) Central Sudanic families within Nilotic in a proposal he calledNiloto-Sudanic;[13] this expanded Nilotic was in turn linked to Nubian, Kunama, and possibly Berta, essentially Greenberg's Macro-Sudanic (Chari–Nile) proposal of 1954.

In 1920 G. W. Murray fleshed out the Eastern Sudanic languages when he grouped Nilotic, Nubian,Nera,Gaam, and Kunama.Carlo Conti Rossini made similar proposals in 1926, and in 1935 Westermann addedMurle. In 1940 A. N. Tucker published evidence linking five of the six branches of Central Sudanic alongside his more explicit proposal for East Sudanic. In 1950 Greenberg retained Eastern Sudanic and Central Sudanic as separate families, but accepted Westermann's conclusions of four decades earlier in 1954 when he linked them together asMacro-Sudanic (laterChari–Nile, from theChari andNile Watersheds).

Greenberg's later contribution came in 1963, when he tied Chari–Nile to Songhai, Saharan, Maban, Fur, and Koman-Gumuz and coined the current nameNilo-Saharan for the resulting family.Lionel Bender noted that Chari–Nile was an artifact of the order of European contact with members of the family and did not reflect an exclusive relationship between these languages, and the group has been abandoned, with its constituents becoming primary branches of Nilo-Saharan—or, equivalently, Chari–Nile and Nilo-Saharan have merged, with the nameNilo-Saharan retained. When it was realized that theKadu languages were not Niger–Congo, they were commonly assumed to therefore be Nilo-Saharan, but this remains somewhat controversial.

Progress has been made since Greenberg established the plausibility of the family.Koman andGumuz remain poorly attested and are difficult to work with, while arguments continue over the inclusion of Songhai. Blench (2010) believes that the distribution of Nilo-Saharan reflects the waterways of thewet Sahara 12,000 years ago, and that the protolanguage hadnoun classifiers, which today are reflected in a diverse range of prefixes, suffixes, and number marking.

Internal relationships

[edit]

Dimmendaal (2008) notes that Greenberg (1963) based his conclusion on strong evidence and that the proposal as a whole has become more convincing in the decades since. Mikkola (1999) reviewed Greenberg's evidence and found it convincing.Roger Blench notes morphological similarities in all putative branches, which leads him to believe that the family is likely to be valid.

Koman andGumuz are poorly known and have been difficult to evaluate until recently.[vague] Songhay is markedly divergent, in part due to massive influence from theMande languages.[5] Also problematic are theKuliak languages, which are spoken by hunter-gatherers and appear to retain a non-Nilo-Saharan core; Blench believes they might have been similar toHadza orDahalo and shifted incompletely to Nilo-Saharan.

Anbessa Tefera and Peter Unseth consider the poorly attestedShabo language to be Nilo-Saharan, though unclassified within the family due to lack of data; Dimmendaal and Blench, based on a more complete description, consider it to be a language isolate on current evidence. Proposals have sometimes been made to add Mande (usually included inNiger–Congo), largely due to its many noteworthy similarities with Songhay rather than with Nilo-Saharan as a whole, however this relationship is more likely due to a close relationship between Songhay and Mande many thousands of years ago in the early days of Nilo-Saharan, so the relationship is probably more one of ancient contact than a genetic link.[5]

The extinctMeroitic language of ancientKush has been accepted by linguists such as Rille, Dimmendaal, and Blench as Nilo-Saharan, though others argue for anAfroasiatic affiliation. It is poorly attested.

With the possible exception ofEastern Sudanic, there is little doubt that the constituent families of Nilo-Saharan—of which only Eastern Sudanic andCentral Sudanic show much internal diversity—are valid groups. However, there have been several conflicting classifications in grouping them together. Each of the proposed higher-order groups has been rejected by other researchers: Greenberg's Chari–Nile by Bender and Blench, and Bender's Core Nilo-Saharan by Dimmendaal and Blench. What remains are eight (Dimmendaal) to twelve (Bender) constituent families of no consensus arrangement.

Greenberg 1963

[edit]
The branches of the Nilo-Saharan languages

Joseph Greenberg, inThe Languages of Africa, set up the family with the following branches. The Chari–Nile core are the connections that had been suggested by previous researchers.

Nilo‑Saharan

Gumuz was not recognized as distinct from neighbouring Koman; it was separated out (forming "Komuz") by Bender (1989).

