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Theeconomy of themuisca chiefdoms was marked by markets and autonomy of communities, as well as a system of exploitation of multiple North Andean eco-zones.[1] Politically, themuisca chiefs orcaciques had the function of redistributing an accumulated surplus of goods in a system of exchange calledtamsa, erroneously translated as "tribute".[2] Additionally, economic activity was also linked to political and religious activities associated withChibchacum, god of merchants.[3]
The Muisca economy was self-sufficient regarding the basicsupplies, thanks to the advanced technologies of the agriculture on raised terraces by the people.[citation needed] Various pathways of goods existed throughout muisca territory,[4] and markets were held in thecercados of chiefs,[5] except in the territory of the Bogotá chiefdom.[6] Chiefs participated in markets to show their prestige.[7] Trade relations with otherchibcha language-groups, like theGuane, were conducted without a muisca advantage.[8] Echange with other groups, not of the chibcha language family, was done to acquire luxury goods for chiefs, and wasn't conducted incercados.[9] Due to the absence of currency, the naming of places oftrueque as "markets" has been criticized, however.[8]
Apart from agriculture, the Muisca were well developed in the production of different crafts, using the raw materials traded with surrounding indigenous peoples. Famous are the golden andtumbaga objects made by the Muisca.[citation needed] Contrary to the writings of the colonial-era chroniclers, there was no uniform "currency" (neither so-called "tejuelos", "santillos" nor pearl necklaces), though blankets sometimes had an almost general value.[10]
Mining was important for the Muisca, who were called "The Salt People" because of their salt mines inZipaquirá,Nemocón andTausa. Like their western neighbours, theMuzo -who were called "The Emerald People"- they minedemeralds in their territories, mainly inSomondoco.Carbon was found throughout the region of the Muisca inEocene sediments and used for the fires for cooking and the production of salt and golden ornaments.[citation needed]
As the clear objective of the Spanish colonisers was to gain access to the rich mineral resources and the golden figures made by the Muisca, many primary accounts of the Muisca economy have been considered biased, misinterpreted or even outright false by later scholars.Pedro de Aguado,Pedro Simón,Juan de Castellanos,Juan de los Barrios, first conquistadorGonzalo Jiménez de Quesada and many others have written about the economy of the Muisca. Later research, in many cases nuancing or even refuting the scriptures of the early Spanish writers, has been conducted byCarl Henrik Langebaek,Marianne Cardale de Schrimpff,Sylvia Broadbent,Jorge Gamboa Mendoza,Javier Ocampo López and others.
In the times before theSpanish conquest of the Muisca, the central part of present-day Colombia; the Eastern Ranges of the ColombianAndes was inhabited by the Muisca who were organised in loose confederations ofrulers.[4] The central authorities ofBacatá in the south andHunza in the north were thezipa andzaque respectively, theiraca priest in sacred City of the SunSugamuxi, theTundama ofTundama and various other independantcaciques (chiefs). The Muisca spokemuysccubun; "language of the people".
The Muisca were polytheistic and theirreligion andmythology was closely connected with the natural area they were inhabiting. They had a thorough understanding ofastronomical parameters and developed a complexluni-solar calendar; theMuisca calendar. According to the calendar they had specific times for sowing, harvest and the organisation of festivals where theysang, danced and played music and drank their national drinkchicha in great quantities.
The Muiscamummified the most respected members of their community and the mummies were not buried, yet displayed in their enclosures and carried on their backs duringwarfare to impress their enemies.[11][12]
Theirart is the most famous remnant of their culture, as living spaces, temples and other existing structures have been destroyed by the Spanish who colonised the Muisca territories. A primary example of their fine goldworking is theMuisca raft, together with more objects made of gold,tumbaga, ceramics and cotton displayed in theMuseo del Oro inBogotá, the ancient capital of the southern Muisca.
