The insurgency reached its peak in the late 2010s and has been on the decline since then due to the counter-insurgency actions and development plans formulated by theIndian government. The Naxal influence zone, known as thered corridor, has shrunk from a peak of nearly 180 districts in the late 2000s to 12 districts by 2025, with over 5,000 insurgents being killed since the 2000 and more than 10,000 surrendering between 2015 and 2025.
In March 1967, a few peasant workers seized a plot of land from itsjotedar. In May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Santhal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Sanyal and their readiness to adopt an armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless.[39] The group advocated initiation of armed struggle and inNaxalbari inWest Bengal, the peasants fought when asharecropper oftribal background, who had been given land by the courts under the tenancy laws, was attacked by the previous landlord's men. When the police arrived, they were ambushed by a group led by Santhal, and in the ensuing fight, 11 people including apolice inspector were killed.[40][41][42] In November 1967, a group led bySushital Ray Chowdhury organised theAll India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR).[43]
The uprising led to the formation ofCommunist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (CPI-ML) in April 1969, which was announced by Sanyal at a mass meeting inCalcutta.[44] It inspired similar movements in states likeOdisha,Madhya Pradesh,Andhra Pradesh andKerala.[45] In 1971, Satyanarayan Singh revolted against the leadership and split the CPI-ML into two, forming a separateprovisional committee.[46] The Naxalites gained presence among the radical sections of the student groups in Calcutta.[47] Students left school to join the Naxalites and Majumdar declared that the revolutionary warfare was to take place not only in the rural areas as before, but now everywhere and spontaneously. He also declared an "annihilation line" and issued a dictum to assassinate individual "class enemies" such as landlords, businessmen, teachers, police officers, politicians and others.[48][49]
In response, theGovernment of West Bengal instituted countermeasures against the Naxalites. The insurgents clashed with theWest Bengal Police and CPI-M cadres. With the public rejection of Majumdar's calls for extrajudicial killings, Naxalites alleged human rights violations by the state government, which responded that "the state was effectively fighting a civil war and that democratic pleasantries had no place in a war, especially when the opponent did not fight within the norms of democracy and civility".[42] With the support of thecentral government, Operation Steeplechase was launched with the aid of theparamilitary forces of theIndian Armed Forces, which resulted in the killing and imprisoning of suspected Naxalites and their cadres, including senior leaders.[50][51] In July 1972, Majumdar was arrested by theWest Bengal Police and he later died in police custody.[52][53] After his death, the CPI-ML split into further factions such as theMahadev Mukherjee faction and theCPI-ML Liberation in 1972.[54] By 1973, the main leaders of the Naxalites were either eliminated or arrested.[55][56] As a result of both external repression and a failure to maintain internal unity, the movement degenerated into extreme sectarianism and the original party fractured into more than 40 separate small groups.[57]
Further growth and government action (1980s to late 1990s)
The late 1970s saw the spread ofNaxalism to other states of India.[58] Though the first wave of insurgent violence ended badly, it did not eliminate the movement altogether. The insurgency arose inSouth India in the early 1980s and on 22 April 1980, theCommunist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War, commonly called as People's War Group (PWG) was founded byKondapalli Seetharamaiah.[59] He sought a more efficient structure in attacks and followed the principles of Majumdar. The insurgents kidnapped landlords and forced them to confess to crimes, apologize to villagers, and repay forced bribes. By the early 1980s, the insurgents had established a stronghold and sanctuary along the Andhra Pradesh–Orissa border.[60]
In 1985, the Naxalites began ambushing police forces and killed N.Yadagiri Reddy, a sub-inspector of police inWarangal district of Andhra Pradesh. In response, a special task force called theGreyhounds was formed by theGovernment of Andhra Pradesh.[61] The governments of Andhra Pradesh and Orissa quelled down the rebels with a variety ofcounterinsurgency measures. The states established special laws that enabled police to capture and detain Naxalite cadres, fighters and presumed supporters.[62] They invited additional central paramilitary forces, set up organisations to attract youth away from the Naxalites, started rehabilitation programs for those who surrendered.[63] In the 1990s, severalincidents of mass murders happened inBihar wherein Maoists killed members of the land-owningBhumihar community, who then retaliated through militias.[64][65][66]
Peak of insurgency (2000s)
On 2 December 2000, the armed wing of the Maoists called thePeople's Liberation Guerrilla Army was founded and mostly equipped withsmall arms.[67][68][42] On 1 October 2003, the Naxalites attacked a convoy of thenChief Minister of Andhra PradeshChandrababu Naidu en route toTirumala, in which the Chief Minister was injured.[69] In response, the Andhra Pradesh government embarked on a rapid modernisation of its police force and up-gradation of its technical and operational capabilities to fight the insurgents and about 246 insurgents were killed during the year.[70][27] In September 2004, theCPI-Maoist was founded through the merger of the People's War Group, and theMaoist Communist Centre of India.[71] In January 2005, peace talks between the Andhra Pradesh government and the Maoists broke down after the government had not agreed to the release of prisoners and to redistribution of land.[68] In August 2005, the government of Andhra Pradesh outlawed the CPI-Maoist party and other affiliated organisations and arrested suspected members and sympathizers of the group.[72][73]