Bender 1989, 1991

[edit]

Lionel Bender came up with a classification which expanded upon and revised that of Greenberg. He considered Fur and Maban to constitute aFur–Maban branch, addedKadu to Nilo-Saharan, removed Kuliak from Eastern Sudanic, removed Gumuz from Koman (but left it as a sister node), and chose to positKunama as an independent branch of the family. By 1991 he had added more detail to the tree, dividing Chari–Nile into nested clades, including a Core group in whichBerta was considered divergent, and coordinating Fur–Maban as a sister clade to Chari–Nile.[14][15]

Nilo‑Saharan

Bender revised his model of Nilo-Saharan again in 1996, at which point he split Koman and Gumuz into completely separate branches of Core Nilo-Saharan.[16]

Ehret 1989, 2001

[edit]

Christopher Ehret came up with a novel classification of Nilo-Saharan in 1989, though most of the evidence was not published until 2001.[17] His classification, which was not accepted by other researchers,[15] consists of two primary branches: Gumuz–Koman, and a 'Sudanic' group containing the remainder of the families. Unusually, Songhay is nested within a core group and is coordinate with Maban in a 'Western Sahelian' clade, while Kadu is excluded in Nilo-Saharan. Note that 'Koman' in this classification is equivalent toKomuz, i.e. a family with Gumuz and Koman as primary branches, and Ehret renames the traditional Koman group 'Western Koman'.

Nilo‑Saharan
Koman
Sudanic

Central Sudanic

Northern Sudanic

Kunama

Saharo-Sahelian

Saharan

Sahelian

Fur

Trans‑Sahel
Western Sahelian

Eastern Sahelian (Eastern Sudanic)(includingBerta)

Bender 2000

[edit]

By 2000 Bender had entirely abandoned the Chari–Nile and Komuz branches. He also added Kunama back to the "Satellite–Core" group and simplified the subdivisions therein. He retracted the inclusion ofShabo, stating that it could not yet be adequately classified but might prove to be Nilo-Saharan once sufficient research has been done. This tentative and somewhat conservative classification held as a sort of standard for the next decade.[18]

Nilo‑Saharan

Blench 2006

[edit]
See also:Niger–Congo languages § Niger–Congo and Nilo-Saharan

Niger-Saharan, a language macrofamily linking the Niger-Congo and Nilo-Saharan phyla, was proposed byBlench (2006).[19] It was not accepted by other linguists. Blench's (2006) internal classification of the Niger-Saharan macrophylum is as follows:

According to Blench (2006), typological features common to both Niger-Congo and Nilo-Saharan include:

  • Phonology: ATR vowel harmony and the labial-velars /kp/ and /gb/
  • Noun-class affixes: e.g.,ma- affix for mass nouns in Nilo-Saharan
  • Verbal extensions and plural verbs

Blench 2010

[edit]

With a better understanding of Nilo-Saharan classifiers, and the affixes or number marking they have developed into in various branches, Blench believes that all of the families postulated as Nilo-Saharan belong together. He proposes the following tentative internal classification, with Songhai closest to Saharan, a relationship that had not previously been suggested:

Kunama

Berta

?Mimi of Decorse

Blench 2015

[edit]

By 2015,[20] and again in 2017,[21] Blench had refined the subclassification of this model, linking Maban with Fur, Kadu with Eastern Sudanic, and Kuliak with the node that contained them, and added a tentative, extinct branch he names "Plateau" as to explain a possible Nilo-Saharan substrate in the MalianDogon andBangime languages, for the following structure:

Berta

Blench (2021) concludes that Maban may be close to Eastern Sudanic.

Starostin (2016)

[edit]
Starostin's "Macro-Sudanic" in purple, surrounding language families shown as well

Georgiy Starostin (2016),[22] usinglexicostatistics based on Swadesh lists, is more inclusive thanGlottolog, and in addition finds probable and possible links between the families that will require reconstruction of the proto-languages for confirmation. Starostin also does not consider Greenberg's Nilo-Saharan to be a valid, coherent clade.

In addition to the families listed inGlottolog (previous section), Starostin considers the following to be established:

A relationship ofNyima with Nubian, Nara, and Tama (NNT) is considered "highly likely" and close enough that proper comparative work should be able to demonstrate the connection if it's valid, though it would fall outside NNT proper (seeEastern Sudanic languages).