Accounts of the Spanish conquistadores show the Muisca had a highly advanced and specialised economy based on a variety of sources of income.[citation needed] The main foundation of their economy was the agricultural development using raised terraces on the fertile plains and valleys of the Altiplano Cundiboyacense. Thecaciques did not control the production directly although surpluses were distributed among them.[13] Excavations at thearchaeological siteEl Infiernito did not provide evidence of a power structure based on economical differences.[14]Social complexity and advanced status of economies are often measured based on the specialisation in craft production. The specialised crafts form an economical advantage and sign of social prestige over competing communities. This has been theorised in the case of the Muisca economy, yet certain research restricted to the Bogotá area has found little evidence to support that thesis. Explanations for the lack of archaeological evidence on wealth differences and relations between higher social classes and wealth have been given in the form of methodological issues, ethnohistorical exaggerations by the Spanish looking for gold and sampling issues.[15]
The biased views of the Spanish on the Muisca economy and other characteristics of the Muisca society have been noted by various scholars and in recent years a re-examination of those primary accounts has been conducted, among others byJorge Gamboa Mendoza.[16][17]
All the 16th century Spanish chroniclers agree upon the trading advantage the Muisca had. One of them wasJuan de los Barrios who wrote that the Muisca men were traders (hipa in theMuisca language) and extremely able in such matters; "The Muisca were so sharp in their dealings that no other Indian could equal them in matters of such dazzling ingenuity".[18] The early Spanish writers have reported that the Muisca paid tribute to othercaciques. It has been suggested, for instance byCarl Henrik Langebaek, that those "tributes" were a misinterpretation of the Spanish. The Muisca verb "to give, to present" waszebquisca and the word for "to give" waszequasca,zemnisca orzequitusuca.[19]
The Muisca chiefs accumulated, through various means, an accumulated surplus that was not, contrary to colonial chronicler's claims, used for personal enrichment, but distributed during feasts on special occasions. This process, falsely translated as "tribute" by the Spanish authorities (in search of pre-hispanic equivalents to colonial-era tribute),[20] was calledtamsa, a word implying circulation of products from below to above and from above to below.[21] This distributing role serves to maintain the chief's prestige and legitimacy,[22] while establishing new relations.[23] Similarly, the goodsstocked in the chief's houses were mainly used for religious purposes.[24] This situation caused conflict between chiefs for prestige and legitimacy.[7]
Feasts are organized for the re-construction oof each individual's house, according to their means, but the main event of feasts, linked to the muisca agricultural calendar, was the construction of the chief's "enclosure", which can surround the entire settlement. Other occasions fortamsa were other religious ceremonies (besides ritual construction) or war.[25] This distributing function, however, was not institutionalized, and chiefs still profited from their role as temporary administrators of goods.[26] Additionally, this system wasn't reciprocal, asreciprocity was only practiced between members of the elite.[27]
Similarly to other regions ofpre-hispanic South America, muisca households exploit various eco-zones, a system named "micro-verticality" byCarl Henrik Langebaek, the same name used for Ecuador's pre-hispanic economy.[28] This system, present at the level of domestic units and chiefdoms alike, makes muisca communities autonomous in terms of access to ressources.[29] Many muisca households possess a secondary house to have autonomous access to various economic resources, by traveling relatively short distances.[30] However, Langebaek considers his claims only as a "working hypothesis".[31]
Colonial documents suggest various chiefdoms, among which that ofBogotá, had enclaves in the valley of Tena (where frosts are absent) to exploit its natural ressources.[32] However, archaeological studies conducted in the valley suggest it was largely autonomous of foreign powers.[33]
Muisca households generally possessed two houses: a permanent one and semi-permanent one, the latter (gueta) being used for agricultural purposes.[34] Irrigation was not practiced in most of the territy (except in theBogotá savanna), as the muiscas preferred dry agriculture.[35] Agriculture was the main source of income for the Muisca who were generally self-sustaining due to the fertility of the soils of the Altiplano, especially on the Bogotá savanna. The fertility originates from the lake deposits, the result of thePleistoceneLake Humboldt that existed until around 30,000 years BP and which remnants are still visible today; the various lakes andwetlands (humedales) of the Altiplano. Other prehistorical and historical lakes were present in the other valleys of the high plateau; theUbaté-Chiquinquirá Valley,Iraka Valley and theTenza Valley. When the lakes dried up, they left leveled fertile soils which were used by the Muisca to cultivate a large variety of crops, mainly maize,tubers,beans.quinoa and potatoes.[36][37] The fertility of the Bogotá savanna was enhanced by the deposition ofNeogene volcanic ashes.[38] Fruits were cultivated inSomondoco andSubachoque.[39] The highest population density was related to the richest agricultural lands, mainly on the Bogotá savanna.[40]