The Maoists orchestrated several attacks on government facilities across various states. They freed prisoners after attacks on prisons and stole weapons from government facilities.[74][75][76] They also attacked anti-Maoist protesters, took hostages and killed those who opposed them.[77][78][79] Police men and security forces were targeted in ambushes using automatic weapons andimprovised explosive devices.[80] In 2007, the Maoists killedMember of ParliamentSunil Mahato inJharkhand and a local leader in Andhra Pradesh.[81][82] They were also involved in local protests against the establishment ofSpecial Economic Zones and killed tribal youths of counter militia organisations.[83][84] In 2008, Naxal attacks increased in Orissa, which inflicted multiple casualties on the security forces.[85][86][87][88] On average, 700 people were killed in the conflict every year from 2005 to 2008.[27]
Between 2009 and 2010 the conflict escalated turning these two years into the deadliest with more than 1000 casualties annually.[27] The Indian government announced a nationwide initiative called the Integrated Action Plan for broad coordinated operations aimed at combatting and undermining support for the Naxalites in selected states. The plan included funding for grass-roots economic development projects in the affected areas and increased special police funding for containment and reduction of Naxalite influence.[89][90]
In 2009, the Indian government launched a massive military offensive, code namedOperation Green Hunt and planned to deploy nearly 50,000 soldiers over two years, with the objectives of eliminating Naxal insurgents and bringing stability to the regions.[91] The Maoists targeted security personnel involved in the operations against them with major attacks such as theSilda camp attack,Dantewada ambush and2010 Dantewada bus bombing.[92][93][94] They also killed civilians suspected of helping the government and those who were involved in building public infrastructure.[95][96][97] Naxalites carried out a series of attacks, including shootings and bombings across Indian states and the security forces retaliated in response.[98][99] Naxalites were also suspected of attemptedtrain derailments.[100][101]
In early 2010s,Karnataka was removed from the list of Naxal-affected states.[102] TheGovernment of Madhya Pradesh claimed that the Naxal insurgency has reduced in the state and attributed its success to the rural development schemes.[103] In July 2011, the central government announced that the number of Naxal-affected areas were reduced to 83 districts across nine states.[104] Senior Maoist leaders were killed by the security forces, and many were arrested.[105][106] In early 2012, the Naxalites kidnapped foreign nationals and aMember of the Legislative Assembly in Odisha to force the government to release its cadres held as prisoners.[107] In May 2013,a Naxal attack in Chhattisgarh resulted in the deaths of 24Indian National Congress leaders including the former state ministerMahendra Karma and the Chhattisgarh Congress chief Nand Kumar Patel.[108]
Sporadic attacks such as the2021 Sukma–Bijapur attack and2023 Dantewada bombing on security personnel and civilians continued into the 2020s.[117][118][119][120] The anti-insurgency operations also intensified with higher success rate resulting in the death or capture of several insurgent leaders.[121][122][123] The Naxal influence reduced to about 70 districts in 2021 of which only 25 were most affected from a high of 180 districts in the late 2000s.[124][125] Though there was a sporadic increase in Naxal activity in parts ofTelangana, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh,[126][127][128][129] the Maoist activity have relatively suppressed due to the increase in anti-terror operations conducted by the security forces in 2024. Operations like the2024 Kanker clash and the2024 Abujhmarh clashresulted in a great loss of personnel and material for the Maoists.[130][131]
Sparse Naxal attacks continued into 2025 such as theIED attack in Bijapur District that killed nine policemen,[132][133] In April-May 2025, the Indian authorities conducted a 21-day anti-Maoist operation namedOperation Black Forest (Operation Kagar) in the Karregutta Hills region in the Chhattisgarh-Telangana border, that resulted in the deaths of 31 insurgents and three security personnel.[134][135][136] On 21 May,Nambala Keshava Rao, the general secretary of CPI (Maoist), was killed alongside 26 other Naxals.[137][138] From 2015 to 2025, over 10,000 Naxals have surrendered to the government and security forces.[139]
Areas with Naxalite activity in 2007 (left), in 2024 (right)
The influence zone of the Naxalites is called thered corridor.[125] The most affected districts accounted for 85% of the left wing extremist incidents in India.[125][140]
The insurgency was its peak in the late 2000s with nearly 180 affected districts across an area of 92,000 km2 (36,000 sq mi) and has been on the decline since then.[124] Following counter-insurgency efforts, the number of Naxalite-affected districts in India declined significantly, to 126 affected with 35 "most affected" in 2018.[141][142]