Other units that are "highly likely" to eventually prove to be valid families are:

In summary, at this level of certainty, "Nilo-Saharan" constitutes ten distinct and separate language families: Eastern Sudanic, Central Sudanic – Kadu, Maba–Kunama, Komuz, Saharan, Songhai, Kuliak, Fur, Berta, and Shabo.

Possible further "deep" connections, which cannot be evaluated until the proper comparative work on the constituent branches has been completed, are:

  • Eastern Sudanic + Fur + Berta
  • Central Sudanic – Kadu + Maba–Kunama

There are faint suggestions that Eastern and Central Sudanic may be related (essentially the old Chari–Nile clade), though that possibility is "unexplorable under current conditions" and could be complicated if Niger–Congo were added to the comparison. Starostin finds no evidence that the Komuz, Kuliak, Saharan, Songhai, or Shabo languages are related to any of the other Nilo-Saharan languages.Mimi-D andMeroitic were not considered, though Starostin had previously proposed that Mimi-D was also an isolate despite its slight similarity to Central Sudanic.

In a follow-up study published in 2017, Starostin reiterated his previous points as well as explicitly accepting a genetic relationship between Macro-East Sudanic and Macro-Central Sudanic. Starostin names this proposal "Macro-Sudanic". The classification is as follows.[23]

Starostin (2017) finds significant lexical similarities between Kadu and Central Sudanic, while some lexical similarities also shared by Central Sudanic with Fur-Amdang, Berta, and Eastern Sudanic to a lesser extent.

Dimmendaal 2016, 2019

[edit]

Gerrit J. Dimmendaal[24][25] suggests the following subclassification of Nilo-Saharan:

Nilo‑Saharan

Dimmendaal et al. consider the evidence for the inclusion ofKadu andSonghay too weak to draw any conclusions at present, whereas there is some evidence thatKoman andGumuz belong together and may be Nilo-Saharan.[26]

The large Northeastern division is based on several typological markers:

Blench 2023

[edit]

By 2023,[27] Blench had slightly revised the model for a deep primary split between Koman–Gumuz and the rest. Kunama and Berta are "provisionally" placed as the next to branch off, because they only partially share the features that unite the rest of the family. However, it is not clear if this is because they actually diverged early, or if they might have lost those features at a later date. For example, Berta shares plausible lexical cognates with theEastern Jebel languages (East Sudanic) and its system of grammatical number "closely resembles" those of theEast Sudanic languages; Kunama could be divergent "due to long-term interaction withAfroasiatic languages." Saharan–Songhay (especially Songhay) have seen substantial erosion of key characteristics, but this appears to be a secondary development and not evidence of early branching. "Core" Nilo-Saharan ("Central African" in Blench 2015) thus appears to be a typological rather than genetic grouping, though Maban is treated as a divergent branch of Eastern Sudanic; Kadu also seems to be quite close. The resulting structure is as follows:

Beyond the work of Colleen Ahland, Blench notes that the inclusion of Koman is buttressed by the work of Manuel Otero.[28] The argument for Songhay is mostly lexical, especially the pronouns. Blench gives Greenberg credit for both East and Central Sudanic. Saharan and Songhay have some "striking" similarities in their lexicon, which Blench argues is genetic, though the absence of reliable proto-Sarahan and proto-Songhay reconstructions makes evaluation difficult.

Glottolog 4.0 (2019)

[edit]

In summarizing the literature to date, Hammarström et al. inGlottolog do not accept that the following families are demonstrably related with current research:

External relations

[edit]

Proposals for the external relationships of Nilo-Saharan typically center onNiger–Congo: Gregersen (1972) grouped the two together asKongo–Saharan. However, Blench (2011) proposed that the similarities between Niger–Congo and Nilo-Saharan (specifically Atlantic–Congo and Central Sudanic) are due to contact, with the noun-class system of Niger–Congo developed from, or elaborated on the model of, the noun classifiers of Central Sudanic.

Phonology

[edit]

Nilo-Saharan languages present great differences, being a highly diversified group. It has proven difficult to reconstruct many aspects of Proto-Nilo-Saharan. Two very different reconstructions of the proto-language have been proposed byLionel Bender andChristopher Ehret.