To ensure a subsistence economy, the Muisca irrigated their lands and varied their cultivation over different climatic zones. The geography of the area allowed for micro-ecological regions providing farmlands on the fertile plains and in higher altitude terrains such as mountain slopes. Quinoa and potatoes (Solanum tuberosum) were cultivated on the highest altitudes, maize andcoca in the temperate regions and yuca,arracacha,pineapples, tobacco and cotton in the low-lying valleys with a warmer climate.[41][42] Additionally,Cucurbita maxima,Oxalis tuberosa (oca),peppers andUllucus tuberosus were cultivated by the Muisca.[43] The surplus of the agricultural production was available for trading on the many markets throughout the Muisca territories.[37]
In the northern areas ofVélez,Surubá andHunza, the topographical variability allowed for the cultivation of cotton andyuca and latersugarcane. The dramatic variations in temperature and rainfall together with the irrigation from the riversSuárez,Chicamocha, Opón andCarare provided a sophisticated and diverse economic system.[44] Irrigation canals and raised terraces were built throughout the area, important ones inFacatativá,Chocontá,Tocancipá andTunja.[45]
The favourable climate of the lower altitude areas, such as the Valley ofTena, allowed for two maize harvests a year, while on the cooler Bogotá savanna only one harvest per year was possible.[46]
The Muisca obtained most of their meat and fish by hunting and fishing.[citation needed] The many rivers and lakes on the Altiplano provided rich resources in fish, especially the lakesFúquene andTota.[citation needed] Hunting and fishing were activities performed by the Muisca men, while theMuisca women cared for the sowing, cloth production and ceramics elaboration.[47][better source needed]Domestication ofguinea pigs started already in theHerrera Period around 500 BCE. Evidence for this has been discovered atTequendama IV among other sites.[48]
The territories of the Muisca contained rich mineral resources of various kinds.Salt was mainly extracted inZipaquirá,Nemocón andTausa with minor mining activity inSesquilé,Gámeza, andGuachetá.[49]Emeralds were mined inSomondoco,Coscuez andUbalá.[40]Carbon exploitation was executed inSugamuxi,Tópaga andGámeza. Copper mining took place inGachantivá,Moniquirá andSumapaz. Gold and silver deposits were not common in the Muisca area and mostly obtained through trade.[50][better source needed]The mining of emeralds was conducted usingcoas, long thick wooden poles. The people dug holes during the rainy seasons next to the emerald-containing rocks and the emeralds from sedimentary rocks would wash into the holes that dried up and provided the clean emeralds. Emeralds from veins inmetamorphic rocks were excavated using sharp poles.[50][better source needed]Carbon was a common resource in the Muisca territory and was found mainly in theBogotá andGuaduas Formations. The process of exploitation was similar to the emeralds, using pointed wooden sticks.[50][better source needed]
Apart from agriculture and mining, production was an important economic activity of the Muisca. Raw materials for the production of golden andtumbaga objects, cotton cloths andceramics were mostly traded with neighbouring indigenous groups, or the result of extraction within the "Muisca" territories, such as clays from the many rivers on the Altiplano.[citation needed] However, gold was mainly associated with religious offerings instead of chiefly prestige.[7]
The Muisca were notable for their ceramics production and major production was located close to rivers and lakes. The surroundings of Lake Fúquene formed a principal place for ceramics production, especially inRáquira andTinjacá. The Spanish called the people from this region "Pottery People".[51][better source needed]Other important clay and ceramic producing settlements wereSoacha,Cogua,Guatavita,Gachancipá andTocancipá on the Bogotá savanna andTutazá,Ráquira,Sutamarchán (Boyacá) andGuasca andSuesca to the north of the flat plains.[52][53]The production of pottery was the task assigned to the Muisca women who produced various ceramics such asanthropomorphic vases, cups and mugs, the typical bowls calledmúcura, pans, the large pots for salt extraction (gacha) and jars with two, four or six holds. The pots were decorated with colourful paints and stylilisedserpent or frog figures.[52][better source needed]
The primary site for goldworking wasGuatavita, close to thesacred lake which shares its name,Lake Guatavita. A range of objects was made of the precious minerals; crowns, nose rings, pectorals, earrings, diadems,tunjos (small anthropomorphic or zoomorphic offer pieces), brooches, scepters, coins (tejuelo) and tools.[47] Access to gold offerings was extremely common and notmonopolized.[54]
To produce their objects, the people used melting pots, torches and ovens. Thetumbaga was poured into heated stone moulds filled with beeswax to elaborate the desired figures. The heat would melt the wax and leave space for the gold to replace it. The advanced techniques produced highly stylilised figures.[47] Associated with religious offerings and often brought to lakes or caves, gold was not the principal object of prestige among chiefs.[7]
The weaving was performed by the women and used the cotton cultivated in the warmer climates, traded for salt or ceramics. Woodenspindles and clay rolls were used to perform the weaving of braided or tied cloths and mantles. Also nets were made of cotton. Needles were made of gold or bone. The cloths were painted black, red and other colours with clay rollers and pencils. As paint the Muisca women used indigo, woodlice (purple),saffron (gold), plants of theacanthus family andBocconia frutescens (orange) and other natural inks.[52][55]