ThenPrime Minister of IndiaManmohan Singh called the Naxalites the "single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country" and in June 2011, he said, "Development is the master remedy to win over people", adding that the government was "strengthening the development work in the 60 Maoist-affected districts.[149] In 2010, Home secretaryGopal Krishna Pillai acknowledged that there were legitimate grievances regarding the local people's access to the forest land and produce and the distribution of benefits from mining and hydropower developments. However, he claimed that the Naxalites' long-term goal was to establish an Indiancommunist state and the government wanted to tackle the Naxalites head-on to take back the lost areas.[150]
Infrastructure development
The Indian government launched three schemes–Special Central Assistance (SCA), Security Related Expenditure (SRE), and Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS) for the economic development of the Naxal-affected areas. About₹375 million (US$4.4 million) was sanctioned for more than 10,000 projects till 2021. About₹276 million (US$3.3 million) of the funds were earmarked for the most affected districts.[151] As of 2024, 85% of the projects were complete, including the construction of 14,618 km (9,083 mi) of roads out of the planned 17,600 km (10,900 mi), establishment of 7,768mobile telephone towers out of 10,505 planned, opening of 1,007 bank branches, 937ATMs and 5,731post offices.[152] About 179Eklavya Model Residential Schools were operational out of 234 approved, and 46 Industrial Training Institutes and 49 Skill Development Centres were established.[153]
In addition, womenself-help groups and industries were established by various state governments. TheGovernment of Madhya Pradesh aided 23,113 women self-help groups covering 274,000 families in the affected districts and established 18 industries that would employ 4,000 people. Additionally, loans to tribals were waived, and land right ownership documents were granted.[154]
In 2018, the central government sought to stem insurgency by earmarking development funds for revolt-hit areas and improving policing. The government planned a₹250 billion (US$3.0 billion) scheme for the modernisation of central and state police forces in the next three years.[155] Under the SRE scheme, 400 fortified police stations were established at the cost of₹140 million (US$1.7 million). In addition, funds were utilised to hire helicopters, media services, and for other public relations and community activities.[156]
Since late 1990, several armed anti-insurgency vigilante groups have were backed by the government to fight against the Maoists. In Chhattisgarh,Salwa Judum, consisted of local tribal youth was formed received support and training from theGovernment of Chhattisgarh, as an anti-insurgency vigilante group aimed at countering the violence in the region in 2005.[157] Various other paramilitary vigilante groups had emerged in other states such Andhra Pradesh, some of these groups were accused of extra-judicial murders of civil liberties activists.[158][159] According to the Institute of Peace and Conflict studies, while Naxal groups recruited children in different capacities and exposed them, the same accusation was levelled at Salwa Judum and the special police officers assisting the government security forces.[160] The allegations against Salwa Judum and the special police officers were rejected by aSupreme Court of India-appointed fact-finding commission of theNational Human Rights Commission of India which determined that the Salwa Judum was a spontaneous reaction by tribals against Maoist atrocities perpetrated against them.[161]
On 5 July 2011, the Supreme Court declared militia groups such as the Salwa Judum to be illegal and unconstitutional, ordering their disbandment, the confiscation of their weapons, and a government investigation into their alleged criminal activities and human rights violations.[162]
Casualties
The Naxalites have conducted multiple attacks on the security forces, government workers and civilians, with casualties on both sides.[163] To enforce their control over the population, the Maoists have often convenedkangaroo courts to mete out summary justice, death, beatings, or exile.[164] As per the South Asia Terrorism portal, the conflict has resulted in the deaths of more than 12,102 people including 4,134 civilians, 2,722 security force personnel and 4,994 Naxalites from 2000 to 2025.[27] As per theBBC, more than 6,000 people were killed in the 20 years between 1990 and 2010.[165][166]Al Jazeera estimated the total death toll as 10,000 between 1980 and 2011.[167]
Unda (2019) is a Malayalam film based on a real incident that occurred during the2014 Lok Sabha election, when aKerala Police unit was sent to a Maoist-affected area of Chhattisgarh as part of election duty.[173]
Bastar: The Naxal Story (2024) is a Hindi film based on the naxal insurgency in the Bastar district of Chhattisgarh.[174]
^K.P. Singh (2008).The Trajectory of the Movement in The Naxal Challenge: Causes, Linkages and Policy Options.Dorling Kindersley. pp. 10–11.
^Anup K. Pahari (2010).Unequal Rebellions: The Continuum of 'People's War' in Nepal and India.Routledge. pp. 208–210.
^P.V. Ramana (2011). Michael Kugelman (ed.).India's Maoist Insurgency: Evolution, Current Trends, and Responses. Woodrow Wilson International Center. pp. 138–141.
Chakrabarty, Bidyut; Kujur, Rajat Kumar (2009).Maoism in India: Reincarnation of Ultra-Left Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century.Routledge.ISBN978-1-13523-647-2.
Verghese, A. (2016). "British Rule and Tribal Revolts in India: The curious case of Bastar".Modern Asian Studies.50 (5):1619–1644.doi:10.1017/S0026749X14000687.
Droupadi Murmu