Bender's reconstruction

[edit]

The consonant system reconstructed by Bender for Proto-Nilo-Saharan is:

LabialCoronalPalatalVelar
plosivevoiceless*t,*t₂*k,*kʰ
voiced*b*d,*d₂*g
fricative*f*s
liquid*r,*l*r₂
nasal*m*n
semivowel*w*j

The phonemes/*d₂,*t₂/ correspond to coronal plosives, the phonetic details are difficult to specify, but clearly, they remain distinct from/*d,*t/ and supported by many phonetic correspondences (another author, Cristopher Ehret, reconstructs for the coronal area the sound[d̪],[ḍ] and[t̪],[ṭ] which perhaps are closer to the phonetic detail of/*d₂,*t₂/, see infra)

Bender gave a list of about 350cognates and discussed in depth the grouping and the phonological system proposed by Ehret. Blench (2000) compares both systems (Bender's and Ehret's) and prefers the former because it is more secure and is based in more reliable data.[29] For example, Bender points out that there is a set of phonemes includingimplosives/*ɓ,*ɗ,*ʄ,*ɠ/,ejectives/*pʼ,*tʼ,(*sʼ),*cʼ,*kʼ/ and prenasal constants/*ᵐb,*ⁿd,(*ⁿt),*ⁿɟ,*ᵑg/, but it seems that they can be reconstructed only for core groups (E, I, J, L) and the collateral group (C, D, F, G, H), but not for Proto-Nilo-Saharan.

Ehret's reconstruction

[edit]

Christopher Ehret used a less clear methodology and proposed a maximalist phonemic system:

LabialDentalAlveol.Retrof.PalatalVelarGlottal
plosiveimplosive*ɗ̣
voiced*b*d̪*d*ḍ*g
voiceless*p*t̪*t*ṭ*k
aspirate*pʰ*t̪ʰ*tʰ*ṭʰ*kʰ
ejective*pʼ*t̪ʼ*tʼ*ṭʼ*kʼ
fricative*s,*z*ṣ
nasalsimple*m*n
prenasal*ⁿb*ⁿð*ⁿd*ⁿḍ*ⁿg
liquid*l̪*r,*l
approximantplain*w*j
complex*ʼw*ʼj*h

Ehret's maximalist system has been criticized byBender andBlench. These authors state that the correspondences used by Ehret are not very clear and because of this many of the sounds in the table may only be allophonic variations.[30]

Morphology

[edit]

Dimmendaal (2016)[24] cites the following morphological elements as stable across Nilo-Saharan:

Comparative vocabulary

[edit]

Sample basic vocabulary in different Nilo-Saharan branches:

Note: In table cells with slashes, the singular form is given before the slash, while the plural form follows the slash.