Early chroniclerJuan de Castellanos noted that the Muisca were "more traders than fighters".[56] Trading was performed using salt, small cotton cloths and larger mantles and ceramics asbarter trade.[57] Also, colonial-era writers claimed that flat dishes made of gold were used as coins, calledtejuelo: plain round disks of 1 centimetre (0.39 in), 4 centimetres (1.6 in) or 5 centimetres (2.0 in) diameter.[57] The existence of any hypothetical "currency" has been refuted byCarl Henrik Langebaek, however.[10] Langebaek argues, still, for the existence of regular markets in muisca terrtiory, based on cololnial documentation.[8] The naming of muisca pre-hispanic "markets" by Langebaek has been critizised by Camilo Barrios, whose definition of market includes the presence of a currency, absent among the muisca.[8] To Barrios, the "markets" are simply gatherings fortrueque.[8] Similarly, Langebaek has argued for a centre-perphery relationship between the muisca and neighbouringchibchan groups,[58] while Camilo Barrios considers the Muiscas and their neigbourghs to have been generally equal in trade relations.[59]
Important markets were held in various areas of the muisca territory.[60] The largest muisca chiefdom at the moment of thearrival of the Spaniards,Bacatá, did not, however, have markets, differently from the othermuiscachiefdoms andconfederations.[6] According toPedro Simón, the Muisca held markets every eight days.[56]Sorocotá, along the Suárez River was a major market town for trade with theGuane where gold fromGirón and the Carare River area was traded for emeralds from Somondoco. Also tropical fruits that didn't grow on the high plateau in the Andes were sold here. The town ofLa Tora, present-day Barrancabermeja, was important for trade with the Caribbean coast and the major source for the highly regarded marine snail shells, elaborated with gold by theTairona.[61] Exchange with non-chibchan groups was not conducted in chiefly cercados, but in certain, agreed places.[9]
Trade with the lowland people of theLlanos Orientales happened alongtrade routes across the Eastern Ranges. The crossings over rivers were made with ropes. Products asyopo, bee wax and honey, cotton, fish and fruits were traded with the Llanos peoplesGuayupe,Achagua andTegua.[62] Also the precious colourful feathers of exotic birds, used for the Muisca crowns were traded with the Llanos, that provided animal skins such asjaguars for the hats of thecaciques as well. While archaeological evidence suggests the trade was mainly inside the Muisca terrain, the low preservation degree of certain objects may well have biased that conclusion.[63]
The cotton, important for the weaving of mantles both for clothing on the relatively cold Altiplano, came from northern and eastern regions. The northern circle of trade was centered around Sugamuxi and Tundama and the eastern trade dominated by the markets inTeusacá, Chocontá and Suesca.[53] Coca trade concentrated in the north aroundMotavita andChitagoto as well asSoatá.[17] The merchants from Paipa would travel the 80 kilometres (50 mi) from the city to Soatá to buy coca which was sold again on the market in Tunja, 100 kilometres (62 mi) to the south.[64]
At certain times according to theMuisca calendar, the people organised bigger markets during their festivities where people from farther away would come and trade their products. One of the most important of thoseferias were held close to the banks of theMagdalena River, to the west of the Muisca territories inPanche andMuzo terrains.[42] Here, gold and tropical fruits asavocadoes,guayabas,ice cream beans,star apples and various members (guanabana,chirimoya and others) of theAnnona family were obtained, traded for mantles, emeralds and salt.[65] Other big festivity markets were organised inCoyaima, on the banks of theSaldaña River and close toNeiva, area of thePijao.[61]
Soon after the arrival of the Spanish, a system ofencomenderos was installed in theNew Kingdom of Granada, as Colombia was called after 1537, where thecaciques of the Muisca settlements were forced to pay tributes to the Spanish every six months.[66] The previously self-sustaining economy was quickly transformed into intensive agriculture and mining that created a change in the landscape and culture of the Muisca.[67] The indigenous inhabitants were forced to work the farmlands and mines for the Spanish, who importedslaves from Africa in addition to the Muisca labour.[68] The European settlers used the Muisca economy, where gold was exchanged for cotton, salt, emeralds, mantles and other products to avoid paying thequinta real tax to the Spanish crown, which was based on gold. Where the first settlers required the Muisca chiefs to pay their tributes to the new reign in gold, later payments were done using the replacement products that were then changed to gold at the markets ofPamplona andMariquita.[69] In 1558, 20 years after the victory of the Spanish conquistadores over the Muisca, a letter to the Spanish crown revealed that more than 11,000 pesos were lost per year in evaded tax payments due to the system of trade via other products than gold.[70]
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Remaining of the Muisca economy in the present are the many markets throughout central Colombia,[citation needed] theemerald mining (Colombia is the most productive country worldwide of the greenberyl gemstone, producing 70–90% of their finest quality ones)[71] and the elaboration of cloths and pottery.[citation needed] Collection of Muisca economical products are displayed in the famousGold Museum in Bogotá, theArchaeology museum ofSogamoso, theColombian National Museum and other smaller museums on the Altiplano.[72]
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