Languageeyeearnosetoothtonguemouthbloodbonetreewatereatname
Proto-Nilotic[31]*(k)ɔŋ, pl. *(k)ɔɲ*yit̪*(q)ume*kɛ-la(-c)*ŋa-lyɛp*(k)ʊt̪ʊk*käw*kɛ-ɛt, *kɪ-yat*pi(-ʀ)*ɲam*ka-ʀin
Proto-Jebel[32]**ed ~ *er**si(di ~ gi)**ɲi-di**kala-d**udu**k-afa-d**(g-)am-**kaca**cii ~ *kii**ɲam(siigə, saag)
Temein[33]nɪ́ŋɪ̀nàʈ / kɛ̀ɛ́nwénàʈ / kwèénkɪ́mɪ́nʈɪ̀n / kɪkɪ́mɪ́nʈɪ́nɪ̀awɪ̀s / kɛ́ɛ̀ʔmɛ́nɖɪnyàʈíʈùk / k(w)úʈɪ̀nmónɪ̀ʈàmɪ̀s / kɔ́maʔmɛ́rɛŋɪ̀s / mɛ́rɛŋmúŋlámakàlɪ́n, kàlɪ́ŋ
Proto-Daju[34]*aŋune / *aŋwe ~ *aŋun*wunute / *wunuge*mu-ne*ɲiɣte / *ɲiɣke*ɲabire / *ɲabirta*ikke / *ikku*tamuke*ŋai / *ŋayu*ewete / *ewe*ma-*si-*ange / *angu
Kadugli (Talla dialect)[35]ayyɛ / iyyɛnaasɔ / isinɛ́ámb-/nigáŋg-árɔkt̪- / iŋŋiniáŋdáɗuk / ni-niinɔ / niginíínɔariid̪ʊt̪iŋguba / kubaffa / nááfaɓiid̪iooriɛɛrɛ / nigirɛɛnɛ
Proto-Northern Eastern Sudanic[36]*maɲ*ɲog-ul*em-u*ŋes-il*ŋal*ag-il ~ *ag-ul*ug-er*kɛs-ɛr*koɲ-er-*mban*kal- / *kamb-*(ŋ)ɛr-i
Nara[36]no, nòò / no-ta, nóó-tatús / túsádemmo, dəmmo, dàm̀mò, dòmmònɪ̀hɪ̀ / nɪ̀hɪ̀t-tá; nèʃɪ̀ / nèʃáhàggà, àggà, ààdà, hàdàaùlò / aùl-lá; àgúrá / àgúr-tàkitto, kɪ̀tòketti, kəti, kátɪ́ / ketta, kátátüm, tûm; kè́lemba, mbààkal, kál, kárade, ààdà
Proto-Nubian[36]*maaɲ, sg. *miɲ-di*ugul(-e), sg. *ugul-di?*ŋil, sg. *ŋíl-di*ŋal, sg. ŋal-di*agil*ùg-er*kiser, sg. *kisir-ti*koor, sg. *koor-ti*es-ti*kal-*er-i
Proto-Taman[36]*me-ti, pl. *mVŋ*(ŋ)usu-ti (sg)*eme, sg. emi-ti (sg.)*ŋesi-t(i), pl. *ŋes-oŋ*laat*auli*agi*kei-ti, pl. *kei-ŋ*gaan; *kiɲe(-ti) (?)*kal /*kaal*ŋan-*(ŋ)aat, pl. *(ŋ)ari-g
Proto-Nyima[36]*a̍ŋV*ɲɔgɔr-*(o)mud̪- (?)*ŋil-?*ŋàl-*wule*amV*t̪uma*bɔ́ŋ*t̪a̍l- / *ta̍m-
Proto-SW Surmic[37]*kɛɓɛrɛ (pl.)*it̪t̪at*ʊŋɛtʃ (?)*ɲiggɪtta*ʌgʌʌt*(k)-ʊt̪t̪ʊk*ɓɪj-*ɛmmɛ*kɛɛt̪*maam*ɗak-*ðara
Proto-SE Surmic[37]*kabari*ɲabi (?)*giroŋ*ɲigidda (?)*kat*tuk-*ɲaɓa*giga (?)*kɛdo (?)*ma*sara
Proto-Kuliak[38]*ekw, pl. *ekw=ẹk*beos, pl. *beosẹk*nyab, pl. *nyabẹk*ɛd-eɓ*ak, pl. *akẹk*seh*ɔk*ad, pl. *ad=is*kywɛh*yed, pl. *yedẹk
Shabo[39]k’itisonɑk’ɑuhɑndɑkɑusɛdɑmoemɑhɑ; egegek’ɔnɑwɔːwoŋgɑse
Ongota[40]ˈʔaːfaˈwoːwaˈsiːna (loan?)ʔitiˈmaʔɑdabo (loan?)ˈʔiːfaˈmitʃa (loan?)ˈhɑntʃaˈtʃaːhawaʔeˈdʒakˈmiʃa
Proto-Sara-Bongo-Bagirmi[41]*kamɔ; *kamu; *kama*imbi; *EmbE; *mbili; *mbElE; *imbil-; *EmbEl-*Samɔ; *Samu; *Somu; *kanu; *kunu; *kVnV*kanga; *nganga*unɖɛ(C-)*tara*manga; *masu; *mVsV; *nɖuma*Kinga; *Kunga; *Kingo*kaga*mEnE; *mAnɛ; *mani*OɲO; *ɔɲɔ; *VɲV*iɭi; *ʈV
Proto-Mangbetu[42]*mʷɔ̀*bɪ́*amɔ̀*kɪ́*kàɖrà*tí(kpɔ̀)*álí*kpɔ̀*kɪ́rɪ́ɛ̀*gʷò*láɲɔ̀*kɛ̀lʊ̀
Mangbutu[43]owékékíubítongiusɛ́kedrúutíkotoikpiokpáuwɛanoaɓé
Bale[43]ɲɔ̌ndǔ̱tú̱datsokpatsúwyɔngbá / nzú
Ndru[43]nikpɔ́ɓi(na)ondǐ̹tsǔ̹kudatsuâzûkpáítsúǐɗáɲúóvôná
Ma'di (Uganda)[44]ɔ̀mvɔ̄lɛ̀ɖátiàrɪ́hʷakʷɛèyíɲā
Birri[45]mɛ́; mʊ́nvö; nvuímɔ̀; ámɔ̀ìnɖrɔ́; ìnɖrátyi(di)ɔ́tɔ́kpɔkpi; kpɪwuɔnyoiri
Kresh[46]mumumbímbiuŋúʃɛ́ʃɛ̀ndjindjasramakpɔkpɔ́kpikpiùyùɔ́ʃɔ́díri
Dongo[46]mómumbimbiʔɔŋucẹ̀cẹ̀ndjándjaọọskpọkpŏkpikpiùyùl-ọc(ic)díri
Aja[46]iɲimimbimúmúukundindyiusagbäbícícíɓaɓakiri
Kunama[47]ùkùˈnàbòbòˈnàŋèeˈlàùˈdàkòkòˈbàsàŋˈgàèˈlàbìˈàˈìŋ(à)ˈkíidà
Berta[48]ařeiileamúŋndu-fuudíhalan'duk’aβak’aaras’ís’íafɪ'riθɪ́ŋahuu (= foot)
Gumuz, Northern[49]kʼwácátsʼéaíítakʼósakʼótʼásamaχáʒákwáɟáajatsʼéa
Proto-Koman[28]*D̪E*cʼɛ*ʃʊnʃ*ʃE*lEtʼ̪a*tʼ̪wa*sʼámá; *bàs*ʃUImakʼ*cwálá*jiɗE*ʃa; *kʼama*D̪uga
Gule[50]yanĭgŭnfufŭnŏdāīānwāīdjowŏtāī
Gule[51]yanigă̄nfufanadad ayanĭtenai
Amdang (Kouchane)[52]nidili, kiliŋgɛgʊrnɑkɑlkɑdɔlːsɪˈmitʃoːdʊrtusɔŋsunuzɑmtʃuluk
Proto-Maba[53]*kàSì-k*dúrmì*sati-k; *sàdí-k / *sadi-ɲi*delemi-k*fàrí-ŋ*ta-k / *ta-si*-aɲɔ-*mílí-ik
Maba[54]kàʃì-k/-ñikoi-kboiñsati-kdelmi-kkan-a/-tuàríikàñjí-ksoŋgo-kinjimílí-i/-síi
Mimi of Decorse[55]dyofeɾfirɲainɲyosuengiɲyam
Kanuri[56]shîmsə́mòkə́nzàtímì; shélìtə́làmshíllàkə̀skánjî
Zaghawa[57][58]íkέbέsínámàrgiːtàmsiːááógúúrúbɛ̀gìdiːsε:gìtír
Dendi[59]háŋŋánínèhínydyèdɛ́llɛ̀méèkpííʀìbíʀítúúʀìhàʀíŋwáàmáà
Tadaksahak[60]haŋgát-í-nʒarée-ʃaníilǝsmíyakud-énbiidítugúduaryénŋámân

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^abc"Nilo-Saharan; Ethnologue".Archived from the original on 2023-03-09. Retrieved2023-08-06.
  2. ^Blench, Roger (2015)."Was there a now-vanished branch of Nilo-Saharan on the Dogon Plateau? Evidence from substrate vocabulary in Bangime and Dogon"(PDF).Mother Tongue (20).
  3. ^Campbell, Lyle; Mixco, Mauricio J. (2007).A Glossary of Historical Linguistics. University of Utah Press.ISBN 978-0-87480-892-6.
  4. ^Matthews, P. H. (2007).Oxford Concise Dictionary of Linguistics (2nd ed.). Oxford.ISBN 978-0-19-920272-0.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link),
  5. ^abcBlench, Roger & Lameen Souag. m.s.Saharan and Songhay form a branch of Nilo-SaharanArchived 2016-03-27 at theWayback Machine.
  6. ^Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. (1992)."Nilo-Saharan Languages".International Encyclopedia of Linguistics. Vol. 3. Oxford. pp. 100–104.ISBN 0-19-505196-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  7. ^Bender, M. Lionel (2000). "Nilo-Saharan".African Languages, An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 43–73.ISBN 0-521-66178-1.
  8. ^Blench, Roger; Ahland, Colleen (2010).The Classification of Gumuz and Koman Languages.Language Isolates in Africa workshop, Lyons, December 4. Archived fromthe original on March 16, 2012. RetrievedSeptember 5, 2011.
  9. ^Clark, John Desmond (1984).From Hunters to Farmers: The Causes and Consequences of Food Production in Africa. University of California Press. p. 31.ISBN 0-520-04574-2.
  10. ^Güldemann, Tom (2018). "Historical linguistics and genealogical language classification in Africa". In Güldemann, Tom (ed.).The Languages and Linguistics of Africa. The World of Linguistics series. Vol. 11. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. pp. 299–308.doi:10.1515/9783110421668-002.ISBN 978-3-11-042606-9.S2CID 133888593.
  11. ^Drake, N. A.; Blench, R. M.; Armitage, S. J.; Bristow, C. S.; White, K. H. (2011)."Ancient watercourses and biogeography of the Sahara explain the peopling of the desert".Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.108 (2):458–62.Bibcode:2011PNAS..108..458D.doi:10.1073/pnas.1012231108.PMC 3021035.PMID 21187416.
  12. ^Lewis, M. Paul, ed. (2009)."Maasai: A language of Kenya".Ethnologue: Languages of the World (Sixteenth ed.). Dallas, TX: SIL International.Archived from the original on 2008-10-23. Retrieved2008-02-29..
  13. ^Diedrich Westermann, 1912.The Shilluk people, their language and folklore
  14. ^Bender, M. Lionel (1991) "Subclassification of Nilo-Saharan". In Bender, M. Lionel, ed. (1991)Proceedings of the Fourth Nilo-Saharan Conference, Bayreuth, Aug. 30–Sep. 2, 1989. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag. NISA 7, 1–36
  15. ^abRoger Blench (2006).The Niger-Saharan Macrophylum(PDF). Cambridge: Mallam Dendo. p. 5.Archived(PDF) from the original on 2021-01-24. Retrieved2018-11-30.
  16. ^Bender, Lionel (1996).The Nilo-Saharan languages: a comparative essay. Munich: Lincom Europa.
  17. ^Ehret (2001)
  18. ^Bender, Lionel (2000). "Nilo-Saharan". In Heine, Bernd; Nurse, Derek (eds.).African Languages: An Introduction. Cambridge University Press.ISBN 0-521-66178-1.
  19. ^Blench, Roger. 2006.The Niger-Saharan MacrophylumArchived 2013-11-26 at theWayback Machine.
  20. ^Blench, Roger. 2015.Was there a now-vanished branch of Nilo-Saharan on the Dogon Plateau? Evidence from substrate vocabulary in Bangime and DogonArchived 2019-07-03 at theWayback Machine.Available in:http://www.rogerblench.info/Language/Isolates/MT%20XX%20Blench%20off%20print.pdfArchived 2020-07-03 at theWayback Machine
  21. ^Blench, Roger."Africa over the last 12,000 years".Archived from the original on 2022-04-09. Retrieved2017-10-21.
  22. ^George Starostin (2016)The Nilo-Saharan hypothesis tested through lexicostatistics: current state of affairsArchived 2023-04-05 at theWayback Machine
  23. ^Starostin, Georgiy C. 2017.Языки Африки. Опыт построения лексикостатистической классификации. Т. 3. Нило-сахарские языкиArchived 2021-08-06 at theWayback Machine / Languages of Africa: an attempt at a lexicostatistical classification. Volume 3: Nilo-Saharan languages. Moscow: Издательский Дом ЯСК / LRC Press. 840 p.ISBN 978-5-9909114-9-9
  24. ^abDimmendaal, Gerrit J. (2016)."On stable and unstable features in Nilo-Saharan".The University of Nairobi Journal of Language and Linguistics.Archived from the original on 2023-06-20. Retrieved2018-11-16.
  25. ^Gerrit Dimmendaal, Colleen Ahland, Angelika Jakobi & Constance Kutsch-Lojenga (2019) "Linguistic features and typologies in languages commonly referred to as 'Nilo-Saharan'", in Wolff, Ekkehard (ed.)Cambridge Handbook of African Linguistics, p.326-381.
  26. ^Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. (2011).Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages. John Benjamins. p. 313.ISBN 978-90-272-8722-9.
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  28. ^abOtero, Manuel Alejandro. 2019.A Historical Reconstruction of the Koman Language Family. Doctoral thesis. Department of Linguistics, University of Oregon.
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  30. ^Blench, Roger (2004). "Review of The Civilizations of Africa: A History to 1800".The African Archaeological Review.21 (4):239–242.doi:10.1007/s10437-004-0752-7.ISSN 0263-0338.JSTOR 25130809.S2CID 162354153.
  31. ^Dimmendaal, Gerrit Jan. 1988. "The lexical reconstruction of proto-Nilotic: a first reconnaissance."Afrikanistische (AAP) 16: 5–67.
  32. ^Bender, M. Lionel. 1998. "The Eastern Jebel Languages of Sudan."Afrika und Übersee 81: 39–64.
  33. ^Blench, Roger.Temein languages comparative wordlistArchived 2021-01-25 at theWayback Machine.
  34. ^Thelwall, Robin. 1981.The Daju Language Group. Doctoral dissertation. Coleraine: New University of Ulster.
  35. ^Schadeberg, Thilo. 1994. Comparative Kadu Wordlists.Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 40:11–48. University of Cologne.
  36. ^abcdeRilly, Claude. 2010. Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique. Leuven: Peeters Publishers.
  37. ^abYigezu, Moges. 2001.A comparative study of the phonetics and phonology of Surmic languages. Bruxelles: Université libre de Bruxelles. Doctoral dissertation, University of Bruxelles.
  38. ^Heine, Bernd. 1976. TheKuliak Languages of Eastern Uganda. Nairobi: East African Publishing House.
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  41. ^Boyeldieu, Pascal, Pierre Nougayrol, and Pierre Palayer. 2006.Lexique comparatif historique des langues Sara-Bongo-BaguirmiennesArchived 2021-01-24 at theWayback Machine. Online version.
  42. ^Demolin, Didier. 1992.Le Mangbetu: etude phonétique et phonologique, 2 vols. Brussels: Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres, Université libre de Bruxelles dissertation.
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  45. ^Santandrea, Stefano. 1966. The Birri language: Brief elementary notes.Afrika und Übersee 49: 81‒234.
  46. ^abcSantandrea, Stefano. 1976.The Kresh group, Aja and Baka languages (Sudan): A linguistic contribution. Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale.
  47. ^Bender, Lionel. 2001. English-Kunama lexicon.Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 65: 201–253.
  48. ^Bender, M. Lionel. 1989. Berta Lexicon. In Bender, M. Lionel (ed.),Topics in Nilo-Saharan Linguistics, 271–304. Hamburg: Helmut Buske.
  49. ^Ahland, Colleen and Eliza Kelly. 2014.Daatsʼíin-Gumuz Comparative Word listArchived 2019-03-29 at theWayback Machine.
  50. ^Evans-Pritchard, Edward E. 1932. Ethnological Observations in Dar Fung.Sudan Notes and Records 15: 1–61.
  51. ^Seligmann, Brenda Z. 1911–1912. Note on Two Languages in the Sennar Province of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.Zeitschrift für Kolonialsprachen 2: 297–308.
  52. ^Wolf, Katharina. 2010.Une enquête sociolinguistique parmi les Amdang (Mimi) du Tchad: Rapport TechniqueArchived 2020-07-20 at theWayback Machine. SIL Electronic Survey Reports 2010-028
  53. ^Blench, Roger. 2021.The Maban languages and their place within Nilo-SaharanArchived 2021-01-15 at theWayback Machine.
  54. ^Edgar, John T. 1991.Maba-group Lexicon. (Sprache und Oralität in Afrika: Frankfurter Studien zur Afrikanistik, 13.) Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.
  55. ^Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Maurice. 1907. Document sur les Langues de l'Oubangui-Chari. InActes du XVIe Congrès International des Orientalistes, Alger, 1905, Part II, 172–330. Paris: Ernest Leroux.
  56. ^Doris Löhr, H. Ekkehard Wolff (with Ari Awagana). 2009.Kanuri vocabularyArchived 2020-08-04 at theWayback Machine. In: Haspelmath, Martin & Tadmor, Uri (eds.)World Loanword Database. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, 1591 entries.
  57. ^Blažek, Václav. 2007.On application of Glottochronology for Saharan LanguagesArchived 2020-03-28 at theWayback Machine. InViva Africa 2007. Proceedings of the IInd International Conference on African Studies (April 2007). Plzeň: Dryáda, 2007. p. 19-38, 19 pp.ISBN 978-80-87025-17-8.
  58. ^Tourneux, Henry. 1992. Inventaire phonologiques et formation du pluriel en zaghawa (Tchad).Afrika und Übersee 75, 267–277.
  59. ^Zima, Petr. 1994.Lexique dendi (songhay):Djougou, Bénin: avec un index français-dendi. (Westafrikanische Studien 4). Köln: Rüdiger Köppe.
  60. ^Christiansen-Bolli, Regula. 2010.A Grammar of Tadaksahak: a Northern Songhay Language of Mali. Leiden.

Further reading

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